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THE  HISTORY  OF  NATIONS 

HENRY  CABOT  LODGE. Ph.D.LLD.,EDITOR-IN-CHIET 


MEXICO 
CENTRAL  AMERICA 

AND 

WEST  INDIES 

Edited  from  the  work  of 


BRANTZ  MAYER 

by 

FREDERICK  ALBION  OBER 


Volume  XXII 


Illustrated 


The  H  .W.  Snow  and  Son  Company 
C  h  i   c   a   g    o 


Copyright.  1907,  by 
JOHX  D.  MORRIS  &  COMPANY 


Copyright,  1910 
THE  H.  W.  SNOW  &  SOX  COMPANY 


-mi 


THE   HISTORY   OF  NATIONS 

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF 

HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  PLD.,  L.L.D. 
Associate  Editors  and  Authors 

ARCHIBALD  HENRY  SAYCE,  LL.D.,  SIR  ROBERT  K.  DOUGLAS, 

Professor     of     Assyriology,     Oxford     Uni-  Professor  of  Chinese,  King's  College,  Lon- 

versity  don 


CHRISTOPHER  JOHNSTON,  M.D.,  Ph.D., 

Associate  Professor  of  Oriental  History  and 
Archaeology,  Johns  Hopkins  University 


C.  W.  C.  OMAN,  LL.D., 

Professor  of  History,  Oxford  University 


JEREMIAH  WHIPPLE  JENKS,  Ph.D.,  LL.D., 

Professor  of  Political  Economy  and   Pol- 
itics, Cornell  University 

KANICHI  ASAKAWA,  Ph.D., 

Instructor    in    the    History    of    Japanese 
Civilization,  Yale  University 


THEODOR  MOMMSEN, 

Late   Professor  of   Ancient    History,    Uni- 
versity of  Berlin 


ARTHUR  C.  HOWLAND,  Ph.D., 

Department  of  History,  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania 


WILFRED  HAROLD  MUNRO,  Ph.D., 

Professor    of    European    History,    Brown 
University 


G.  MERCER  ADAM, 

Historian  and  Editor 


FRED  MORROW  FLING,  Ph.D., 

Professor  of  European  History,  University 
of  Nebraska 


CHARLES  MERIVALE,  LL.D., 

Late   Dean   of   Ely,    formerly    Lecturer  in 
History,  Cambridge  University 


FRANCOIS  AUGUSTE  MARIE  MIGNET, 

Late  Member  of  the  French  Academy 


J.  HIGGINSON  CABOT,  Ph.D., 

Department  of   History,  Wellesley  College 


JAMES  WESTFALL  THOMPSON,  Ph.D., 

Department     of     History,     University    of 
Chicago 


SIR  WILLIAM  W.  HUNTER,  F.R.S., 

Late  Director-General  of  Statistics  in  India 


SAMUEL  RAWSON  GARDINER,  LL.D., 

Professor  of  Modern   History,   King's  Col- 
lege. London 


R.  W.  JOYCE,  LL.D., 
GEORGE  M.  DUTCHER,  Ph.D.,  Commissioner  for  the   Publication  of  the 

Professor  of  History,  Wesleyan  University  Ancient  Laws  of  Ireland 

vi 


ASSOCIATE  EDITORS  AND   AUTHORS-Continued 


justin  McCarthy,  ll.d.. 

Author  and  Historian 


AUGUSTUS  HUNT  SHEARER,  Ph.D.. 

Instructor    in     History,     Trinity    College 
Hartford 


W.  HAROLD  CLAFLIN,  B.A., 

Department    of     History,     Harvard     Uni- 
versity 


PAUL  LOUIS  LEGER, 

Professor  of  the   Slav  Languages,   College 
de  France 


WILLIAM  E.  LINGLEBACH,  Ph.D., 

Assistant   Professor  of  European   History, 
University  of  Pennsylvania 


BAYARD  TAYLOR, 

Former  United  States  Minister  to  Germany 


CHARLES  DANDLIKER,  LL.D., 

President  of  Zurich  University 


SIDNEY  B.  FAY,  Ph.D„ 

Professor  of  History,    Dartmouth  College 


ELBERT  JAY  BENTON,  Ph.D., 

Department  of  History,  Western  Reserve 

University 


SIR  EDWARD  S.  CREASY, 

Late  Professor  of  History,  University  Col- 
lege, London 


ARCHIBALD  CARY  COOLIDGE,  Ph.D., 

Assistant    Professor   of    History,    Harvard 
University 

WILLIAM  RICHARD  MORFILL,  M.A., 

Professor  of   Russian   and   other  Slavonic 
Languages,  Oxford  University 

CHARLES  EDMUND  FRYER,  Ph.D., 

Department  of  History,  McGill  University 

E.  C.  OTTE, 

Specialist  on  Scandinavian  History 


J.  SCOTT  KELTIE,  LL.D., 

President  Royal  Geographical  Society 


ALBERT  GALLOWAY  KELLER,  Ph.D., 

Assistant   Professor  of  the  Science  of  So- 
ciety, Yale  University 


EDWARD  JAMES  PAYNE,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  University  College,  Oxford 


PHILIP  PATTERSON  WELLS,  Ph.D., 

Lecturer  in  History  and  Librarian  of  the 
Law  School,  Yale  University 


FREDERICK  ALBION  OBER, 

Historian,  Author  and  Traveler 


JAMES  WILFORD  GARNER,  Ph.D., 

Professor  of  Political  Science,   University 
of  Illinois 


EDWARD  S.  CORWIN,  Ph.D., 

Instructor     in     History,     Princeton     Uni- 
versity 


JOHN  BACH  McMASTER,  Litt.D.,  LL.D., 

Professor  of  History,  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania 


JAMES    LAMONT    PERKINS,    Managing  Editor 


The  editors  and  publishers  desire  to  express  their  appreciation  for  valuable 
advice  and  suggestions  received  from  the  following:  Hon.  Andrew  D.  White, 
LL.D.,  Alfred  Thayer  Mahan,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Hon.  Charles  Emory  Smith, 
LL.D.,  Professor  Edward  Gaylord  Bourne,  Ph.D.,  Charles  F.  Thwing, 
LL.D.,  Dr.  Emil  Reich,  William  Elliot  Griffis,  LL.D.,  Professor  John 
Martin  Vincent,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  Melvil  Dewey,  LL.D.,  Alston  Ellis,  LL.D., 
Professor  Charles  H.  McCarthy,  Ph.D.,  Professor  Herman  V.  Ames,  Ph.D., 
Professor  Walter  L.  Fleming,  Ph.D.,  Professor  David  Y.  Thomas,  Ph.D., 
Mr.  Otto  Reich  and  Mr.  O.  M.  Dickerson. 

vii 


AUTHOR'S    PREFACE 

The  people  of  the  United  States  have  always  felt  a  deep  interest  in 
the  history  and  destiny  of  Mexico.  It  was  not  only  the  commercial 
spirit  of  our  citizens  that  awakened  this  sentiment.  In  former 
times,  when  the  exclusive  policy  of  Spain  closed  the  door  of  inter- 
course with  her  American  colonies,  the  ancient  history  of  Peru  and 
Mexico  attracted  the  curiosity  of  our  students.  They  were  eager 
to  solve  the  enigma  of  a  strange  civilization  which  had  originated 
in  the  central  portions  of  our  continent  in  isolated  independence  of 
all  the  world.  They  desired,  moreover,  to  know  something  of 
those  enchanted  regions,  which,  like  the  fabled  garden  of  the 
Hesperides,  were  watched  and  warded  with  such  jealous  vigilance; 
and  they  craved  to  behold  those  marvelous  mines  whose  boundless 
wealth  was  poured  into  the  lap  of  Spain.  The  valuable  work  of 
Baron  Humboldt,  published  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  stimulated  this  natural  curiosity:  and  when  the  revolu- 
tionary spirit  of  Europe  penetrated  our  continent,  and  the  masses 
rose  to  cast  off  colonial  bondage,  we  hailed  with  joy  every  effort  of 
the  patriots  who  fought  so  bravely  in  the  war  of  liberation.  Bound 
to  Mexico  by  geographical  ties,  though  without  a  common  lan- 
guage or  lineage,  we  were  the  first  to  welcome  her  and  the  new 
American  sovereignties  into  the  brotherhood  of  nations,  and  to 
fortify  our  continental  alliance  by  embassies  and  treaties. 

After  more  than  twenty  years  of  peaceful  intercourse  the  war 
of  1846  broke  out  between  Mexico  and  our  Union.  Thousands  of 
all  classes,  professions,  and  occupations — educated  and  uneducated, 
observers  and  idlers — poured  into  the  territory  of  the  invaded 
republic.  In  the  course  of  the  conflict  these  sturdy  adventurers 
traversed  the  central  and  northern  regions  of  Mexico,  scoured  her 
coasts,  possessed  themselves  for  many  months  of  her  beautiful 
capital,  and  although  they  returned  to  their  homes  worn  with  the 
toils  of  war,  none  ceased  to  remember  the  delicious  land  amid 
whose  sunny  valleys  and  majestic  mountains  they  had  learned  at 
least  to  admire  the  sublimity  of  nature.      The  returned  warriors 


x  PREFACE 

did  not  fail  to  report  around  their  firesides  the  marvels  they  wit- 
nessed during  their  campaigns,  and  numerous  works  have  been 
written  to  sketch  the  story  of  individual  adventure,  or  to  portray 
the  most  interesting  physical  features  of  various  sections  of  the 
republic.  Thus  by  war  and  literature,  by  ancient  curiosity  and 
political  sympathy,  by  geographical  position  and  commercial  inter- 
est, Mexico  became  perhaps  the  most  interesting  portion  of  the 
world  to  our  countrymen  at  that  time.  And  I  have  been  led  to 
believe  that  the  American  people  would  not  receive  unfavorably  a 
work  designed  to  describe  the  entire  country,  to  develop  its  resources 
and  condition,  and  to  sketch  impartially  its  history  from  the  con- 
quest to  the  present  day. 

It  has  been  no  ordinary  task  to  chronicle  the  career  of  a  nation 
for  more  than  three  centuries,  to  unveil  the  colonial  government 
of  sixty-two  viceroys,  to  follow  the  thread  of  war  and  politics 
through  the  mazes  of  revolution,  and  to  track  the  rebellious  spirit 
of  intrigue  amid  the  numerous  civil  outbreaks  which  have  occurred 
since  the  downfall  of  Iturbide.  The  complete  viceroyal  history  of 
Mexico  is  now  for  the  first  time  presented  to  the  world  in  the 
English  language,  while,  in  Spanish,  no  single  author  has  ever  at- 
tempted it  continuously.  Free  from  the  bias  of  Mexican  partisan- 
ship, I  have  endeavored  to  narrate  events  fairly,  and  to  paint  char- 
acter without  regard  to  individual  men.  In  describing  the  country, 
its  resources,  geography,  finances,  church,  agriculture,  army,  in- 
dustrial condition,  and  social  as  well  as  political  prospects,  I  have 
taken  care  to  provide  myself  with  the  most  recent  and  respectable 
authorities.  My  residence  in  the  country  and  intimacy  with  many 
of  its  educated  and  intelligent  patriots  enabled  me  to  gather  infor- 
mation in  which  I  confided,  and  I  have  endeavored  to  fuse  the 
whole  mass  of  knowledge  thus  laboriously  procured,  with  my  per- 
sonal  and,  I  hope,  unprejudiced    observation. 

Brantz  Mayer 


EDITOR'S     PREFACE 


Thirty  years  after  the  preceding  was  written,  the  editor  of 
this  volume  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  talented  predecessor. 
He  made  three  journeys  to  Mexico  and  devoted  three  years  to 
investigation  and  to  writing  out  the  results  of  his  studies  and 
observations,  which  appeared  in  1883,  in  his  "  Travels  in  Mexico 
and  Mexican  Resources." 

At  that  time  the  great  railroads  and  other  public  enterprises 
which  have  conduced  to  Mexico's  advancement  were  but  in  their 
inception,  yet  there  were  indubitable  signs  that  the  country  was 
entering  upon  a  career  of  progress  and  prosperity  which  would 
probably  find  few  parallels  in  history. 

Having  been  in  the  van  of  the  modern  "  Mexican  movement " 
which  began  with  the  first  administration  of  President  Porfirio 
Diaz,  it  affords  him  pleasure  to  quote  a  prescient  paragraph  from 
the  preface  in  his  "  Travels,"  which  events  have  verified : 

"  If,  during  the  many  months  intervening  between  the  con- 
ception of  this  volume  and  its  completion,  the  author  has  wearied 
of  his  task,  or  has  doubted  its  wisdom  or  expediency,  he  has  con- 
stantly derived  consolation  from  the  reflection  that,  in  helping  to 
make  Mexico  better  known  to  the  world  at  large,  he  is  but  lending 
his  aid  to  a  progressive  movement  which  is  not  to  end  until  the 
American  shall  have  pushed  his  engines  to  the  farthest  portions  of 
that  Greater  South,  and  a  trade  legitimate  and  prosperous  shall 
flow  in  those  longitudinal  channels  which  require  the  traversing 
of  no  broad  ocean  or  tempestuous  sea." 

That  "  progressive  movement "  has  not  ended  yet,  it  is  a  satis- 
faction to  note,  after  nearly  a  quarter  century  of  observation,  for 
the  United  States  of  the  North  and  the  United  States  of  Mexico 
are  still  together  laboring  in  the  mutually  advantageous  cause  of  an 
extended  continental  commerce.  The  prediction  has  been  fulfilled 
— American  locomotives  have  traversed  Mexico  and  are  already 
near  the  northern  frontier  of  Gautemala.     Once  the  mountains  of 


xii  PREFACE 

Central  America  have  been  overcome,  nothing  remains  to  prevent 
the  commercial  conquest  of  the  great  southern  continent.  And  in 
the  wake  of  commerce  follow  all  the  benefits  of  a  higher  civilization. 

Hackensack,  N.  J. 


CONTENTS 


HISTORY   OF   MEXICO 


CHAPTER 

I.  Discovery  and  Exploration.     1511-1519 
II.  The  Arrival  of  Cortez  among  the  Aztecs.     1519 

III.  The  March  on  Tenochititlan.     15 19     . 

IV.  The  Submission  of  Montezuma.     15 19-1520 
V.  The  Revolt  against  the  Spaniards.     1520 

VI.  The  Successes  of  Cortez.     1520 
VII.  The  Conquest  of  the  Valley.     1520-1521 
VIII.  Spanish    Defeats    and    Disaffections    of    Allies 

1521 

IX.  The  Capture  of  the  Capital.     1521 
X.  The    Triumph    of    Cortez,    and    His    Last    Year 

1522-1547      

XI.  Mexican  Monuments  and  Civilization   . . 
XII.  Condition  under  the  Colonial  System.     1521-1530 

XIII.  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  First  Viceroy  of  New  Spain 

I530-I55I      

XIV.  Velasco  and  Peralta.     1551-1568   . 
XV.  The  Growth  of  Commerce.     1568-1590 

XVI.  The  Exploration  of  the  Californias.     1590-1607 
XVII.  The  Canal  of  Huehuetoca.     1607-1896  . 
XVIII.  The  Rising  against  Gelves.     1621-1624  . 
XIX.  The  Indian  Rebellions.     1624-1696 
XX.  Settlements  in  Texas.     1696-1734  . 
XXI.  Development  of  Internal  Resources.     1734-1794 
XXII.  The  Effect  of  European  Wars  on  Colonial  De 
velopment.     1794-1809  .... 

XXIII.  Spread  of  the  Revolt  against  Foreign  Domination 

1809-1815      ....... 

XXIV.  The  Success  of  the  Popular  Cause.     181 5-1824 
XXV.  Struggles  of  the  Political  Parties.     1824-1843 


PAGE 

3 

12 
18 
25 
33 
39 


53 

66 

75 
98 

106 

116 
128 
U7 
145 
153 
161 

183 
194 

223 

247 
261 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XXVI.  Outbreak  of  the  War  with  United  States.     1843- 

1846 278 

XXVII.  Occupancy  of  New  Mexico  and  California.     1846- 

1847 ....   294 

XXVIII.  General  Scott  Takes  Command  in  Mexico.     1846- 

1847 30  r 

XXlX.  Affairs  in  the  Capital.     1846-1847         .         .         .  310 

XXX.  The  Advance  to  the  Capital.     1847       .  .  .   321 

XXXI.  The  Armistice  Before  the  Capital.     1847       •         •  351 

XXXII.  The  Fall  of  the  Capital.     1847-1848       .  .  .   359 

XXXIII.  Foreign     Intervention    and    the    Empire     under 

Maximilian.     1848-1867 381 

XXXIV.  The  Restoration  of  the  Republic  and  Reconstruc- 

tion.    1867- 1910  ......  398 

XXXV.  Commerce   and    Industry — Internal    Development 

1520-1910 413 

XXXVI.  Yucatan.     1520-1910        ......  423 


HISTORY    OF    CENTRAL   AMERICA 
The  Five  Republics.     1 522-1910       ....  429 

HISTORY   OF   THE   WEST    INDIES 

I.  Exploration  and  Settlement.     1492-1793       .         .  445 
II.  Conspiracies  and  Revolutions  in  Cuba.     1 793-1 896  451 

III.  The  American  Intervention  in  Cuba.     1896-1898  .  456 

IV.  Military  Government  in  Cuba.     1898-1902     .  .  464 
V.  The  Republic  of  Cuba  To-Day.     1902-1910     .         .  474 

VI.  Reciprocity  between  Cuba  and  the  United  States 

1902-1910      ........  482 

VII.  Hayti  and  San  Domingo.    1802-1910       .         .         .  491 

Appendix 505 

Bibliography         .         .        ,.        :.         .         .         .         .         .513 

Index        .         .         ,-..■>.■.,, 519 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Diaz  and  Juarez  (Photogravures)  .         .         .         Frontispiece 


cortez  in  the  battle  of  otumba     .... 

Hernando    Cortez        ....... 

A  Page  from  the  "  Dresden  "  Maya  Manuscript 
The   Cathedral   of   Mexico         ..... 

Drake's  Squadron  Intercepting  the  Mexican  Galleon 
The  Naval  Expedition  against  Hispaniola 
Alexander  von  Humboldt  ..... 

Zachary   Taylor  ) 

Santa  Anna         ) 

The  Castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  Vera  Cruz 

The  Castle  of  Chapultepec         ..... 

Caribbean  Sea  Pirates  Attacking  Spanish  Galleons 


FACING   PAGE 

40 

74 
82 


94 
134 
180 
228 

276 

322 
366 
414 


TEXT  MAPS 

New    Spain          .......:..  9 

The  March  of  Cortez  to  Mexico         .....  53 

Spanish   and   Portuguese  Empires.     XVIth   Century         .  120 

Early  Settlements  in   Texas     ......  190 

The   Mexican   War     ........  304 

The  Valley  of  Mexico        .         .         .         .         .         .         .  341 

Central  America        ........  440 

West    Indies        .........  461 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO 

Chapter  I 

DISCOVERY   AND    EXPLORATION.     1511-1519 

THERE  is  perhaps  no  page  in  modern  history  so  full  of 
dramatic  incidents  and  useful  consequences  as  that  which 
records  the  discovery,  conquest,  and  development  of 
America  by  the  Spanish  and  Anglo-Saxon  races.  The  extraordi- 
nary achievements  of  Columbus,  Cortez,  and  Pizarro  have  resulted 
in  the  acquisition  of  broad  lands,  immense  wealth,  and  rational 
liberty;  and  the  names  of  these  heroes  are  thus  indissolubly  con- 
nected with  the  physical  and  intellectual  progress  of  mankind. 

In  the  following  pages  we  propose  to  write  the  history  and 
depict  the  manners,  customs,  and  condition  of  Mexico.  Our  narra- 
tive begins  with  the  first  movements  that  were  made  for  the  con- 
quest of  the  country ;  yet  we  shall  recount,  fully  and  accurately,  the 
story  of  those  Indian  princes — the  splendor  of  whose  courts,  and 
the  misery  of  whose  tragic  doom,  enhance  the  picturesque  grandeur 
and  solemn  lessons  that  are  exhibited  in  the  career  of  Hernando 
Cortez. 

Cuba  was  the  second  island  discovered,  in  the  West  Indies; 
but  it  was  not  until  151 1  that  Diego,  son  of  the  gallant  admiral, 
Christopher  Columbus,  who  had  hitherto  maintained  the  seat  of 
government  in  Hispaniola,  resolved  to  occupy  the  adjacent  Isle  of 
Fernandina — as  it  was  then  called — amid  whose  virgin  mountains 
and  forests  he  hoped  to  find  new  mines  to  repair  the  loss  of  those 
which  were  rapidly  failing  in  Hispaniola. 

For  the  conquest  of  this  imagined  El  Dorado  he  prepared  a 
small  armament,  under  the  command  of  Diego  Velasquez,  an 
ambitious  and  covetous  leader  who,  together  with  his  lieutenant, 
Narvaez,  soon  established  the  Spanish  authority  in  the  island,  of 
which  he  was  appointed  governor. 

Christopher  Columbus,  after  coasting  the  shores  of  Cuba  for 
a  great  distance,  had  always  believed  that  it  constituted  a  portion 
of  the  continent,  but  it  was  soon  discovered  that  the  illustrious 


4  MEXICO 

1511-1519 

admiral  had  been  in  error,  and  that  Cuba,  extensive  as  it  appeared 
to  be,  was,  in  fact,  only  an  island. 

In  February,  15 17,  a  Spanish  hidalgo,  Hernandez  de  Cor- 
dova, set  sail  from  Cuba  with  three  vessels  toward  the  adjacent 
Bahamas  in  search  of  slaves.  He  was  driven  by  a  succession  of 
severe  storms  on  coasts  which  had  hitherto  been  unknown  to  the 
Spanish  adventurers,  and  finally  landed  on  that  part  of  the  continent 
which  forms  the  northeastern  end  of  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  and 
is  known  as  Cape  Catoche.  Here  he  first  discovered  the  evidence 
of  a  more  liberal  civilization  than  had  been  hitherto  known  among 
his  adventurous  countrymen  in  the  New  World.  Large  and  solid 
buildings  of  stone,  cultivated  fields,  delicate  fabrics  of  cotton  and 
precious  metals  indicated  the  presence  of  a  race  that  had  long 
since  emerged  from  the  semi-barbarism  of  the  Indian  isles.  The 
bold  but  accidental  explorer  continued  his  voyage  along  the  coast 
of  the  peninsula  until  he  reached  the  site  of  Campeche;  and  then, 
after  an  absence  of  seven  months  and  severe  losses  among  his  men. 
returned  to  Cuba,  with  but  half  the  number  of  his  reckless  com- 
panions. He  brought  back  with  him,  however,  numerous  evidences 
of  the  wealth  and  progress  of  the  people  he  had  fortuitously  dis- 
covered on  the  American  main;  but  he  soon  died  from  wounds 
received  at  Champoton,  and  left  to  others  the  task  of  completing 
the  enterprise  he  had  so  auspiciously  begun. 

The  fruits  of  his  discoveries  remained  to  be  gathered  by 
Velasquez,  who  at  once  equipped  four  vessels  and  intrusted  them 
to  the  command  of  his  nephew,  Juan  de  Grijalva,  and  May  1, 
1 5 18,  this  new  commander  left  the  port  of  St.  Jago  de  Cuba,  now 
commonly  called  Santiago  de  Cuba.  The  first  land  he  touched  on 
his  voyage  of  discovery  was  the  Island  of  Cozumel,  whence  he 
passed  to  the  continent,  glancing  at  the  spots  that  had  been  pre- 
viously visited  by  Cordova.  So  struck  was  he  by  the  architecture, 
the  improved  agriculture,  the  civilized  tastes,  the  friendly  char- 
acter and  demeanor  of  the  inhabitants,  and  especially  by  the  sight 
of  "  large  stone  crosses,  evidently  objects  of  worship,"  that,  in  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  moment,  he  gave  to  the  land  the  name  of  Nueva 
Espaiia — or  New  Spain — a  title  which  has  since  been  extended 
from  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan  to  even  more  than  the  entire  empire 
of  Montezuma  and  the  Aztecs. 

Grijalva  did  not  content  himself  with  a  mere  casual  visit  to 
the  continent,  but  pursued  his  course  along  the  coast,  stopping  at 


EXP  L  0  K  A  T  ION  5 

1511-1519 

the  Rio  de  Tabasco.  While  at  Rio  de  Vanderas  he  enjoyed  the 
first  intercourse  that  ever  took  place  between  the  Spaniards  and 
Mexicans.  The  cacique  of  the  province  sought  from  the  strangers 
a  full  account  of  their  distant  country  and  the  motives  of  their  visit, 
in  order  that  he  might  convey  the  intelligence  to  his  Aztec  master. 
Presents  were  interchanged,  and  Grijalva  received,  in  return  for 
his  toys  and  tinsel,  a  mass  of  jewels,  together  with  ornaments  and 
vessels  of  gold,  which  satisfied  the  adventurers  that  they  had 
reached  a  country  whose  resources  would  repay  them  for  the  toil 
of  further  exploration.  Accordingly  he  dispatched  to  Cuba  with 
the  joyous  news  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  one  of  his  captains — a  man 
who  was  destined  to  play  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  future  con- 
quest— while  he,  with  the  remainder  of  his  companies,  continued 
his  coasting  voyage  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  the  Island  of  Sacrificios, 
and  the  northern  shores,  until  he  reached  the  province  of  Panuco ; 
whence,  after  an  absence  of  six  months,  he  set  sail  for  Cuba,  having 
been  the  first  Spanish  adventurer  who  trod  the  soil  of  Mexico. 

But  his  return  was  not  hailed  even  with  gratitude.  The  florid 
reports  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado  had  already  inflamed  the  ambition 
and  avarice  of  Velasquez,  who,  impatient  of  the  prolonged  absence 
of  Grijalva,  had  dispatched  a  vessel  under  the  command  of  Cristo- 
val  de  Olid  in  search  of  his  tardy  officer.  Nor  was  he  content  with 
this  jealous  exhibition  of  his  temper;  for,  anxious  to  secure  to  him- 
self all  the  glory  and  treasure  to  be  derived  from  the  boundless 
resources  of  a  continent,  he  solicited  authority  from  the  Spanish 
crown  to  prosecute  the  adventures  that  had  been  so  auspiciously 
begun ;  and  in  the  meantime,  after  considerable  deliberation,  re- 
solved to  fit  out  another  armament  on  a  scale  in  some  degree  com- 
mensurate with  the  military  subjugation  of  the  country  should  he 
find  himself  opposed  by  its  sovereign  and  people.  After  consider- 
able doubt,  difficulty,  and  delay  he  resolved  to  intrust  this  expe- 
dition to  the  command  of  Hernando  Cortez ;  "  the  last  man,"  says 
Prescott,  "  to  whom  Velasquez — could  he  have  foreseen  the 
results — would  have  confided  the  enterprise." 

It  will  not  be  foreign  to  our  purpose  to  sketch,  briefly,  the  pre- 
vious life  of  a  man  who  subsequently  became  so  eminent  in  the 
history  of  both  worlds.  Seven  years  before  Columbus  planted  the 
standard  of  Castile  and  Aragon  in  the  West  Indies,  Hernando 
Cortez  was  born,  of  noble  lineage,  in  the  town  of  Medellirt,  prov- 
ince of  Estremadura,  Spain.     His  infancy  was  frail  and  delicate, 


6  MEXICO 

1511-1519 

but  his  constitution  strengthened  as  he  grew,  until  at  the  age  of 
fourteen  he  was  placed  in  the  venerable  University  of  Salamanca, 
where  his  parents,  who  rejoiced  in  the  extreme  vivacity  of  his 
talents,  designed  to  prepare  him  for  the  profession  of  law,  the 
emoluments  of  which  were  at  that  period  most  tempting  in  Spain. 
But  the  restless  spirit  of  the  future  conqueror  was  not  to  be 
manacled  by  the  musty  ritual  of  a  tedious  science  whose  pursuit 
would  confine  him  to  a  quiet  life.  He  wasted  two  years  at  the 
college,  and,  like  many  men  who  subsequently  became  renowned 
either  for  thought  or  action,  was  finally  sent  home  in  disgrace. 
Nevertheless,  in  the  midst  of  his  recklessness,  and  by  the  quickness 
of  his  genius,  he  had  learned  "a  little  store  of  Latin,"  and  acquired 
the  habit  of  writing  good  prose,  or  of  versifying  agreeably.  His 
father,  Don  Martin  Cortez  de  Monroy,  and  his  mother,  Dona 
Catalina  Pizarro  Altamirano,  seem  to  have  been  accomplished 
people;  nor  is  it  improbable  that  the  greater  part  of  their  son's 
information  was  obtained  under  the  influence  of  the  domestic 
circle. 

At  college  he  was  free  from  all  restraint — giving  himself 
up  to  the  spirit  of  adventure,  the  pursuit  of  pleasure,  and  convivial 
intercourse — so  that  no  hope  was  entertained  of  his  further  im- 
provement from  scholastic  studies.  His  worthy  parents  were, 
moreover,  people  of  limited  fortune,  and  unable  to  prolong  these 
agreeable  but  profitless  pursuits.  Accordingly  when  Cortez  at- 
tained the  age  of  seventeen  they  yielded  to  his  proposal  to  enlist 
under  the  banner  of  Gonsalvo  of  Cordova,  and  to  devote  himself, 
heart  and  soul,  to  the  military  life,  which  seemed  most  suitable 
for  one  of  his  wild,  adventurous,  and  resolute  disposition.  It  was 
well  for  Spain  and  for  himself  that  the  chivalric  wish  of  Cortez 
was  not  thwarted,  and  that  one  of  the  ablest  soldiers  produced  by 
Castile  at  that  period  was  not  dwarfed  by  parental  control  into  a 
bad  lawyer  or  pestilent  pettifogger. 

The  attention  of  Cortez  was  soon  directed  toward  the  New 
World — the  stories  of  whose  wealth  had  now  for  upwards  of 
twenty  years  been  pouring  into  the  greedy  ear  of  Spain — and  he 
speedily  determined  to  embark  in  the  armament  which  Nicolas  de 
Ovando,  a  successor  of  Columbus,  was  fitting  out  for  the  West 
Indies.  This  design  was  frustrated,  however,  for  two  years  longer, 
by  an  accident  which  occurred  in  one  of  his  amours;  nor  did 
another  opportunity  present  itself,  until  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  in 


EXPLORATIONS  7 

1511-1519 

1504,  he  bade  adieu  to  Spain  in  a  small  squadron  bound  to  the 
islands. 

As  soon  as  Cortez  reached  Hispaniola  he  visited  the  governor, 
whom  he  had  formerly  known  at  home.  Ovando  was  absent,  but 
his  secretary  received  the  emigrant  kindly,  and  assured  him  a 
liberal  grant  of  land.  "  I  come  for  gold,'  replied  Cortez  sneer- 
ingly,  "  and  not  to  toil  like  a  peasant !  "  Ovando,  however,  was 
more  fortunate  than  the  secretary  in  prevailing  upon  the  future 
conqueror  to  forego  the  lottery  of  adventure,  for  no  sooner  had 
he  returned  to  his  post  than  Cortez  was  persuaded  to  accept  a  grant 
of  land,  a  repartimiento  of  Indians,  and  the  office  of  notary  in  the 
village  of  Acua.  Here  he  seems  to  have  dwelt  until  151 1,  varying 
the  routine  of  notarial  and  agricultural  pursuits  by  an  occasional 
adventure  of  an  amorous  character,  which  involved  him  in  duels. 
Sometimes  he  took  part  in  the  military  expeditions  under  Diego 
Velasquez  for  the  suppression  of  Indian  insurrections  in  the  in- 
terior. This  was  the  school  in  which  he  learned  his  tactics,  and 
here  did  he  study  the  native  character  until  he  joined  Velasquez 
for  the  conquest  of  Cuba. 

As  soon  as  this  famous  island  was  reduced  to  Spanish  author- 
ity Cortez  became  high  in  favor  with  Velasquez,  who  had  received 
the  commission  of  governor.  But  love,  intrigues,  jealousy,  and 
ambition  quickly  began  to  checker  the  course  of  his  wayward  life, 
and  estranged  him  from  the  new  governor,  who  found  it  difficult 
to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  those  rapacious  adventurers  who  flocked 
in  crowds  to  the  New  World,  and  in  all  probability  clustered 
around  Cortez  as  the  nucleus  of  discontent.  It  was  soon  resolved 
by  these  men  to  submit  their  complaints  against  Velasquez  to  the 
higher  authorities  in  Hispaniola,  and  the  daring  Cortez  was  fixed 
on  as  the  bearer  of  the  message  in  an  open  boat,  across  the  eighteen 
intervening  leagues.  But  the  conspiracy  was  detected,  the  rash 
ambassador  confined  in  chains,  and  only  saved  from  hanging  by 
the  interposition  of  powerful  friends. 

Cortez  speedily  contrived  to  relieve  himself  of  the  fetters  with 
which  he  was  bound,  and,  forcing  a  window,  escaped  from  his 
prison  to  the  sanctuary  of  a  neighboring  church.  A  few  days  after, 
however,  he  was  seized  while  standing  carelessly  in  front  of  the 
sacred  edifice,  and  conveyed  on  board  a  vessel  bound  for  His- 
paniola, where  he  was  to  be  tried.  But  his  intrepidity  and  skill  did 
not  forsake  him  even  in  this  strait.     Ascending  cautiously  from 


8  MEXICO 

1511-1519 

the  vessel's  hold  to  the  deck,  he  dropped  into  a  boat,  pulled  ashore, 
and,  landing  on  the  sands,  sought  again  the  sanctuary  whence  he 
had  been  rudely  snatched  by  the  myrmidons  of  the  governor. 

One  of  the  causes  of  his  quarrel  with  Velasquez  had  been  an 
intrigue  with  a  beautiful  woman,  in  whose  family  the  governor 
was,  perhaps,  personally  interested.  The  fickle  Cortez  cruelly 
abandoned  the  fair  Catalina  Xuares  at  a  most  inauspicious  moment 
of  her  fate,  and  was  condemned  for  his  conduct  by  all  the  best 
people  in  the  island :  but  now,  under  the  influence  of  penitence  or 
policy,  his  feelings  suddenly  experienced  a  strange  revulsion.  He 
expressed  a  contrite  desire  to  do  justice  to  the  injured  woman  by 
marriage,  and  thus  at  once  obtained  the  favor  of  her  family  and 
the  pardon  of  the  governor,  who,  becoming  permanently  reconciled 
to  Cortez,  presented  him  a  liberal  repartimiento  of  Indians,  to- 
gether with  broad  lands  in  the  neighborhood  of  St.  Jago,  of  which 
he  was  soon  made  alcalde. 

The  future  conqueror  devoted  himself  henceforth  to  his  duties 
with  remarkable  assiduity.  Agriculture,  the  introduction  of  cattle 
of  the  best  breeds,  and  the  revenues  of  a  share  of  the  mines  which 
he  wrought  soon  began  to  enrich  the  restless  adventurer  who  had 
settled  down  for  a  while  into  the  quiet  life  of  a  married  man.  His 
wife  fulfilled  her  share  of  the  cares  of  life  with  remarkable  fidelity, 
and  seems  to  have  contented  the  heart  even  of  her  liege  lord,  who 
declared  himself  as  happy  with  his  bride  as  if  she  had  been  the 
daughter  of  a  duchess. 

At  this  juncture  Alvarado  returned  with  the  account  of  the 
discoveries,  the  wealth,  and  the  golden  prospects  of  continental 
adventure,  which  we  have  already  narrated.  Cortez  and  Velasquez 
were  alike  fired  by  the  alluring  story.  The  old  flame  of  enterprise 
was  rekindled  in  the  breast  of  the  wild  youth  of  Medellin,  and  when 
the  governor  looked  around  for  one  who  could  command  the 
projected  expedition  he  found  none,  among  the  hosts  who  pressed 
for  service,  better  fitted  for  the  enterprise  by  personal  qualities  and 
fortune  than  Hernando  Cortez,  whom  he  named  captain-general 
of  his  armada. 

The  high  office  and  the  important  task  imposed  on  him  seem 
to  have  sobered  the  excitable,  and  heretofore  fickle,  mind  of  Cortez. 
His  ardent  animal  spirits,  under  the  influence  of  a  bold  and  lofty 
purpose,  became  the  servants  rather  than  the  masters  of  his  in- 
domitable will,  and  he  at  once  proceeded  to  arrange  all  the  details 


EXPLORATION  9 

1511-1519 

of  the  expedition  which  he  was  to  lead  to  Mexico.  The  means 
that  he  did  not  already  possess  in  his  own  coffers  he  raised  by 
mortgage,  and  he  applied  the  funds  thus  obtained  to  the  purchase 
of  vessels,  rations,  and  military  stores,  or  to  the  furnishing  of  ade- 
quate equipments  for  adventurers  who  were  too  poor  to  provide 
their  own  outfit.  It  is  somewhat  doubtful  whether  Velasquez,  the 
governor,  was  very  liberal  in  his  personal  and  pecuniary  contri- 
butions to  this  expedition,  the  cost  of  which  amounted  to  about 
twenty  thousand  gold  ducats.1.   It  has  been  alleged  that  Cortez  was 


Mew  spain  ^m 


the  chief  support  of  the  adventure,  and  it  is  certain  that  in  later 
years  this  question  resulted  in  bitter  litigation  between  the  parties. 

Six  ships  and  three  hundred  followers  were  soon  prepared  for 
the  enterprise  under  Cortez,  and  the  governor  proceeded  to  give 
instructions  to  the  leader,  all  of  which  are  couched  in  language  of 
unquestionable  liberality. 

The  captain  of  the  armada  was  first  to  seek  the  missing 
Grijalva,  after  which  the  two  commanders  were  to  unite  in  their 
quest  of  gold  and  adventure.  Six  Christians  supposed  to  be  linger- 
ing in  captivity  in  Yucatan  were  to  be  sought  and  released.    Barter 

1  The  value  of  the  ducat  varies  but  little,  the  coin  usually  containing  from 
3.42  to  3.44  grains  of  fine  gold,  worth  from  $2.27  to  $2.32. 


10  MEXICO 

1511-1519 

and  traffic,  generally,  with  the  natives  were  to  be  encouraged  and 
carried  on  so  as  to  avoid  all  offense  against  humanity  or  kindness. 
The  Indians  were  to  be  Christianized — for  the  conversion  of 
heathens  was  one  of  the  dearest  objects  of  the  Spanish  king.  The 
aborigines,  in  turn,  were  to  manifest  their  good  will  by  gifts  of 
jewels  and  treasure.  The  coasts  and  adjacent  streams  were  to  be 
surveyed,  and  the  productions  of  the  country,  its  races,  civilization, 
and  institutions,  were  to  be  noted  with  minute  accuracy,  so  that  a 
faithful  report  might  be  returned  to  the  crown,  to  whose  honor  and 
the  service  of  God  it  was  hoped  the  enterprise  would  certainly 
redound. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  in  the  port  of  St.  Jago  when 
jealous  fears  began  to  interrupt  the  confidence  between  Velasquez 
and  Cortez.  The  counsel  of  friends  who  were  companions  of  the 
governor,  and  his  own  notice  of  that  personage's  altered  conduct, 
soon  put  the  new  captain-general  of  the  armada  on  his  guard. 
Neither  his  equipment  nor  his  crew  was  yet  complete ;  nevertheless 
he  supplied  his  fleet  with  all  the  provisions  he  could  hastily  obtain 
at  midnight,  and,  paying  the  provider  with  a  massive  chain  which 
he  had  worn  about  his  neck — the  last  available  remnant,  perhaps, 
of  his  fortune — he  hastened  with  his  officers  on  board  the  vessels. 

November  18,  1518,  he  made  sail  for  the  port  of  Macaca, 
about  fifteen  leagues  distant,  and  thence  he  proceeded  to  Trinidad, 
on  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba.  Here  he  obtained  stores  from  the 
royal  farms,  while  he  recruited  his  forces  from  all  classes,  but 
especially  from  the  returned  troops  and  sailors  of  Grijalva's  expe- 
dition. Pedro  de  Alvarado  and  his  brothers,  Cristoval  de  Olid, 
Alonzo  de  Avila,  Juan  Velasquez  de  Leon,  Hernandez  de  Puerto 
Carrero,  and  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  united  their  fortunes  to  his, 
and  thus  identified  themselves  forever  with  the  conquest  of  Mex- 
ico. He  added  considerably  to  his  stock  by  the  seizure  of  several 
vessels  and  cargoes;  and  prudently  got  rid  of  Diego  de  Ordaz, 
whom  he  regarded  as  a  spy  of  the  estranged  Velasquez. 

At  Trinidad  Cortez  was  overtaken  by  orders  for  detention 
from  his  former  friend  and  patron.  These  commands,  however, 
were  not  enforced  by  the  cautious  official  who  received  them,  and 
Cortez  forthwith  dispatched  Alvarado  by  land  to  Havana,  while 
he  prepared  to  follow  with  his  fleet  around  the  coast  and  western 
part  of  the  island.  At  Havana  he  again  added  to  his  forces,  pre- 
pared arms  and  quilted  armor    as    a    defense    against  the  Indian 


EXPLORATION  11 

1511-1519 

arrows,  and  distributed  his  men  into  eleven  companies  under  the 
command  of  experienced  officers.  But  before  all  his  arrangements 
were  completed  the  commander  of  the  place,  Don  Pedro  Barba, 
was  ordered,  by  express  from  Velasquez,  to  arrest  Cortez,  while 
the  captain-general  of  the  armada  himself  received  a  hypocritical 
letter  from  the  same  personage,  "  requesting  him  to  delay  his 
voyage  till  the  governor  could  communicate  with  him  in  person !  " 
Barba,  however,  knew  that  the  attempt  to  seize  the  leader  of  such 
an  enterprise  and  of  such  a  band  would  be  vain;  while  Cortez,  in 
reply  to  Velasquez,  implored  his  Excellency  to  rely  on  his  bound- 
less devotion  to  the  interests  of  his  governor;  but  assured  him, 
nevertheless,  that  he  and  his  fleet,  by  divine  permission,  would  sail 
on  the  following  day! 

Accordingly,  February  18,  15 19,  the  little  squadron  weighed 
anchor,  with  one  hundred  and  ten  mariners,  sixteen  horses,  five 
hundred  and  fifty-three  soldiers,  including  thirty-two  crossbowmen 
and  thirteen  arquebusiers,  besides  two  hundred  Indians  of  the 
island  and  a  few  native  women  for  menial  offices.  The  ordnance 
consisted  of  ten  heavy  guns,  four  lighter  pieces  or  falconets, 
together  with  a  good  supply  of  ammunition. 

With  this  insignificant  command  and  paltry  equipment  Her- 
nado  Cortez,  at  the  age  of  thirty-three,  set  sail  for  the  conquest  of 
Mexico.  He  invoked  on  his  enterprise  the  blessing  of  his  patron, 
Saint  Peter,  and,  addressing  his  followers  in  the  language  of  en- 
couragement and  resolution,  he  unfurled  a  velvet  banner  on  which 
was  emblazoned  the  figure  of  a  crimson  cross  amid  flames  of  blue 
and  white,  and  pointed  to  the  motto  which  was  to  be  the  presage 
of  victory :  "  Friends,  let  us  follow  the  Cross :  and  under  this  sign, 
if  we  have  faith,  we  shall  conquer ! " 


Chapter    II 

THE   ARRIVAL    OF   CORTEZ   AMONG   THE   AZTECS 

1519 

SOON  after  the  adventurers  departed  from  the  coast  of  Cuba 
the  weather,  which  had  been  hitherto  fine,  suddenly 
changed,  and  one  of  those  violent  hurricanes  which  ravage 
the  Indian  isles  during  the  warm  season  scattered  and  dismantled 
the  small  squadron,  sweeping  it  far  to  the  south  of  its  original  desti- 
nation. Cortez  was 'the  last  to  reach  the  Island  of  Cozumel,  having 
been  forced  to  linger  in  order  to  watch  for  the  safety  of  one  of  his 
battered  craft.  But  immediately  on  landing  he  was  pained  to  learn 
that  the  impetuous  Pedro  de  Alvarado  had  rashly  entered  the 
temples,  despoiled  them  of  their  ornaments,  and  terrified  the 
natives  into  promiscuous  flight.  He  immediately  devoted  himself 
to  the  task  of  obliterating  this  stain  on  Spanish  humanity  by  re- 
leasing two  of  the  captives  taken  by  Alvarado.  Through  an 
interpreter  he  satisfied  them  of  the  pacific  purpose  of  his  voyage, 
and  dispatched  them  to  their  homes  with  valuable  gifts.  This 
humane  policy  appears  to  have  succeeded  with  the  natives,  who 
speedily  returned  from  the  interior  and  commenced  a  brisk  traffic 
of  gold  for  trinkets. 

The  chief  objection  of  Cortez  to  the  headlong  destruction 
which  Alvarado  had  committed  in  the  temples  seems  rather  to  have 
been  against  the  robbery  than  the  religious  motive,  if  such  existed 
in  the  breast  of  his  impetuous  companion.  We  have  already  said 
that  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  was  one  of  the  alleged  primary 
objects  of  this  expedition,  for  the  instructions  of  the  governor  of 
Cuba  were  full  of  zeal  for  the  spread  of  Christianity;  yet  in  the 
diffusion  of  this  novel  creed  among  the  aborigines  it  sometimes 
happened  that  its  •military  propagandists  regarded  the  sword  as 
more  powerful  than  the  sermon.  The  idolatrous  practices  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Cozumel  shocked  the  sensibility  of  the  commander, 
and  he  set  about  the  work  of  Christianization  through  the  labors 
of  the  licentiate  Juan  Diaz  and  Bartolome  de  Olmedo,  the  latter 
of  whom — who  remained  with  the  army  during  the  whole  expe- 
ls 


ARRIVAL     OF     CORTEZ  13 

1519 

dition — was,  indeed,  a  mirror  of  zeal  and  charity.  The  discourses 
of  these  worthy  priests  were,  however,  unavailing.  The  Indians, 
who  of  course  could  not  comprehend  their  eloquent  exhortations 
or  pious  logic,  refused  to  abandon  their  idols,  and  Cortez  resolved 
at  once  to  convince  them,  by  palpable  arguments,  of  the  inefficiency 
of  those  hideous  emblems  either  to  save  themselves  from  destruc- 
tion or  to  bestow  blessings  on  the  blind  adorers.  An  order  was 
therefore  forthwith  given  for  the  immediate  destruction  of  the 
Indian  images;  and  in  their  place  the  Virgin  and  her  Son  were 
erected  on  a  hastily  constructed  altar.  Olmedo  and  his  companion 
were  thus  the  first  to  offer  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass  in  New  Spain, 
where  they  finally  induced  numbers  of  the  aborigines  to  renounce 
idolatry  and  embrace  the  Catholic  faith. 

In  spite  of  this  marauding  crusade  against  their  property  and 
creed,  the  Indians  kindly  furnished  the  fleet  with  provisions,  which 
enabled  the  squadron  to  sail  in  the  ensuing  March.  But  a  leak  in 
one  of  the  vessels  compelled  the  adventurers  to  return  to  port — a 
circumstance  which  was  regarded  by  many  as  providential — inas- 
much as  it  was  the  means  of  restoring  to  his  countryman  a 
Spaniard  named  Aguilar,  who  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  of 
Yucatan  eight  years  before.  The  long  residence  of  this  person  in 
the  country  made  him  familiar  with  the  language  of  the  inhabitants 
of  that  neighborhood,  and  thus  a  valuable  interpreter — one  of  its 
most  pressing  wants — was  added  to  the  expedition. 

After  the  vessels  were  refitted  Cortez  coasted  the  shores  of 
Yucatan  until  he  reached  the  Rio  de  Tabasco  or  Grijalva,  where 
he  encountered  the  first  serious  opposition  to  the  Spanish  arms.  He 
had  a  severe  conflict,  in  the  vicinity  of  his  landing,  with  a  large 
force  of  the  natives;  but  the  valor  of  his  men,  the  terror  inspired 
by  firearms,  and  the  singular  spectacle  presented  to  the  astonished 
Indians  by  the  extraordinary  appearance  of  cavalry  soon  turned 
the  tide  of  victory  in  his  favor.  The  subdued  tribes  appeased  his 
anger  by  valuable  gifts,  and  forthwith  established  friendly  rela- 
tions with  their  dreaded  conqueror.  Among  the  presents  offered 
upon  this  occasion  by  the  vanquished  were  twenty  female  slaves; 
and  after  one  of  the  holy  fathers  had  attempted,  as  usual,  to  im- 
press the  truths  of  Christianity  upon  the  natives,  and  had  closed 
the  ceremonies  of  the  day  by  a  pompous  procession,  with  all  the 
impressive  ceremonial  of  the  Roman  Church,  the  fleet  again  sailed 
toward  the  empire  Cortez  was  destined  to  penetrate  and  subdue. 


14  MEXICO 

1519 

In  Passion  Week  of  the  year  15 19  the  squadron  dropped 
anchor  under  the  lee  of  the  island  or  reef  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua.  The 
natives  immediately  boarded  the  vessel  of  the  captain-general ;  but 
their  language  was  altogether  different  from  that  of  the  Mayan 
dialects  spoken  in  Yucatan  and  its  immediate  dependencies.  In 
this  emergency  Cortez  learned  that  among  the  twenty  female  slaves 
who  had  been  recently  presented  him  there  was  one  who  knew  the 
Mexican  language,  and,  in  fact,  that  she  was  an  Aztec  by  birth. 
This  was  the  celebrated  Marina  or  Mariana,  who  accompanied  the 
conqueror  throughout  his  subsequent  adventures  and  was  so  useful 
as  a  sagacious  friend  and  discreet  interpreter.  Acquainted  with 
the  languages  of  her  native  land  and  of  the  Yucatecos,  she  found 
it  easy  to  translate  the  idiom  of  the  Aztecs  into  the  Mayan  dialect 
which  Aguilar,  the  Spaniard,  had  learned  during  his  captivity. 
Through  this  medium  Cortez  was  apprised  that  these  Mexicans  or 
Aztecs  were  the  subjects  of  a  powerful  sovereign  who  ruled  an 
empire  bounded  by  two  seas,  and  that  his  name  was  Montezuma. 

On  April  21  the  captain-general  landed  on  the  sandy  and 
desolate  beach  whereon  is  now  built  the  modern  city  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Within  a  few  days  the  native  governor  of  the  province  arrived  to 
greet  him,  and  expressed  great  anxiety  to  learn  whence  the  "  fair 
and  bearded  strangers"  had  come?  Cortez  told  him  that  he  was 
the  subject  of  a  mighty  monarch  beyond  the  sea  who  ruled  over 
an  immense  empire  and  had  kings  and  princes  for  his  vassals;  that, 
acquainted  with  the  greatness  of  the  Mexican  emperor,  his  master 
desired  to  enter  into  communication  with  so  great  a  personage, 
and  had  sent  him,  as  an  envoy,  to  wait  on  Montezuma  with  a  pres- 
ent in  token  of  his  good  will,  and  a  friendly  message  which  he 
must  deliver  in  person.  The  Indian  governor  expressed  surprise 
that  there  was  another  king  as  great  as  his  master,  yet  assured 
Cortez  that  as  soon  as  he  learned  Montezuma's  determination  he 
would  again  converse  with  him  on  the  subject.  Teuhtle  then 
presented  the  captain-general  with  ten  loads  of  fine  cottons,  mantles 
of  curious  feather  work,  beautifully  dyed,  and  baskets  filled  with 
golden  ornaments.  Cortez,  in  turn,  produced  the  gifts  for  the 
emperor,  which  were  comparatively  insignificant;  but  when  the 
Aztec  governor  desired  to  receive  the  glittering  helmet  of  one  of 
the  men  it  was  readily  given  as  an  offering  to  the  emperor,  with 
the  significant  request  that  it  might  be  returned  filled  with  gold, 
which  Cortez  told  him  was  a  specific  remedy  for  a  disease  of  the 


ARRIVAL     OF     CORTEZ  15 

1519 

heart  with  which  his  countrymen,  the  Spaniards,  were  sorely 
afflicted ! 

During  this  interview  between  the  functionaries  it  was  noticed 
by  the  adventurers  that  men  were  eagerly  employed  among  the 
Indians  in  sketching  everything  they  beheld  in  the  ranks  of  the 
strangers — for  by  this  picture-writing  the  Mexican  monarch  was 
to  be  apprised  in  accurate  detail  of  the  men,  horses,  ships,  armor, 
force,  and  weapons  of  this  motley  band  of  invaders. 

These  pictorial  missives  were  swiftly  borne  by  the  Mexican 
couriers  to  the  Aztec  capital  among  the  mountains,  and,  together 
with  the  oral  account  of  the  landing  of  Cortez  and  his  demand  for 
an  interview,  were  laid  before  the  imperial  court.  It  may  well  be 
imagined  that  the  extraordinary  advent  of  the  captain-general  and 
his  squadron  was  productive  of  no  small  degree  of  excitement  and 
even  tremor  among  this  primitive  people;  for  not  only  were  they 
unnerved  by  the  dread  which  all  secluded  races  feel  for  innovation, 
but  an  ancient  prophecy  had  foretold  the  downfall  of  the  empire 
through  the  instrumentality  of  beings,  who,  like  these  adventurers, 
were  to  "  come  from  the  rising  sun."  Montezuma,  who  was  then 
on  the  throne,  had  been  elected  to  that  dignity  in  1502  in  prefer- 
ence to  his  brothers,  in  consequence  of  his  superior  qualifications 
as  a  soldier  and  a  priest.  His  reign  commenced  energetically ;  and 
while  he  at  first  administered  the  interior  affairs  of  his  realm  with 
justice,  capacity,  and  moderation,  his  hand  fell  heavily  on  all  who 
dared  to  raise  their  arms  against  his  people.  But  as  he  waxed 
older  and  firmer  in  power,  and  as  his  empire  extended,  he  began 
to  exhibit  those  selfish  traits  which  so  often  characterize  men  who 
possess  for  a  length  of  time  supreme  power  untrammeled  by  con- 
stitutional restraints.  His  court  was  sumptuous,  and  his  people 
were  grievously  taxed  to  support  its  unbounded  extravagance. 
This  in  some  degree  alienated  the  loyalty  of  his  subjects,  while 
continued  oppression  finally  led  to  frequent  insurrection.  In  addi- 
tion to  these  internal  discontents  of  the  Aztec  empire,  Montezuma 
had  met  in  the  nominal  republic  of  Tlascala — lying  midway  be- 
tween the  valley  of  Mexico  and  the  seacoast — a  brave  and  stubborn 
foe,  whose  civilization,  unimpaired  resources,  and  martial  char- 
acter enabled  it  to  resist  the  combined  forces  of  the  Aztecs  for 
upwards  of  two  hundred  years. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  empire  when  the  news  of  Cortez's 
arrival  became  the  subject  of  discussion  in  Mexico.     Some  were 


16  MEXICO 

1519 

for  open  or  wily  resistance.  Others  were  oppressed  with  supersti- 
tious fears.  But  Montezuma,  adopting  a  medium  but  fatal  course, 
resolved  without  delay  to  send  an  embassy  with  such  gifts  as  he 
imagined  would  impress  the  strangers  with  the  idea  of  his  magnifi- 
cence and  power,  while  at  the  same  time  he  courteously  commanded 
the  adventurers  to  refrain  from  approaching  his  capital. 

Meanwhile  the  Spaniards  restlessly  endured  the  scorching 
heats  and  manifold  annoyances  of  the  coast,  and  were  amusing 
themselves  by  a  paltry  traffic  with  the  Indians,  whose  offerings 
were  generally  of  but  trifling  value.  After  the  expiration  of  a 
week,  however,  the  returned  couriers  and  the  embassy  approached 
the  camp.  The  time  is  seemingly  short  when  we  consider  the  diffi- 
culty of  transportation  through  a  mountain  country,  and  recollect 
that  the  Mexicans,  who  were  without  horses,  had  been  obliged  to 
traverse  the  distance,  about  two  hundred  miles,  on  foot.  But  it 
is  related  on  ample  authority — so  perfectly  were  the  posts  ar- 
ranged among  these  semi-civilized  people — that  tidings  were  borne 
in  the  short  period  of  twenty-four  hours  from  the  city  to  the  sea, 
and  consequently  that  three  or  four  days  were  ample  for  the 
journey  of  the  envoys  of  Montezuma,  upon  a  matter  of  so  much 
national  importance. 

The  two  Aztec  nobles,  accompanied  by  the  governor  of  the 
province,  Teuhtle,  did  not  approach  with  empty  hands  the  men 
whom  they  hoped  to  bribe  if  they  could  not  intimidate.  Gold, 
shields,  helmets,  cuirasses,  collars,  bracelets,  sandals,  fans,  pearls, 
precious  stones,  loads  of  cotton  cloth,  extraordinary  fabrics  of 
feathers,  circular  plates  of  gold  and  silver  as  large  as  carriage 
wheels,  and  the  Spanish  helmet  filled  with  golden  grains,  were  all 
spread  out  as  a  free  gift  from  the  Emperor  Montezuma  to  the 
Spaniards. 

With  these  magnificent  presents  Montezuma  replied,  to  the 
request  of  Cortez,  that  it  would  give  him  pleasure  to  communicate 
with  so  mighty  a  monarch  as  the  King  of  Spain,  whom  he  re- 
spected highly,  but  that  he  could  not  gratify  himself  by  according 
the  foreign  envoy  a  personal  interview,  inasmuch  as  the  distance 
to  his  capital  was  great,  and  the  toilsome  journey  among  the 
mountains  was  beset  with  dangers  from  formidable  enemies.  He 
could  do  no  more,  therefore,  than  bid  the  strangers  farewell,  and 
request  them  to  return  to  their  homes  over  the  sea  with  these 
proofs  of  his  perfect  friendship. 


ARRIVAL     OF     CORTEZ  17 

1519 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  this  naive  system  of  diplomacy 
could  have  but  little  effect  on  men  who  were  bent  on  improving 
their  fortunes,  and  whose  rapacity  was  only  stimulated  by  the  evi- 
dences of  unbounded  wealth  which  the  simple-minded  king-  had  so 
lavishly  bestowed  on  them.  Montezuma  was  the  dupe  of  his  own 
credulity,  and  only  inflamed,  by  the  very  means  he  imagined  would 
assuage,  the  avarice  or  ambition  of  his  Spanish  visitors.  Nor  was 
Cortez  less  resolved  than  his  companions.  Accordingly  he  made 
another  pacific  effort,  by  means  of  additional  presents  and  a  gentle 
message,  to  change  the  resolution  of  the  Indian  emperor.  Still  the 
Aztec  sovereign  was  obstinate  in  his  refusal  of  a  personal  inter- 
view, although  he  sent  fresh  gifts  by  the  persons  who  bore  to  the 
Spaniards  his  polite  but  firm  and  peremptory  denial. 

Cortez  could  hardly  conceal  his  disappointment  at  this  second 
rebuff;  but  as  the  vesper  bell  tolled,  while  the  ambassadors  were 
in  his  presence,  he  threw  himself  on  his  knees  with  his  soldiers, 
and,  after  prayer,  Father  Olmedo  expounded  to  the  x\ztec  chiefs 
by  his  interpreters  the  doctrines  of  Christianity;  and,  putting  into 
their  hands  an  image  of  the  Virgin  and  Saviour,  he  exhorted  them 
to  abandon  their  hideous  idolatry  and  to  place  these  milder  em- 
blems of  faith  and  hope  on  the  altars  of  their  bloody  gods.  That 
very  night  the  Indians  abandoned  the  Spanish  camp  and  the 
neighborhood,  leaving  the  adventurers  without  the  copious  sup- 
plies of  food  that  hitherto  had  been  bountifully  furnished.  Cortez, 
nevertheless,  was  undismayed  by  these  menacing  symptoms,  and 
exclaimed  to  his  hardy  followers :  "  It  shall  yet  go  hard,  but  we  will 
one  day  pay  this  powerful  prince  a  visit  in  his  gorgeous  capital !  " 


Chapter    III 

THE  MARCH  ON  TENOCHITITLAN.     1519 

ORTEZ  was  not  long  idle  after  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Aztec  emissaries  and  the  surly  departure  of  the  Indians, 
who,  as  we  have  related  in  the  last  chapter,  quitted  his 
camp  and  neighborhood  on  the  same  night  with  the  ambassadors 
of  Montezuma.  He  forthwith  proceeded  to  establish  a  military 
and  civil  colony,  of  which  he  became  captain-general  and  chief 
justice;  he  founded  the  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz  in  order  to  se- 
cure a  base  on  the  coast  for  future  military  operation,  by  means 
of  which  he  might  be  independent  of  Velasquez;  and  he  formed 
an  alliance  with  the  Totonacs  of  Centoalla,  whose  loyalty — 
though  they  were  subjects  of  Montezuma — was  alienated  from  him 
by  his  merciless  exactions.  We  shall  not  dwell  upon  the  skill  with 
which  he  fomented  a  breach  between  the  Totonacs  and  the  am- 
bassadors of  Montezuma,  nor  upon  the  valuable  gifts  and  discreet 
dispatches  he  forwarded  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  in  order  to 
secure  a  confirmation  of  his  proceedings.  The  most  daring  act  of 
this  period  was  the  destruction  of  the  squadron  which  had  wafted 
him  to  Mexico.  It  was  a  deed  of  wise  policy,  which  deliberately 
cut  off  all  hope  of  retreat — pacified  in  some  degree  the  querulous 
conspirators  who  lurked  in  his  camp,  and  placed  before  all  who 
were  embarked  in  the  enterprise  the  alternative  of  conquest  or 
destruction.  Only  one  vessel  remained.  Nine  out  of  the  ten  were 
dismantled  and  sunk.  When  his  men  murmured  for  a  moment  and 
imagined  themselves  betrayed,  he  addressed  them  in  that  language 
of  bland  diplomacy  which  he  was  so  well  skilled  to  use  whenever 
the  occasion  required.  "  As  for  me,"  said  he,  "  I  will  remain  here 
while  there  is  one  to  bear  me  company!  Let  the  cravens  shrink 
from  danger  and  go  home  in  the  single  vessel  that  remains.  Let 
them  hasten  to  Cuba  and  relate  how  they  deserted  their  commander 
and  comrades;  and  there  let  them  wait  in  patience  till  we  return 
laden  with  the  spoils  of  Mexico ! " 

This  was  an  appeal  that  rekindled  the  combined  enthusiasm 

18 


MARCH     ON     TENOCHTITLAN  19 

1519 

and  avarice  of  the  despondent  murmurers ;  and  the  reply  was  a 
universal  shout :    "  To  Mexico !  to  Mexico !  " 

On  August  16,  15 19,  Cortez  set  out  with  his  small  army  of 
about  four  hundred  men,  now  swelled  by  the  addition  of  thirteen 
hundred  Indian  warriors  and  a  thousand  porters,  and  accompanied 
by  forty  of  the  chief  Totonacs  as  hostages  and  advisers.  From  the 
burning  climate  of  the  coast  the  army  gradually  ascended  to  the 
cooler  regions  of  the  tierra  templada  and  tierra  fria,  encountering 
all  degrees  of  temperature  on  the  route.  After  a  journey  of  three 
days  the  forces  arrived  at  a  town  on  one  of  the  tablelands  of  the 
interior,  whose  chief  magistrate  confirmed  the  stories  of  the  power 
of  Montezuma.  Here  Cortez  tarried  three  days  for  repose,  and 
then  proceeded  toward  the  republic  of  Tlascala,  which  lay  directly 
in  his  path,  and  with  whose  inhabitants  he  hoped  to  form  an  alli- 
ance founded  on  the  elements  of  discontent  which  he  knew  existed 
among  these  inveterate  foes  of  the  central  Aztec  power.  But  he 
was  mistaken  in  his  calculations.  The  Tlascalans  were  not  so  easily 
won  as  his  allies,  the  Totonacs,  who,  dwelling  in  a  warmer  climate, 
had  not  the  hardier  virtues  of  these  mountaineers.  The  Tlascalans 
entertained  no  favorable  feeling  toward  Montezuma,  but  they 
nourished  quite  as  little  cordiality  for  men  whose  characters  they 
did  not  know,  and  whose  purposes  they  had  cause  to  dread.  A 
deadly  hostility  to  the  Spaniards  was  consequently  soon  mani- 
fested. Cortez  was  attacked  by  them  on  the  borders  of  their  repub- 
lic and  fought  four  sharp  battles  with  fifty  thousand  warriors,  who 
maintained  in  all  the  conflicts  their  reputation  for  military  skill  and 
hardihood.  At  length  the  Tlascalans  were  forced  to  acknowledge 
the  superiority  of  the  invaders,  whom  they  could  not  overcome 
either  by  stratagem  or  battle,  and  after  the  exchange  of  embassies 
and  gifts  they  honored  Cortez  with  a  triumphal  entry  into  their 
capital.  The  news  of  these  victories  as  well  as  of  the  alliance  which 
ensued  with  the  Tlascalans  was  soon  borne  to  Tenochtitlan,  and 
Montezuma  began  to  tremble  for  the  fate  of  his  empire  when  he  saw 
the  fall  of  the  indomitable  foes  who  had  held  him  so  long  at 
bay.  Two  embassies  to  Cortez  succeeded  each  other  in  vain. 
Presents  were  no  longer  of  avail.  His  offer  of  tribute  to  the 
Spanish  king  was  not  listened  to.  All  requests  that  the  conqueror 
should  not  advance  toward  his  capital  were  unheeded.  The  com- 
mand of  his  own  emperor,  said  Cortez,  was  the  only  reason  which 
could  induce  him  to  disregard  the  wishes  of  an  Aztec  prince,  for 


20  MEXICO 

1519 

whom  he  cherished  the  profoundest  respect!  Soon  after  another 
embassy  came  from  Montezuma  with  magnificent  gifts  and  an 
invitation  to  his  capital,  yet  with  a  request  that  he  would  break 
with  his  new  allies  and  approach  Mexico  through  the  friendly  city 
of  Cholula.  The  policy  of  this  request  on  the  part  of  Montezuma 
will  be  seen  in  the  sequel.  Cortez,  accompanied  by  six  thousand 
volunteers  from  Tlascala,  advanced  toward  the  sacred  city — the 
site  of  the  most  splendid  temple  in  the  empire,  whose  foundations 
yet  remain  in  the  twentieth  century.  The  six  intervening  leagues 
were  soon  crossed,  and  he  entered  Cholula  with  his  Spanish  army, 
attended  by  no  other  Indians  than  those  who  accompanied  him 
from  Cempoalla.  At  first  the  general  and  his  companions  were 
treated  hospitably,  and  the  suspicions  which  had  been  instilled  into 
his  mind  by  the  Tlascalans  were  lulled  to  sleep.  However,  he  soon 
had  cause  to  become  fearful  of  treachery.  Messengers  arrived 
from  Montezuma,  and  his  entertainers  were  observed  to  be  less 
gracious  in  their  demeanor.  It  was  noticed  that  several  important 
streets  had  been  barricaded  or  converted  into  pitfalls,  while  stones, 
missiles,  and  weapons  were*  heaped  on  the  flat  roofs  of  houses. 
Besides  this,  Mariana  had  become  intimate  with  the  wife  of  one 
of  the  caciques,  and  cunningly  drew  from  her  gossiping  friend  the 
whole  conspiracy  that  was  brewing  against  the  adventurers.  Mon- 
tezuma, she  learned,  had  stationed  twenty  thousand  Mexicans  near 
the  city,  who,  together  with  the  Cholulans,  were  to  assault  the 
invaders  in  the  narrow  streets  and  avenues  as  they  quitted  the 
town;  and  thus  he  hoped  by  successful  treachery  to  rid  the  land 
of  such  dangerous  visitors  either  by  slaughter  in  conflict,  or  to  offer 
them,  when  made  captive,  upon  the  altars  of  the  sacred  temple  in 
Cholula  and  on  the  Teocallis  of  Mexico  as  proper  sacrifices  to  the 
bloody  gods  of  his  country. 

Cortez,  however,  was  not  to  be  so  easily  outwitted  and  en- 
trapped. He,  in  turn,  resorted  to  stratagem.  Concentrating  all  his 
Spanish  army,  and  concerting  a  signal  for  cooperation  with  his 
Indian  allies,  he  suddenly  fell  upon  the  Cholulans  at  an  unexpected 
moment.  Three  thousand  of  the  citizens  perished  in  the  frightful 
massacre  that  ensued,  and  Cortez  pursued  his  uninterrupted  way 
toward  the  fated  capital  of  the  Aztecs  after  this  awful  chastisement, 
which  was  perhaps  needful  to  relieve  him  from  the  danger  of  utter 
annihilation  in  the  heart  of  an  enemy's  country  with  so  small  a 
band  of  countrymen  in  whom  he  could  confide. 


MARCH     ON     TENOCHTITLAX  21 

1519 

From  the  plain  of  Cholula,  now  known  as  the  fruitful  vale 
of  Puebla,  the  conqueror  ascended  the  last  ridge  of  mountains  that 
separated  him  from  the  City  of  Mexico ;  and  as  he  turned  the  edge 
of  the  Cordilleras  the  beautiful  valley  was  at  once  revealed  to  him 
in  all  its  indescribable  loveliness.  It  lay  at  his  feet,  surrounded 
by  the  placid  waters  of  Tezcoco.  The  sight  that  burst  upon  the 
Spaniards  from  this  lofty  eminence  was  that  of  the  vale  of  Tenoch- 
titlan,  as  it  was  called  by  the  natives,  which,  in  the  language  of 
Prescott,  "  with  its  picturesque  assemblage  of  water,  woodland,  and 
cultivated  plains,  its  shining  cities  and  shadowy  hills,  was  spread 
out  like  some  gay  and  gorgeous  panorama  before  them.  In  the 
highly  rarefied  atmosphere  of  these  upper  regions  even  remote  ob- 
jects have  a  brilliancy  of  coloring  and  a  distinctness  of  outline 
which  seems  to  annihilate  distance.  In  the  center  of  the  great  basin 
were  beheld  the  lakes,  occupying  then  a  much  larger  portion  of  its 
surface  than  at  present ;  their  borders  thickly  studded  with  towns 
and  hamlets,  and  in  the  midst,  like  some  Indian  empress  with  her 
coronal  of  pearls,  the  fair  City  of  Mexico,  with  her  white  towers 
and  pyramidal  temples  reposing,  as  it  were,  on  the  bosom  of  the 
waters — the  fair-famed  '  Venice  of  the  Aztecs.'  High  over  all 
rose  the  royal  hill  of  Chapultepec,  the  residence  of  the  Mexican 
monarchs,  belted  with  the  same  grove  of  gigantic  cypresses,  which 
at  this  day  fling  their  broad  shadows  over  the  land.  In  the  dis- 
tance, to  the  north,  beyond  the  blue  waters  of  the  lake,  and  nearly 
screened  by  intervening  foliage,  was  seen  a  shining  speck,  the  rival 
capital  of  Tezcoco;  and,  still  further  on,  the  dark  belt  of  porphyry, 
girdling  the  valley  around,  like  a  rich  setting  which  nature  had 
devised  for  the  fairest  of  her  jewels." 

Cortez  easily  descended  with  his  troops  by  the  mountain  road 
toward  the  valley,  and  as  he  passed  along  the  levels,  or  through 
the  numerous  villages  and  hamlets,  he  endeavored  to  foster  and 
foment  the  ill  feeling  which  he  found  secretly  existing  against  the 
government  of  the  Mexican  emperor.  When  he  had  advanced 
somewhat  into  the  heart  of  the  valley  he  was  met  by  an  embassy 
of  the  chief  lords  of  the  Aztec  court,  sent  to  him  by  Montezuma, 
with  gifts  of  considerable  value;  but  he  rejected  a  proffered  bribe 
of  "  four  loads  of  gold  to  the  general,  and  one  to  each  of  his  cap- 
tains, with  a  yearly  tribute  to  their  sovereign,"  provided  the  Span- 
ish troops  would  quit  the  country.  Heedless  of  all  menaced 
opposition  as  well  as  appeals  to  his  avarice,    he    seems,    at    this 


22  MEXICO 

1519 

period,  to  have  cast  aside  the  earlier  and  sordid  motives  which 
might  then  have  been  easily  satisfied  had  his  pursuit  been  gold 
alone.  The  most  abundant  wealth  was  cast  at  his  feet;  but  the 
higher  qualities  of  his  nature  were  now  allowed  the  fullest  play, 
and  strengthened  him  in  his  resolution  to  risk  all  in  the  daring  and 
glorious  project  of  subjecting  a  splendid  empire  to  his  control. 
Accordingly,  he  advanced  though  Amaquemecan,  a  town  of  several 
thousand  inhabitants,  where  he  was  met  by  a  nephew  of  the 
emperor,  the  Lord  of  Tezcoco,  who  had  been  dispatched  by  his 
vacillating  uncle,  at  the  head  of  a  large  number  of  influential  per- 
sonages, to  welcome  the  invaders  to  the  capital.  The  friendly 
summons  was  of  course  not  disregarded  by  Cortez,  who  forthwith 
proceeded  along  the  most  splendid  and  massive  structure  of  the 
New  World — a  gigantic  causeway,  five  miles  in  length,  constructed 
of  huge  stones,  which  passed  along  the  narrow  strait  of  sand  that 
separated  the  waters  of  Chalco  from  those  of  Tezcoco.  The  lakes 
were  covered  with  boats  filled  with  natives.  Floating  islands,  made 
of  reeds  and  wicker-work,  covered  with  soil,  brimmed  with  luxuri- 
ant vegetation  whose  splendid  fruits  and  odorous  petals  rested  on 
the  waters.  Several  large  towns  were  built  on  artificial  founda- 
tions in  the  lake.  And  everywhere  around  the  Spaniards  beheld 
the  evidences  of  a  dense  population,  whose  edifices,  agriculture, 
and  labors  denoted  a  high  degree  of  civilization  and  intelligence. 
As  the  foreign  warriors  proceeded  onward  toward  the  city,  which 
rose  before  them  with  its  temples,  palaces,  and  shrines,  covered 
with  hard  stucco  that  glistened  in  the  sun,  they  crossed  a  wooden 
drawbridge  in  the  causeway;  and  as  they  passed  it  they  felt  that 
now,  indeed,  if  they  faltered,  they  were  completely  in  the  grasp 
of  the  Mexicans,  and  more  effectually  cut  off  from  all  retreat  than 
they  had  been  when  the  fleet  was  destroyed  at  Vera  Cruz. 

Near  this  spot  they  were  encountered  by  Montezuma  with  his 
court,  who  came  forth  in  regal  state  to  salute  his  future  conqueror. 
Surrounded  by  all  the  pagentry  and  splendor  of  an  oriental  mon- 
arch, he  descended  from  the  litter  in  which  he  was  borne  from  the 
city,  and,  leaning  on  the  shoulders  of  the  Lords  of  Tezcoco  and  of 
Iztapalapan,  his  nephew  and  brother,  he  advanced  toward  the 
Spaniards,  under  a  canopy  and  over  a  cotton  carpet,  while  his 
prostrate  subjects  manifested  by  their  abject  demeanor  the  fear  or 
respect  which  the  presence  of  their  sovereign  inspired. 

"  Montezuma  was  at  this  time  about  forty  years  of  age.     His 


MARCH     ON     TENOCHTITLAN  23 

1519 

person  was  tall  and  slender,  but  not  ill-made.  His  hair,  which  was 
black  and  straight,  was  not  very  long.  His  beard  was  thin;  his 
complexion  somewhat  paler  than  is  often  found  in  his  dusky,  or 
rather  copper-colored,  race.  His  features,  though  serious  in  their 
expression,  did  not  wear  the  look  of  melancholy  or  dejection  which 
characterizes  his  portrait,  and  which  may  well  have  settled  on  them 
at  a  later  period.  He  moved  with  dignity,  and  his  whole  demeanor, 
tempered  by  an  expression  of  benignity  not  to  have  been  anticipated 
from  the  reports  circulated  of  his  character,  was  worthy  of  a  great 
prince.  Such  is  the  picture  left  to  us  of  the  celebrated  Indian 
emperor  in  this  his  first  interview  with  the  white  men."  x 

As  this  mighty  prince  approached  Cortez  halted  his  men,  and, 
advancing  with  a  few  of  his  principal  retainers,  was  most  cour- 
teously welcomed  by  Montezuma,  who,  adroitly  concealing  his  cha- 
grin, diplomatically  expressed  the  uncommon  delight  he  experienced 
at  this  unexpected  visit  of  the  strangers  to  his  capital.2  Cortez 
thanked  him  for  his  friendly  welcome  and  bounteous  gifts,  and 
hung  around  his  neck  a  chain  set  with  colored  crystal.     Montezuma 

1  Prescott,    "Conquest    of    Mexico,"    vol.    II.    p.    Ji. 

2 "  The  province  which  constitutes  the  principal  territory  of  Montezuma," 
says  Cortez  in  his  letter  to  Charles  V.,  "  is  circular,  and  entirely  surrounded 
by  lofty  and  rugged  mountains,  and  the  circumference  of  it  is  fully  seventy 
leagues.  In  this  plain  there  are  two  lakes  which  nearly  occupy  the  whole  of 
it,  as  the  people  use  canoes  for  more  than  fifty  leagues  round.  One  of  these 
lakes  is  of  fresh  water,  and  the  other,  which  is  larger,  is  of  salt  water.  They 
are  divided,  on  one  side,  by  a  small  collection  of  high  hills,  which  stand  in  the 
center  of  the  plain,  and  they  unite  in  a  level  strait  formed  between  these 
hills  and  the  high  mountains,  which  strait  is  a  gun-shot  wide,  and  the  people  of 
the  cities  and  other  settlements  which  are  in  these  lakes  communicate 
in  their  canoes  by  water,  without  the  necessity  of  going  by  land.  And  as  this 
great  salt  lake  ebbs  and  flows  with  the  tide,  as  the  sea  does,  in  every  flood  the 
water  flows  from  it  into  the  fresh  lake  as  impetuously  as  if  it  were  a  large 
river,  and  consequently  at  the  ebb  the  fresh  lake  flows  into  the  salt. 

"This  great  city  of  Temixtitlan  (meaning  Tenochtitlan,  Mexico),  is  founded 
in  this  salt  lake ;  and  from  terra  firma  to  the  body  of  the  city,  the  distance  is  two 
leagues  on  whichever  side  they  please  to  enter  it. 

"  It  has  four  entrances,  or  causeways,  made  by  the  hand  of  man,  as  wide  as 
two  horsemen's  lances. 

"The  city  is  as  large  as  Seville  and  Cordova.  The  streets  (I  mean  the 
principal  ones)  are  very  wide,  and  others  very  narrow;  and  some  of  the  latter 
and  all  the  others  are  one-half  land  and  the  other  half  water,  along  which  the 
inhabitants  go  in  their  canoes ;  and  all  the  streets,  at  given  distances,  are  open, 
so  that  the  water  passes  from  one  to  the  other;  and  in  all  their  openings,  some 
of  which  are  very  wide,  there  are  very  wide  bridges,  made  of  massive  beams 
joined  together  and  well  wrought;  and  so  wide  that  ten  horsemen  may  pass 
abreast  over  many  of  them." — Letters  of  Cortes  to  Charles  V. 


24  MEXICO 

1519 

then  opened  his  gates  to  the  Spaniards  and  appointed  his  brother 
to  conduct  the  general  with  his  troops  to  the  city. 

Here  he  found  a  spacious  edifice,  surrounded  by  a  wall,  assigned 
for  his  future  residence ;  and,  having  stationed  sentinels  and  placed 
his  cannon  on  the  battlements  so  as  to  command  all  the  important 
avenues  to  his  palace,  he  proceeded  to  examine  the  city  and  to 
acquaint  himself  with  the  character,  occupations,  and  temper  of  the 
people. 


Chapter    IV 

THE   SUBMISSION    OF   MONTEZUMA.    1519-1520 

THE  City  of  Mexico,  or  Tenochtitlan,  was,  as  we  have 
already  said,  encompassed  by  the  lake  of  Tezcoco,  over 
which  three  solid  causeways  formed  the  only  approaches. 
This  inland  sea  was,  indeed,  "  an  archipelago  of  wandering  islands." 
The  whole  city  was  penetrated  throughout  its  entire  length  by  a 
principal  street,  which  was  intersected  by  numerous  canals,  crossed 
by  drawbridges;  and,  wherever  the  eye  could  reach,  long  vistas  of 
low  stone  buildings  rose  on  every  side  among  beautiful  gardens  or 
luxuriant  foliage.  The  quadrangular  palaces  of  the  nobles  whom 
Montezuma  encouraged  to  reside  at  his  court  were  spread  over  a 
wide  extent  of  ground,  embellished  with  beautiful  fountains  which 
shot  their  spray  amid  porticoes  and  columns  of  polished  porphyry. 
The  palace  of  Montezuma  was  so  vast  a  pile  that  one  of  the  con- 
querors alleges  its  terraced  roof  afforded  ample  room  for  thirty 
knights  to  tilt  in  tournament.  A  royal  armory  was  filled  with 
curious  and  dangerous  weapons,  and  adorned  with  an  ample  store 
of  military  dresses,  equipments,  and  armor.  Huge  granaries  con- 
tained the  tributary  supplies  which  were  brought  to  the  prince  by 
the  provinces  for  the  maintenance  of  the  royal  family,  and  there  was 
an  aviary  in  which  three  hundred  attendants  fed  and  reared  birds  of 
the  sweetest  voice  or  rarest  plumage ;  while  near  it  rose  a  menagerie 
filled  with  specimens  of  all  the  native  beasts,  together  with  a  museum 
in  which,  with  an  oddity  of  taste  unparalleled  in  history,  there  had 
been  collected  a  vast  number  of  human  monsters,  cripples,  dwarfs, 
Albinos,  and  other  freaks  and  caprices  of  nature.  The  royal  gar- 
dens are  described  by  eye-witnesses  as  spots  of  unsurpassed  elegance, 
adorned  with  rare  shrubs,  medicinal  plants,  and  ponds  supplied  by 
aqueducts  and  fountains,  wherein  amid  beautiful  flowers  the  finest 
fish  and  aquatic  birds  were  seen  forever  floating  in  undisturbed 
quiet.  The  interior  of  the  palace  was  equally  attractive  for  its 
comfort  and  elegance.  Spacious  halls  were  covered  with  ceilings 
of  odoriferous  wood,  while  the  lofty  walls  were  hung  with  richly 

25 


26  MEXICO 

1519-1520 

tinted  fabrics  of  cotton,  the  skins  of  animals,  or  feather-work 
wrought  in  mosaic  imitation  of  birds,  reptiles,  insects,  and  flowers. 
Nor  was  the  emperor  alone  amid  the  splendid  wastes  of  his  palace. 
A  thousand  women  thronged  these  royal  chambers,  ministering  to 
the  tastes  and  passions  of  the  elegant  voluptuary.  The  rarest  viands 
from  far  and  near  supplied  his  table,  the  service  of  which  was  per- 
formed by  numerous  attendants  with  utensils  and  equipage  of  the 
choicest  material  and  shape.  Four  times  daily  the  emperor  changed 
his  apparel,  and  never  put  on  again  the  dress  he  once  had  worn,  or 
defiled  his  lips  twice  with  the  same  vessels  from  which  he  fed. 

Such  was  the  sovereign's  palace  and  way  of  life,  nor  can  we 
suppose  that  this  refinement  of  luxury  was  to  be  found  alone  in  the 
dwelling  of  Montezuma  and  his  nobles.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
we  are  not  more  fully  informed  on  the  condition  of  property,  wealth, 
and  labor  among  the  masses  of  this  singular  empire.  The  con- 
querors did  not  trouble  themselves  with  acquiring  accurate  statistical 
information,  nor  do  they  seem  to  have  counted  numbers  carefully, 
except  when  they  had  enemies  to  conquer  or  spoil  to  divide.  In  all 
primitive  nations,  however,  the  best  idea  of  a  people  is  to  be  attained 
from  visiting  the  market-place — or  rather  the  fair — in  which  it  is 
their  custom  to  sell  or  barter  the  products  of  their  industry;  and  to 
this  rendezvous  of  the  Aztecs  Cortez,  with  the  astuteness  that  never 
forsook  him  during  his  perilous  enterprise,  soon  betook  himself 
after  his  arrival  in  the  city. 

The  market  of  Tenochtitlan  was  a  scene  of  commercial  activity 
as  well  as  of  humble  thrift.  It  was  devoted  to  all  kinds  of  native 
traffic.  In  the  center  of  the  city  the  conqueror  found  a  magnificent 
square  surrounded  by  porticoes,  in  which  it  is  alleged  that  sixty 
thousand  traders  were  engaged  in  buying  and  selling  every  species 
of  merchandise  produced  in  the  realm;  jewels,  goldware,  toys, 
curious  imitations  of  natural  objects,  wrought  with  the  utmost  skill 
of  deception;  weapons  of  copper  alloyed  with  tin,  pottery  of  all 
degrees  of  fineness,  carved  vases,  bales  of  richly-dyed  cotton ;  beau- 
tifully woven  feather-work,  wild  and  tame  animals,  grain,  fish,  vege- 
tables, all  the  necessaries  of  life  and  all  its  luxuries,  together  with 
eating  places  and  shops  for  the  sale  of  medical  drugs,  confectionery, 
or  stimulating  drinks.  It  was,  in  fact,  an  immense  bazaar,  which 
at  a  glance  gave  an  insight  into  the  tastes,  wants,  and  productive 
industry  of  the  nation. 

Satisfied  with  this  inspection  of  the  people  and  their  talents,  the 


SUBMISSION     OF     MONTEZUMA  27 

1519-1520 

next  visit  of  the  general  was,  doubtless,  made  with  the  double  object 
of  becoming'  acquainted  with  that  class  of  men  who  in  all  countries 
so  powerfully  influence  public  opinion,  while  from  the  top  of 
their  tall  temple,  situated  on  their  lofty  central  TeocaUi  or  pyra- 
mid, he  might  with  a  military  eye  scan  the  general  topography  of 
the  city. 

This  pyramidal  structure,  or  Great  Temple,  as  it  is  generally 
called,  was  perhaps  rather  the  base  of  a  religious  structure  than  the 
religious  edifice  itself.  We  possess  no  accurate  drawing  of  it  among 
the  contemporary  or  early  relics  of  the  conquest  that  have  descended 
to  us,  but  it  is  known  to  have  been  pyramidal  in  shape,  over  one 
hundred  and  twenty  feet  in  altitude,  with  a  base  of  three  hundred 
and  twenty. 

It  stood  in  a  large  area,  surrounded  by  a  wall  eight  feet  high, 
sculptured  with  the  figures  of  serpents  in  relief.  From  one  end 
of  the  base  of  this  structure  a  flight  of  steps  rose  to  a  terrace 
at  the  base  of  the  second  story  of  the  pyramid.  Around  this  terrace 
a  person  in  ascending  was  obliged  to  pass  until  he  came  to  the  corner 
immediately  above  the  first  flight,  where  he  encountered  another  set 
of  steps,  up  which  he  passed  to  the  second  terrace,  and  so  on, 
continuously,  to  the  third  and  fourth  terraces,  until  by  a  fifth 
flight  he  attained  the  summit  platform  of  the  Teocalli.  These 
spaces  or  terraces  at  each  story  are  represented  to  have  been  about 
six  feet  in  width,  so  that  three  or  four  persons  could  easily  as- 
cend abreast.  It  will  be  perceived  that  in  attaining  the  top  of  the 
edifice  it  was  necessary  to  pass  round  it  entirely  four  times  and 
to  ascend  five  stairways.  Within  the  enclosure,  built  of  stone 
and  crowned  with  battlements,  a  village  of  five  hundred  houses 
might  have  been  built.  Its  area  was  paved  with  smooth  and  pol- 
ished stones,  and  the  pyramid  that  rose  in  its  center  seems  to  have 
been  constructed  as  well  for  military  as  religious  purposes,  inasmuch 
as  its  architecture  made  it  fully  capable  of  resistance  as  a  citadel; 
and  we  may  properly  assume  this  opinion  as  a  fact,  from  the  circum- 
stance that  the  enclosing  walls  were  entered  by  four  gates,  facing 
the  cardinal  points,  while  over  each  portal  was  erected  a  military 
arsenal  filled  with  immense  stores  of  warlike  equipments. 

When  Cortez  arrived  in  front  of  this  truncated  pyramid  two 
priests  and  several  caciques  were  in  attendance,  by  order  of  Monte- 
zuma, to  bear  him  in  their  arms  to  its  summit.  But  the  hardy  con- 
queror declined  this  effeminate  means  of  transportation,  and  marched 


28  MEXICO 

1519-1520 

up  slowly  at  the  head  of  his  soldiers.  "  On  the  paved  and  level 
area  at  the  top  they  found  a  large  block  of  jasper,  the  peculiar  shape 
of  which  showed  it  was  the  stone  on  which  the  bodies  of  the  unhappy 
victims  were  stretched  for  sacrifice.  Its  convex  surface,  rising 
breast  high,  enabled  the  priest  to  perform  more  easily  his  diabolical 
task  of  removing  the  heart."  Besides  this,  there  were  two  sanctu- 
aries erected  on  the  level  surface  of  the  Teocalli ;  two  altars,  glowing 
with  a  fire  that  was  never  extinguished ;  and  a  large  circular  drum, 
which  was  struck  only  on  occasions  of  great  public  concern. 

Such  was  the  Teocalli  or  House  of  God.  There  were  other 
edifices,  having  the  name  of  Teopan,  or  Places  of  God.  Some 
writers  allege  that  there  were  two  towers  erected  on  the  great  Teo- 
calli of  Tenochtitlan ;  but  it  may  be  safely  asserted  that  there  was 
at  least  one  of  these,  which  rose  to  the  height  of  about  fifty-six  feet, 
and  was  divided  into  three  stories,  the  lower  being  of  stone,  while 
the  others  were  constructed  of  wrought  and  painted  wood.  In  the 
basement  of  these  towers  were  the  sanctuaries,  where  two  splendid 
altars  had  been  erected  to  Huitzilopotchtli  and  Tezcatlipoca,  over 
which  the  idol  representatives  of  these  divinities  were  placed  in 
state. 

Within  the  enclosure  of  the  Teocalli  there  were  forty  other 
temples  dedicated  to  various  Aztec  gods.  Besides  these  there  were 
colleges  or  residences  and  seminaries  of  the  priests,  together  with  a 
splendid  house  of  entertainment,  devoted  to  the  accommodation  of 
eminent  strangers  who  visited  the  temple  and  the  court.  All  these 
sumptuous  ecclesiastical  establishments  were  grouped  around  the 
pyramid,  protected  by  the  quadrangular  wall,  and  built  amid  gar- 
dens and  groves. 

Cortez  asked  leave  of  the  emperor,  who  accompanied  him  on 
his  visit,  to  enter  the  sanctuaries  of  the  Aztec  deities.  In  a  spacious 
stuccoed  saloon,  roofed  with  carved  and  gilt  timber,  stood  the  gigan- 
tic idol  of  Huitzilopotchtli,  the  Mexican  Mars.  His  countenance 
was  harsh  and  menacing.  In  his  hands  he  grasped  a  bow  and  golden 
arrows.  He  was  girt  with  the  folds  of  a  serpent,  formed  of  precious 
materials,  while  his  left  foot  was  feathered  with  the  plumage  of 
the  humming-bird,  from  which  he  took  his  name.  Around  his 
throat  hung  suspended  a  massive  necklace  of  alternate  gold  and 
silver  hearts ;  and  on  the  altar  before  him  three  human  hearts  which 
had  recently  been  torn  from  living  breasts  were  still  quivering  and 
bleeding,  fresh  from  the  immolated  victims. 


SUBMISSION     ()  F     JVJ  O  N  T  E  /  U  M  A  29 

1519-1520 

In  the  other  chamber  or  sanctuary  were  the  milder  emblems  of 
Tezcatlipoca,  who  "  created  the  world  and  watched  it  with  provi- 
dential care."  The  lineaments  of  this  idol  were  those  of  a  youth, 
and  the  image,  carved  in  black  and  polished  stone,  was  adorned  with 
disks  of  burnished  gold  and  embellished  with  a  brilliant  shield. 
Nevertheless,  the  worship  of  this  more  benign  deity  was  stained 
with  homicide,  for  on  its  altar,  in  a  dish  of  gold,  the  conqueror  found 
five  human  hearts ;  and  in  these  dens  of  inhumanity  Bernal  Diaz 
tells  us  that  the  "  stench  was  more  intolerable  than  in  the  slaughter- 
houses of  Castile ! " 

Such  is  a  brief  summary  of  the  observations  made  by  the  Span- 
iards during  a  week's  residence  in  the  city.  They  found  themselves 
in  the  heart  of  a  rich  and  populous  empire,  whose  civilization,  how- 
ever, was,  by  a  strange  contradiction  for  which  we  shall  hereafter 
endeavor  to  account,  stained  with  the  most  shocking  barbarity  under 
the  name  of  religion.  The  unscrupulous  murder  which  was  digni- 
fied with  the  associations  and  practice  of  national  worship  was  by 
no  means  consolatory  to  the  minds  of  the  men  who  were  really  in 
the  power  of  semi-civilized  rulers  and  bloody  priests.  They  discov- 
ered from  their  own  experience  that  the  sovereign  was  both  fickle 
and  feeble,  and  that  a  caprice,  a  hope,  or  a  fear  might  suffice  to 
make  him  free  his  country  from  a  handful  of  dangerous  guests  by 
offering  them  as  sacrifices  to  his  gods.  The  Tlascalans  were  al- 
ready looked  upon  with  no  kind  feelings  by  their  hereditary  foes.  A 
spark  might  kindle  a  fatal  flame.  It  was  a  moment  for  bold  and 
unscrupulous  action,  and  it  was  needful  to  obtain  some  signal  advan- 
tage by  which  the  Spaniards  could,  at  least,  effect  their  retreat,  if  not 
insure  an  ultimate  victory. 

News  just  then  was  brought  to  Cortez  that  four  of  his  country- 
men whom  he  left  behind  at  Cempoalla  had  been  treacherously  slain 
by  one  of  the  tributary  caciques  of  Montezuma;  and  this  at  once 
gave  him  a  motive,  or  at  least  a  pretext,  for  seizing  the  emperor 
himself  as  a  hostage  for  the  good  faith  of  his  nation.  Accordingly, 
he  visited  Montezuma  with  a  band  of  his  most  reliable  followers, 
who  charged  the  monarch  with  the  treachery  of  his  subordinates, 
and  demanded  the  apprehension  of  the  cacique  to  answer  for  the 
slaughter  of  their  inoffensive  countrymen.  Montezuma,  of  course, 
immediately  disavowed  the  treason  and  ordered  the  arrest  of  the 
governor ;  but  Cortez  would  not  receive  an  apology  or  verbal  repa- 
ration of  the  injury — although  he  professed  to  believe  the  exculpa- 


30  MEXICO 

1519-1520 

tion  of  Montezuma  himself — unless  that  sovereign  would  restore 
the  Spaniard's  confidence  in  his  fidelity  by  quitting  his  palace  and 
changing  his  residence  to  the  quarters  of  the  invaders. 

This  was,  indeed,  an  unexpected  blow.  It  was  one  of  those 
strokes  of  unparalleled  boldness  which  paralyze  their  victim  by 
sheer  amazement.  After  considerable  discussion  and  useless  ap- 
peals, the  entrapped  emperor  tamely  submitted  to  the  surprising 
demand,  for  he  saw  in  the  resolved  faces  of  his  armed  and  steel-clad 
foes  that  resistance  was  useless,  if  he  attempted  to  save  his  own  life 
with  the  small  and  unprepared  forces  that  were  at  hand. 

For  a  while  the  most  ceremonious  respect  was  paid  by  the 
conqueror  and  his  men  to  their  royal  prisoner,  who,  under  strict 
surveillance,  maintained  his  usual  courtly  pomp  and  performed  all 
the  functions  of  emperor.  But  Cortez  soon  became  his  master.  The 
will  of  an  effeminate  king  was  no  match  for  the  indomitable  cour- 
age, effrontery,  and  genius  of  the  Spanish  knight.  The  offending 
cacique  of  Cempoalla  was  burned  alive,  either  to  glut  his  vengeance 
or  inspire  dread ;  and  when  the  traitor  endeavored  to  compromise 
Montezuma  in  his  crime,  fetters  were  placed  for  an  hour  on  the  limbs 
of  the  imprisoned  sovereign.  Every  day  the  disgraced  emperor 
became  more  and  more  the  mere  minister  of  Cortez.  He  was  forced 
to  discountenance  publicly  those  who  murmured  at  his  confinement, 
or  to  arrest  the  leading  conspirators  for  his  deliverance.  He  granted 
a  province  to  the  Castilian  crown  and  swore  allegiance  to  it.  He 
collected  the  tribute  and  revenues  from  dependent  cities  or  districts 
in  the  name  of  the  Spanish  king;  and  at  last  struck  a  blow  even  at 
his  hereditary  and  superstitious  faith  by  ordering  the  great  Teocalli 
to  be  purged  of  its  human  gore  and  the  erection  of  an  altar  on  its 
summit,  on  which,  before  the  cross  and  the  images  of  the  Virgin 
and  her  Son,  the  Christian  mass  might  be  celebrated  in  the  presence 
of  the  Aztec  multitude. 

It  was  at  this  moment,  when  Cortez  tried  the  national  nerve 
most  daringly  by  interfering  with  the  religious  superstitions  of  a 
dissatisfied  town,  and  when  every  symptom  of  a  general  rebellion 
was  visible,  that  the  conqueror  received  the  startling  news  of  the 
arrival  on  the  coast  of  Don  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  with  eighteen 
vessels  and  nine  hundred  men,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  revengeful 
Velasquez  to  arrest  Cortez  and  send  him  in  chains  to  St.  Jago. 

A  more  unfortunate  train  of  circumstances  can  scarcely  be  con- 
ceived.   In  the  midst  of  an  enemy's  capital,  with  a  handful  of  men — 


SUBMISSION     OF     MONTEZUMA  31 

1519-1520 

menaced  by  a  numerous  and  outraged  nation  on  the  one  hand,  and 
with  a  Spanish  force  sent  to  arrest  him  in  the  name  of  law  by  au- 
thorities to  whom  he  owed  loyal  respect,  on  the  other — it  is  indeed 
difficult  to  imagine  a  situation  better  calculated  to  try  the  soul  and 
task  the  genius  of  a  general.  But  it  was  one  of  those  perilous 
emergencies  which  throughout  his  whole  career  seem  to  have  im- 
parted additional  energy  rather  than  dismay  to  the  heart  of  Cortez, 
and  which  prove  him  to  have  been,  like  Nelson,  a  man  who  never 
knew  the  sensation  of  fear. 

Nor  must  it  be  imagined  that  difficulty  made  him  rash.  Sel- 
dom has  a  hero  appeared  in  history  more  perfectly  free  from 
precipitancy  after  he  undertook  his  great  enterprise;  and  in  the 
period  under  consideration  this  is  fully  exhibited  in  the  diplomacy 
with  which  he  approached  the  hostile  Spaniards  on  the  coast  who 
had  been  dispatched  to  dislodge  and  disgrace  him.  He  resolved  at 
once  not  to  abandon  what  he  had  already  gained  in  the  capital ;  but 
at  the  same  time  he  endeavored  to  tranquilize  or  foil  Narvaez  if  he 
could  not  win  him  over  to  his  enterprise,  for  it  was  evidently  the 
policy  of  the  newly  -arrived  general  to  unite  in  a  spoil  which  was 
almost  ready  for  division  rather  than  to  incur  the  perils  and  uncer- 
tainty of  another  conquest. 

Accordingly  Cortez  addressed  a  letter  to  Narvaez  requesting 
him  not  to  kindle  a  spirit  of  insubordination  among  the  natives  by 
proclaiming  his  enmity.  Yet  this  failed  to  affect  his  jealous  coun- 
tryman. He  then  desired  Narvaez  to  receive  his  band  as  brothers 
in  arms,  and  to  share  the  treasure  and  fame  of  the  conquest.  But 
this  also  was  rejected,  while  the  loyal  tool  of  Velasquez  diligently 
applied  himself  to  fomenting  the  Aztec  discontent  against  his  coun- 
trymen, and  proclaimed  his  design  of  marching  to  Mexico  to  release 
the  emperor  from  the  grasp  of  his  Spanish  oppressor. 

There  was  now  no  other  opening  for  diplomacy,  nor  was  delay 
to  be  longer  suffered.  Cortez,  therefore,  leaving  the  mutinous  cap- 
ital in  the  hands  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  with  a  band  of  but  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  to  protect  the  treasure  he  had  amassed,  departed 
for  the  shores  of  the  gulf  with  only  seventy  soldiers,  but  was  joined 
on  his  way  by  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  who  had  retreated  from 
the  garrison  at  Vera  Cruz.  He  was  not  long  in  traversing  the 
plains  and  Cordilleras  toward  the  eastern  sea;  and  falling  suddenly 
on  the  camp  of  Narvaez  in  the  dead  of  night,  he  turned  the  captured 
artillery  against  his  foe,  seized  the  general,  received  the  capitulation 


32  MEXICO 

1519-1520 

of  the  army  of  nine  hundred  well-equipped  men,  and  soon  healed  the 
factions  which  of  course  existed  between  the  conquerors  and  the 
conquered.  He  had  acquired  the  prestige  which  always  attends 
extraordinary  success  or  capacity;  and  men  preferred  the  chances 
of  splendid  results  under  such  a  leader  to  the  certainty  of  moderate 
gain  under  a  general  who  did  not  possess  his  matchless  genius. 
Thus  it  was  that  the  lordly  spirit  and  commanding  talents  of  Cortez 
enabled  him  to  convert  the  very  elements  of  disaster  into  the  means 
of  present  strength  and  future  success. 


Chapter  V 

THE    REVOLT   AGAINST   THE    SPANIARDS.     1520 

WHILE  Cortez  was  beset  with  the  difficulties  recounted  in 
our  last  chapter,  and  engaged  in  overcoming  Narvaez 
on  the  coast,  the  news  reached  him  of  an  insurrection  in 
the  capital,  toward  which  he  immediately  turned  his  steps.  On 
approaching  the  city  intelligence  was  brought  that  the  active  hostili- 
ties of  the  natives  had  been  changed,  for  the  last  fortnight,  into  a 
blockade,  and  that  the  garrison  had  suffered  dreadfully  during  his 
absence.  Montezuma,  too,  dispatched  an  envoy  who  was  instructed 
to  impress  the  conqueror  with  the  emperor's  continued  fidelity, 
and  to  exculpate  him  from  all  blame  in  the  movement  against 
Alvarado. 

On  June  24,  1520,  Cortez  reached  the  capital.  On  all  sides  he 
saw  the  melancholy  evidences  of  war.  There  were  neither  greeting 
crowds  on  the  causeways  nor  boats  on  the  lake ;  bridges  were  broken 
down ;  the  brigantines  or  boats  he  had  constructed  to  secure  a  retreat 
over  the  waters  of  these  inland  seas  were  destroyed;  the  whole 
population  seemed  to  have  vanished,  and  silence  brooded  over  the 
melancholy  scene. 

The  revolt  against  the  lieutenant  Alvarado  was  generally 
attributed  to  his  fiery  impetuosity  and  to  the  inhuman  and  motive- 
less slaughter  committed  by  the  Spanish  troops  under  his  authority 
during  the  celebration  of  a  solemn  Aztec  festival,  called  the  "  incens- 
ing of  Huitzilopotchtli."  Six  hundred  victims  were  on  that  occa- 
sion slain  by  the  Spaniards  in  cold  blood  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Great  Temple;  nor  was  a  single  native  engaged  in  the  mysterious 
rites  left  alive  to  tell  the  tale  of  the  sudden  and  brutal  assault. 

Alvarado,  it  is  true,  pretended  that  his  spies  had  satisfactorily 
proved  the  existence  of  a  well-founded  conspiracy  which  was 
designed  to  explode  upon  this  occasion;  but  the  evidence  is  not 
sufficient  to  justify  the  disgraceful  and  horrid  deed  that  must  for- 
ever tarnish  his  fame.  It  is  far  more  probable  that  rapacity  was  the 
true  cause  of  the  onslaught,  and  that  the  reckless  companion  of  the 

33 


34  MEXICO 

1519-1520 

conqueror  who  had  been  intrusted  with  brief  authority  during  his 
absence  miscalculated  the  power  of  his  Indian  foe,  and  confounded 
the  warlike  Mexican  of  the  valley  with  the  weaker  soldiers  dwelling 
in  more  enervating  climates  whom  he  had  so  rapidly  overthrown  in 
his  march  to  the  capital. 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  this  slaughter,  combined  with  the 
other  causes  of  discontent  already  existing  among  the  Aztecs, 
served  to  kindle  the  outraged  national  feeling  with  intense  hatred 
of  the  invaders.  The  city  rose  in  arms,  and  the  Spaniards  were 
hemmed  within  their  defenses.  Montezuma  himself  addressed  the 
people  from  the  battlements,  and  stayed  their  active  assault  upon 
the  works  of  Alvarado ;  but  they  strictly  blockaded  the  enemy  in  his 
castle,  cut  off  all  supplies,  and  entrenched  themselves  in  hastily  con- 
structed barricades  thrown  up  around  the  habitation  of  the  Span- 
iards, resolved  to  rest  behind  these  works  until  despair  and  famine 
would  finally  and  surely  throw  the  helpless  victims  into  their  power. 
Here  the  invaders,  with  scant  provisions  and  brackish  water, 
awaited  the  approach  of  Cortez,  who  received  the  explanations  of 
Alvarado  with  manifest  disgust.  "  You  have  been  false  to  your 
trust,"  said  he ;  "  you  have  done  badly,  indeed,  and  your  conduct 
has  been  that  of  a  madman  !  " 

Yet  this  was  not  a  moment  to  break  entirely  with  Alvarado, 
whose  qualities,  and  perhaps  even  his  conduct,  rendered  him  popular 
with  a  large  class  of  the  Spanish  adventurers.  The  newly  recruited 
forces  of  Cortez  gave  the  conqueror  additional  strength,  for  he  was 
now  at  the  head  of  no  less  than  twelve  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards, 
and  eight  thousand  auxiliaries,  chiefly  Tlascalans.  Yet  under  the 
untoward  circumstances  the  increase  of  his  forces  augmented  the 
difficulties  of  their  support.  Montezuma  hastened  to  greet  him. 
But  the  Spaniard  was  in  no  mood  to  trust  the  emperor;  and  as  his 
Mexican  subjects  made  no  sign  of  reconciliation  or  submission  he 
refused  the  proffered  interview.  "  What  have  I,"  exclaimed  he, 
haughtily,  "  to  do  with  this  dog  of  a  king  who  suffers  us  to  starve 
before  his  eyes !  "  He  would  receive  no  apology  from  his  country- 
men who  sought  to  exculpate  the  sovereign,  or  from  the  mediating 
nobles  of  the  court.  "  Go  tell  your  master,"  was  his  reply,  "  to  open 
the  markets,  or  we  will  do  it  for  him,  at  his  cost !  " 

But  the  stern  resistance  of  the  natives  was  not  intermitted.  On 
the  contrary,  active  preparations  were  made  to  assault  the  pile  of 
stone  buildings  which  formed  the  palace  of  Axayacatl,  in  which  the 


REVOLT  AGAINST  SPANIARDS     35 

1519-1520 

Spaniards  were  lodged.  The  furious  populace  rushed  through  every 
avenue  toward  this  edifice,  and  encountered  with  wonderful  nerve 
and  endurance  the  ceaseless  storm  of  iron  hail  which  its  stout  de- 
fenders rained  upon  them  from  every  quarter.  Yet  the  onset  of 
the  Aztecs  was  almost  too  fierce  to  be  borne  much  longer  by  the 
besieged,  when  the  Spaniards  resorted  to  the  lingering  authority  of 
Montezuma  to  save  them  from  annihilation.  The  pliant  emperor, 
still  their  prisoner,  assumed  his  royal  robes  and  with  the  symbol  of 
sovereignty  in  his  hand  ascended  the  central  turret  of  the  palace. 
Immediately  at  this  royal  apparition  the  tumult  of  the  fight  was 
hushed  while  the  king  addressed  his  subjects  in  the  language  of 
conciliation  and  rebuke.  Yet  the  appeal  was  not  satisfactory  or 
effectual.  "  Base  Aztec,"  shouted  the  chiefs ;  "  the  white  men  have 
made  you  a  woman,  fit  only  to  weave  and  spin !  "  while  a  cloud  of 
stones,  spears,  and  arrows  fell  upon  the  monarch,  who  sank  wounded 
to  the  ground,  though  the  bucklers  of  the  Spaniards  were  promptly 
interposed  to  shield  his  person  from  violence.  He  was  borne  to  his 
apartments  below;  and,  bowed  to  the  earth  by  the  humiliation  he 
had  suffered  alike  from  his  subjects  and  his  foes,  he  would  neither 
receive  comfort  nor  permit  his  wounds  to  be  treated  by  those  who 
were  skilled  in  surgery.  He  reclined  in  moody  silence,  brooding 
over  his  ancient  majesty  and  the  deep  disgrace  which  he  felt  he  had 
too  long  survived. 

Meanwhile  the  war  without  continued  to  rage.  The  great  Teo- 
calli  or  mound-temple,  already  described,  was  situated  at  a  short 
distance  opposite  the  Spanish  defenses ;  and  from  this  elevated  posi- 
tion, which  commanded  the  invaders'  quarters,  a  body  of  five  or  six 
hundred  Mexicans  began  to  throw  their  missiles  into  the  Spanish 
garrison,  while  the  natives,  under  the  shelter  of  the  sanctuaries, 
were  screened  from  the  fire  of  the  besieged.  It  was  necessary  to 
dislodge  this  dangerous  armament.  An  assault,  under  Escobar, 
was  hastily  prepared,  but  the  hundred  men  who  composed  it  were 
thrice  repulsed,  and  obliged  finally  to  retreat  with  considerable  loss. 
Cortez  had  been  wounded  and  disabled  in  his  left  hand  in  the  pre- 
vious fight,  but  he  bound  his  buckler  to  the  crippled  limb,  and  at  the 
head  of  three  hundred  chosen  men,  accompanied  by  Alvarado,  San- 
doval, Ordaz,  and  others  of  his  most  gallant  cavaliers,  he  sallied 
from  the  besieged  palace.  It  was  soon  found  that  horses  were 
useless  in  charging  the  Indians  over  the  smooth  and  slippery  pave- 
ments of  the  town  and  square,  and  accordingly  Cortez  sent  them 


36  MEXICO 

1519-1520 

back  to  his  quarters;  yet  he  managed  to  repulse  the  squadrons  in 
the  courtyard  of  the  Teocalli,  and  to  hold  them  in  check  by  a  file  of 
arquebusiers.  The  singular  architecture  of  this  mound-temple 
will  be  recollected  by  the  reader,  and  the  difficulty  of  its  ascent,  by 
means  of  five  stairways  and  four  terraces,  was  now  increased  by 
the  crowds  that  thronged  these  narrow  avenues.  From  stair  to 
stair,  from  gallery  to  gallery,  the  Spaniards  fought  onward  and 
upward  with  resistless  courage,  incessantly  flinging  their  Indian 
foes,  by  main  strength,  over  the  narrow  ledges.  At  length  they 
reached  the  level  platform  of  the  top,  which  was  capable  of  contain- 
ing a  thousand  warriors.  Here,  at  the  shrine  of  the  Aztec  war-god, 
was  a  site  for  the  noblest  contest  in  the  empire.  The  area  was  paved 
with  broad  and  level  stones.  Free  from  all  impediments,  it  was 
unguarded  at  its  edges  by  battlements,  parapets,  or  any  defenses 
which  could  protect  the  assailants  from  falling  if  they  approached 
the  sides  too  closely.  Quarter  was  out  of  the  question.  The  battle 
was  hand  to  hand,  and  body  to  body.  Combatants  grappled  and 
wrestled  in  deadly  efforts  to  cast  each  other  from  the  steep  and  sheer 
ledges.  Indian  priests  ran  to  and  fro,  with  streaming  hair  and 
sable  garments,  urging  their  superstitious  children  to  the  contest. 
Men  tumbled  headlong  over  the  sides  of  the  area,  and  even  Cortez 
himself  by  superior  agility  alone  was  saved  from  the  grasp  of  two 
warriors  who  dragged  him  to  the  brink  of  the  lofty  pyramid  and 
were  about  to  dash  him  to  the  earth. 

For  three  hours  the  battle  raged,  until  every  Indian  combatant 
was  either  slain  on  the  summit  or  hurled  to  the  base.  Forty-five  of 
the  Spaniards  were  killed,  and  nearly  all  wounded.  A  few  Aztec 
priests,  alone  of  all  the  Indian  band,  survived  to  behold  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  sanctuaries  which  had  so  often  been  desecrated  by  the 
hideous  rites  and  offerings  of  their  bloody  religion. 

For  a  moment  the  natives  were  panic-struck  by  this  masterly 
and  victorious  maneuver,  while  the  .Spaniards  passed  unmolested 
to  their  quarters,  from  which  at  night  they  again  sallied  to  burn 
three  hundred  houses  of  the  citizens. 

Cortez  thought  that  these  successes  would  naturally  dismay  the 
Mexicans,  and  proposed,  through  Mariana — his  faithful  interpreter, 
who  had  continued  throughout  his  adventures  the  chief  reliance  of 
the  Spaniards  for  intercourse  with  the  Indians — that  this  conflict 
should  cease  at  once,  for  the  Aztecs  must  be  convinced  that  a  soldier 
who  destroyed  their  gods,  laid  a  part  of  their  capital  in  ruins,  and 


REVOLT  AGAINST  SPANIARDS     37 

1519-1520 

was  able  to  inflict  still  more  direful  chastisement,  was,  indeed, 
invincible. 

But  the  day  of  successful  threats  had  passed.  The  force  of 
the  Aztecs  was  still  undiminished ;  the  bridges  were  destroyed ;  the 
numbers  of  the  Spaniards  were  lessened ;  hunger  and  thirst  were 
beginning  to  do  their  deadly  work  on  the  invaders ;  "  there  will  be 
only  too  few  of  you  left,"  said  they  in  reply,  "  to  satisfy  the  revenge 
of  our  gods." 

There  was  no  longer  time  for  diplomacy  or  delay,  and  accord- 
ingly Cortez  resolved  to  quit  the  city  as  soon  as  practicable,  and 
prepared  the  means  to  accomplish  this  desirable  retreat;  but  on  his 
first  attempt  he  was  unable  to  reach  the  open  country  through  the 
easily  defended  highway  of  the  capital  or  the  enfilading  canals  and 
lanes.  From  house-tops  and  cross-streets  innumerable  Indians  be- 
set his  path  wherever  he  turned.  Yet  it  was  essential  for  the  salva- 
tion of  the  Spaniards  that  they  should  evacuate  the  city.  No  other 
resource  remained,  and,  desperate  as  it  was,  the  conqueror  perse- 
vered unflinchingly  amid  the  more  hazardous  assaults  of  the  Mexi- 
cans and  all  the  internal  discords  of  his  own  band,  whom  a  common 
danger  did  not  perfectly  unite.  He  packed  the  treasure  gathered 
during  the  days  of  prosperous  adventure  on  his  stoutest  horses,  and 
with  a  portable  bridge,  to  be  thrown  hastily  over  the  canals,  he 
departed  from  his  stronghold  on  the  dark  and  rainy  evening 
which  has  become  memorable  in  history  as  the  noche  triste,  or 
"  melancholy  night."  The  Mexicans  were  not  usually  alert  during 
the  darkness,  and  Cortez  hoped  that  he  might  steal  off  unperceived 
in  this  unwatchful  period.  But  he  was  mistaken  in  his  calculations. 
The  Aztecs  had  become  acquainted  with  Spanish  tactics  and  were 
eager  for  the  arrival  of  the  moment,  by  day  or  night,  when  the  ex- 
pected victims  would  fall  into  their  hands.  As  soon  as  the  Spanish 
band  had  advanced  a  short  distance  along  the  causeway  of  Tlacopan 
the  attack  began  by  land  and  water ;  for  the  Indians  assaulted  them 
from  their  boats,  with  spears  and  arrows,  or  quitting  their  skiffs 
grappled  with  the  retreating  soldiers  in  mortal  combat,  and  rolled 
them  from  the  causeway  into  the  waters  of  the  lake.  The  bridge 
was  wedged  inextricably  between  the  sides  of  a  dyke,  while  ammu- 
nition wagons,  heavy  guns,  bales  of  rich  cloth,  chests  of  gold,  artil- 
lery, and  the  bodies  of  men  or  horses  were  piled  in  heaps  on  the 
highway  or  rolled  into  the  water.  Forty-six  of  the  cavalry  were 
cut  off  and  four  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  Christians  killed,  while 


38  MEXICO 

1519-1520 

four  thousand  of  the  Indian  auxiliaries  perished.1  The  general's 
baggage,  papers,  and  minute  diary  of  his  adventures  were  swallowed 
in  the  waters.  The  ammunition,  the  artillery,  and  every  musket 
were  lost.  Meanwhile  Montezuma  had  perished  from  his  wounds 
some  days  before  the  sortie  was  attempted,  and  his  body  had  been 
delivered  to  his  subjects  with  suitable  honors.  Alvarado — Tona- 
tiuh,  the  "  child  of  the  sun,"  as  the  natives  delighted  to  call  him — 
escaped  during  the  noche  triste  by  a  miraculous  leap  with  the  aid  of 
his  lance-staff  over  a  canal,  to  whose  edge  he  had  been  pursued  by 
the  foe.  And  when  Cortez  at  length  found  himself  with  his  thin  and 
battered  band  on  the  heights  of  Tacuba,  west  of  the  city,  beyond  the 
borders  of  the  lake,  it  may  be  said  without  exaggeration  that  nothing 
was  left  to  reassure  him  but  his  indomitable  heart  and  the  faithful 
Indian  girl  whose  lips,  and  perhaps  whose  counsel,  had  been  so  use- 
ful in  his  service. 

1  These  numbers  are  variously  stated  by  different  authorities. — See  Prescott, 
"  Conquest  of  Mexico,"  vol.  II.  p.  277- 


Chapter    VI 

THE    SUCCESSES    OF   CORTEZ.     1520 

AFTER  the  disasters  and  fatigues  of  the  noche  triste  the 
L\  melancholy  and  broken  band  of  Cortez  rested  for  a  day  at 
JL  JL  Tacuba,  while  the  Mexicans  returned  to  the  capital,  prob- 
ably to  bury  the  dead  and  purify  their  city.  It  is  singular,  yet  it  is 
certain,  that  they  did  not  follow  up  their  successes  by  a  death-blow 
at  the  disarmed  Spaniards.  But  this  momentary  paralysis  of  their 
efforts  was  not  to  be  trusted,  and  accordingly  Cortez  began  to 
retreat  eastwardly,  under  the  guidance  of  the  Tlascalans,  by  a  cir- 
cuitous route  around  the  northern  limits  of  Lake  Zumpango.  The 
flying  forces  and  their  auxiliaries  were  soon  in  a  famishing  condi- 
tion, subsisting  alone  on  corn  or  on  wild  cherries  gathered  in  the 
forest,  with  occasional  refreshment  and  support  from  the  carcass  of 
a  horse  that  perished  by  the  way.  For  six  days  these  wretched  frag- 
ments of  the  Spanish  army  continued  their  weary  pilgrimage,  and 
on  the  seventh  reached  Otumba  on  the  way  from  Mexico  to  Tlascala. 
Along  the  whole  of  this  march  the  fainting  and  dispirited  band  was 
ever  and  anon  assailed  by  detached  squadrons  of  the  enemy,  who 
threw  stones  and  rolled  rocks  on  the  men  as  they  passed  beneath 
precipices,  or  assaulted  them  with  arrows  and  spears.  As  Cortez 
advanced  the  enemy  gathered  in  his  rear  and  bade  him  "  Go  on 
whither  he  should  meet  the  vengeance  due  to  his  robbery  and  his 
crimes,"  for  the  main  body  of  the  Aztecs  had  meanwhile  passed  by 
an  eastern  route  across  the  country  and  placed  itself  in  a  position  to 
intercept  the  Spaniards  on  the  plains  of  Otumba.  As  the  army  of 
the  conqueror  crossed  the  last  dividing  ridge  that  overlooked  the 
vale  of  Otompan,  it  beheld  the  levels  below  filled,  as  far  as  eye  could 
reach,  with  the  spears  and  standards  of  the  Aztec  victors,  whose 
forces  had  been  augmented  by  levies  from  the  territory  of  the  neigh- 
boring Tezcoco.  Cortez  presented  a  sorry  array  to  be  launched  from 
the  cliffs  upon  this  sea  of  lances.  But  he  was  not  the  man  to  tremble 
or  hesitate.  He  spread  out  his  main  body  as  widely  as  possible,  and 
guarded  the  flanks  by  the  twenty  horsemen  who  survived  the  noche 
triste  and  the  disastrous  march  from  Tacuba.     He  ordered  his  cav- 

39 


40  MEXICO 

1520 

airy  not  to  cast  away  their  lances,  but  to  aim  them  constantly  at  the 
faces  of  the  Indians,  while  the  infantry  were  to  thrust  and  not  to 
strike  with  their  swords.  The  leaders  of  the  enemy  were  especially 
to  be  selected  as  marks,  and  he  finally  bade  his  men  trust  in  God, 
"  who  would  not  permit  them  to  perish  by  the  hands  of  infidels." 
The  signal  was  given  for  the  charge.  Spaniard  and  Tlascalan  fought 
hand  to  hand  with  the  foe.  Long  and  doubtfully  the  battle  raged 
on  both  sides,  until  every  Spaniard  was  wounded.  Suddenly  Cortez 
descried  the  insignia  of  the  enemy's  commanding  general,  and  know- 
ing that  the  fortunes  of  the  day  in  all  probability  depended  upon 
securing  or  slaying  that  personage,  he  commanded  Sandoval,  Olid, 
Alvarado,  and  Avila  to  follow  and  support  him  as  he  dashed  toward 
the  Indian  chief.  The  Aztecs  fell  back  as  he  rushed  on,  leaving  a 
lane  for  the  group  of  galloping  cavaliers.  Cortez  and  his  compan- 
ions soon  reached  the  fatal  spot,  and  the  conqueror,  driving  his 
lance  through  the  Aztec  leader,  left  him  to  be  dispatched  by  Juan 
de  Salamanca.  This  was  the  work  of  a  moment.  The  death  of  the 
general  struck  a  panic  into  the  combined  forces  of  Tenochtitlan  and 
Tezcoco,  and  a  promiscuous  flight  began  on  all  sides.  At  sunset  on 
July  8,  1520,  the  Spaniards  were  victors  on  the  field  of  Otumba, 
and,  gathering  together  in  an  Indian  temple  which  they  found  on 
an  eminence  overlooking  the  plain,  they  offered  up  a  Te  Deum  for 
their  miraculous  preservation  as  well  as  for  the  hope  with  which 
their  success  reinspired  them. 

The  next  day  the  invaders  quitted  their  encampment  on  the 
battlefield  and  hastened  toward  the  territory  of  their  friends,  the 
Tlascalans.  The  Spaniards  now  presented  themselves  to  the  rulers 
of  their  allies  in  a  different  guise  from  that  worn  when  they 
first  advanced  toward  Mexico.  Fully  equipped,  mounted,  and  fur- 
nished with  ammunition,  they  had  then  compelled  the  prompt  sub- 
mission of  the  Tlascalans,  and,  assuring  their  alliance,  had  con- 
quered the  Cholulans  and  obtained  the  control  even  of  the  capital 
and  person  of  the  Aztec  emperor  himself.  But  now  they  returned 
defeated,  plundered,  unarmed,  poor,  scarcely  clad,  and  with  the 
loss  of  a  large  part  of  those  Indian  allies  who  had  acompanied  the 
expedition.  There  was  reason  for  disheartening  fear  in  the  breast 
of  Cortez,  had  it  been  susceptible  of  such  an  emotion.  But  the 
Lord  of  Tlascala  reassured  him,  when  he  declared  that  their  "  cause 
was  common  against  Mexico,  and,  come  weal,  come  woe,  they 
would  prove  loyal  to  the  death !  " 


£     ,8 

N       £ 


SUCCESSES     OF     CORTEZ  41 

1520 

The  Spaniards  were  glad  to  find  a  friendly  palace  in  Tlascala 
in  which  to  shelter  themselves  after  the  dreadful  storms  that  had 
recently  broken  on  their  head.  Yet  in  the  quiet  of  their  retreat, 
and  in  the  excitement  of  their  rallying-  blood,  they  began  to  reflect 
upon  the  past  and  the  disheartening  aspect  of  the  future.  Murmurs, 
which  were  at  first  confined  to  the  barrack,  at  length  assumed  public 
significance,  and  a  large  body  of  the  men,  chiefly  the  soldiers  of 
Narvaez,  presented  to  Cortez  a  petition  which  was  headed  by  his 
own  secretary,  demanding  permission  to  retreat  to  La  Villa  Rica 
de  la  Vera  Cruz.  Just  at  this  moment,  too,  Cuitlahua,  who  mounted 
the  throne  of  Mexico  on  the  death  of  Montezuma,  dispatched  a  mis- 
sion to  the  Tlascalans,  proposing  to  bury  the  hatchet  and  to  unite 
in  sweeping  the  Spaniards  from  the  realm.  The  hours  which  were 
consumed  by  the  Tlascalans  in  deliberating  on  this  dread  proposal 
were  full  of  deep  anxiety  to  Cortez ;  for,  in  the  present  feeble  condi- 
tion of  his  Spanish  force,  his  whole  reliance  consisted  in  adroitly 
playing  off  one  part  of  the  Indian  population  against  another.  If 
he  lost  the  aid,  alliance,  or  neutrality  of  the  Tlascalans,  his  cause  was 
lost,  and  all  hope  of  reconquest,  or  perhaps  even  of  retreat,  was  gone 
forever. 

The  promised  alliance  of  the  Mexicans  was  warmly  and  sternly 
supported  in  the  debates  of  the  Tlascalan  council  by  some  of  the 
nobles;  yet,  after  full  and  even  passionate  discussion,  which  ended 
in  personal  violence  between  two  of  the  chiefs,  it  was  unanimously 
resolved  to  reject  the  proposal  of  their  hereditary  foes,  who  had 
never  been  able  to  subdue  them  as  a  nation  in  battle,  but  hoped  to 
entrap  them  into  an  alliance  in  the  hour  of  common  danger.  These 
discussions,  together  with  the  positive  rejection  by  Cortez  of  the 
Spanish  petition,  seem  to  have  allayed  the  anxiety  of  the  invaders 
to  return  to  Vera  Cruz.  With  the  assured  friendship  of  the  Tlas- 
calans they  could  rely  upon  some  good  turn  in  fortune,  and  at  length 
the  vision  of  the  conquest  might  be  realized  under  the  commander 
who  had  led  them  through  success  and  defeat  with  equal  skill. 

Accordingly  Cortez  did  not  allow  his  men  to  remain  long  in 
idle  garrisons,  brooding  over  the  past  or  becoming  moody  and 
querulous.  If  he  could  not  conquer  a  nation  by  a  blow,  he  might 
perhaps  subdue  a  tribe  by  a  foray,  while  the  military  success  or 
golden  plunder  would  serve  to  keep  alive  the  fire  of  enterprise  in 
the  breasts  of  his  troopers.  His  first  attack,  after  he  had  recruited 
the  strength  of  his  men,  was  on  the  Tepeacans,  whom  he  speedily 


42  MEXICO 

1520 

overthrew,  and  in  whose  chief  town  of  Tepeaca,  on  the  Mexican 
frontier,  he  established  his  headquarters  in  the  midst  of  a  flourishing 
and  productive  district,  whence  his  supplies  were  easily  gathered. 
Here  he  received  an  invitation  from  the  cacique  of  Quauhquechollan 
— a  town  of  thirty  thousand  inhabitants,  whose  chief  was  impatient 
of  the  Mexican  yoke — to  march  to  his  relief.  Olid  was  dispatched 
on  this  expedition ;  but  getting  entangled  in  disputes  and  frays  with 
the  Cholulans,  whose  people  he  assaulted  and  took  prisoners,  Cortez 
himself  assumed  command  of  the  expedition.  In  the  assault  and 
capture  of  this  town  Cortez  and  his  men  obtained  a  rich  booty. 
They  followed  up  the  blow  by  taking  the  strong  city  of  Itzocan, 
which  had  also  been  held  by  a  Mexican  garrison ;  and  here,  too,  the 
captors  seized  upon  rich  spoils,  while  the  Indian  auxiliaries  were 
soon  inflamed  by  the  reports  of  booty,  and  hastened  in  numbers  to 
the  chief  who  led  them  to  victory  and  plunder. 

Cortez  returned  to  Tepeaca  from  these  expeditions,  which  were 
not  alone  predatory  in  their  character,  but  were  calculated  to  pave 
the  way  for  his  military  approach  once  more  to  the  City  of  Mexico 
as  soon  as  his  schemes  ripened  for  the  conquest.  The  ruling  idea  of 
ultimate  success  never  for  a  moment  left  his  mind.  From  Tepeaca 
he  dispatched  his  officers  on  various  expeditions,  and  marched 
Sandoval  against  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  lying  between  his  camp 
and  Vera  Cruz.  These  detachments  defeated  the  Mexicans  in  two 
battles,  reduced  the  whole  country  which  is  now  known  as  lying 
between  Orizaba  and  the  western  skirts  of  the  plain  of  Puebla,  and 
thus  secured  the  communication  with  the  seacoast.  Those  who  are 
familiar  with  the  geography  of  Mexico  will  see  at  a  glance  with 
what  masterly  generalship  the  dispositions  of  Cortez  were  made  to 
secure  the  success  of  his  darling  project.  Nor  can  we  fail  to  recog- 
nize the  power  of  a  single  indomitable  will  over  masses  of  Christians 
and  Indians,  in  the  wonderful  as  well  as  successful  control  which 
the  conqueror  obtained  in  his  dealings  with  his  countrymen  as  well 
as  the  natives  at  this  period  of  extreme  danger.  When  Mexico  was 
lost  after  the  nochc  triste,  the  military  resources  of  Cortez  were 
really  nothing,  for  his  slender  band  was  deprived  of  its  most  effec- 
tive weapons,  was  broken  in  moral  courage,  and  placed  on  an 
equality,  as  to  arms,  with  the  Indians.  The  successes  he  obtained  at 
Otumba,  Tlascala,  Tepeaca,  and  elsewhere  not  only  reestablished 
the  prestige  of  his  genius  among  his  countrymen,  but  affected  even 
the  Indians.     The  native  cities  and  towns  in  the  adjacent  country 


SUCCESSES     OF     CORTEZ  43 

1520 

appealed  to  him  to  decide  in  their  difficulties,  and  his  discretion  and 
justice  as  an  arbitrator  assured  him  an  ascendency  which  it  is  sur- 
prising that  a  stranger  who  was  ignorant  of  their  language  could 
acquire  among  men  who  were  in  the  semi-civilized  and  naturally 
jealous  state  in  which  he  found  the  Aztec  and  Tlascalan  tribes.  Thus 
it  is  that,  under  the  influence  of  his  will  and  genius,  "  a  new  empire 
grew  up  in  the  very  heart  of  the  land,  forming  a  counterpoise  to 
the  colossal  power  which  had  so  long  overshadowed  it." 

In  the  judgment  of  Cortez  the  moment  had  now  arrived  when 
he  was  strong  enough,  and  when  it  was  proper,  that  he  should 
attempt  the  reconquest  of  the  capital.  His  alliance  with  the  Tlasca- 
lans  reposed  upon  a  firm  basis,  and  consequently  he  could  rely  upon 
adequate  support  from  the  Indians  who  would  form  the  majority 
of  his  army.  Nor  were  his  losses  of  military  equipments  and  stores 
unrepaired.  Fortune  favored  him  by  the  arrival  of  several  vessels 
at  Vera  Cruz,  from  which  he  obtained  munitions  of  war  and  addi- 
tional troops.  One  hundred  and  fifty  well-provided  men  and  twenty 
horses  were  joined  to  his  forces  by  these  arrivals. 

Before  his  departure,  however,  he  dispatched  a  few  discon- 
tented men  from  his  camp  and  gave  them  a  vessel  with  which  they 
might  regain  their  homes.  He  wrote  an  account  of  his  adventures, 
moreover,  to  his  government  in  Spain,  and  besought  his  sovereign 
to  confirm  his  authority  in  the  lands  and  over  the  people  he  might 
add  to  the  Spanish  crown.  He  addressed,  also,  the  royal  audience 
at  San  Domingo  to  interest  its  members  in  his  cause,  and  when 
he  dispatched  four  vessels  from  Vera  Cruz  for  additional  military 
supplies  he  freighted  them  with  specimens  of  gold  and  Indian  fabrics 
to  inflame  the  cupidity  of  new  adventurers. 

In  Tlascala  he  settled  the  question  of  succession  in  the  govern- 
ment; constructed  new  arms  and  caused  old  ones  to  be  repaired; 
made  powder  with  sulphur  obtained  from  the  volcano  of  Popoca- 
tepetl; and,  under  the  direction  of  his  builder,  Lopez,  prepared  the 
timber  of  brigantines,  which  he  designed  to  carry,  in  pieces,  and 
launch  on  the  lake  at  the  town  of  Tezcoco.  At  that  port  he  resolved 
to  prepare  himself  fully  for  the  final  attack,  and  this  time  he  deter- 
mined to  assault  the  enemy's  capital  by  water  as  well  as  by  land. 


Chapter    VII 

THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE   VALLEY.     1520-1521 

A  FTER  a  short  and  brilliant  reign  of  four  months  Cuitlahua, 
/  \  the  successor  of  Montezuma,  died  of  smallpox,  which 
X.  jL,  at  that  period  raged  throughout  Mexico,  and  he  was 
succeeded  by  Guauhtemotzin,  or  Guatemozin,  the  nephew  of  the 
last  two  emperors.  This  sovereign  ascended  the  Aztec  throne  in 
his  twenty-fifth  year,  yet  he  seems  to  have  been  experienced  as  a 
soldier  and  firm  as  a  patriot. 

It  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  the  Aztec  court  was  long  ig- 
norant of  the  doings  of  Cortez.  It  was  evident  that  the  bold  and 
daring  Spaniard  had  not  only  been  unconquered  in  heart  and 
resolution,  but  that  he  even  meditated  a  speedy  return  to  the  scene 
of  his  former  successful  exploits.  The  Mexicans  felt  sure  that 
upon  this  occasion  his  advent  and  purposes  would  be  altogether 
undisguised,  and  that  when  he  again  descended  to  the  valley  in 
which  their  capital  nestled  he  would  in  all  probability  be  prepared 
to  sustain  himself  and  his  followers  in  any  position  his  good 
fortune  and  strong  arm  might  secure  to  him.  The  news,  more- 
over, of  his  firm  alliance  with  the  Tlascalans  and  all  the  discon- 
tented tributaries  of  the  Aztec  throne,  as  well  as  of  the  rein- 
forcements and  munitions  he  had  received  from  Vera  Cruz,  was 
quickly  brought  to  the  City  of  Mexico ;  and  every  suitable  prepara- 
tion was  made,  by  strengthening  the  defenses,  encouraging  the 
vassals,  and  disciplining  the  troops,  to  protect  the  menaced  empire 
from  impending  ruin. 

Xor  was  Cortez.  in  his  turn,  idle  in  exciting  the  combined 
forces  of  the  Spaniards  and  Indians  for  the  last  effort  which  it 
was  probable  he  could  make  for  the  success  of  his  great  enterprise. 
His  Spanish  force  consisted  of  nearly  six  hundred  men,  forty  of 
whom  were  cavalry,  together  with  eighty  arquebusiers  and  cross- 
bowmen.  Nine  cannon  of  small  caliber,  supplied  with  indifferent 
powder,  constituted  his  train  of  artillery.  His  army  of  Indian 
allies  is  estimated  at  the  doubtless  exaggerated  number  of  over  one 

44 


CONQUEST     OF     THE     VALLEY  45 

1520-1521 

hundred  thousand,  armed  with  the  maquahuatil,  pikes,  bows, 
arrows,  and  divided  into  battalions,  each  with  its  own  banners, 
insignia,  and  commanders.  His  appeal  to  all  the  members  of  this 
motley  array  was  couched  in  language  likely  to  touch  the  passions, 
the  bigotry,  the  enthusiasm,  and  avarice  of  various  classes;  and 
after  once  more  crossing  the  mountains  and  reaching  the  margin 
of  the  lakes  he  encamped  on  December  31,  1520,  within  the  vener- 
able precincts  of  Tezcoco,  "  the  place  of  rest." 

At  Tezcoco  Cortez  was  firmly  planted  on  the  eastern  edge  of 
the  valley  of  Mexico,  in  full  sight  of  the  capital,  which  lay  across 
the  lake,  near  its  western  shore,  at  the  distance  of  about  twelve 
miles.  Behind  him  toward  the  seacoast  he  commanded  the  coun- 
try, as  we  have  already  related,  while  by  passes  through  lower 
spurs  of  the  mountains  he  might  easily  communicate  with  the 
valleys  of  which  the  Tlascalans  and  Cholulans  were  masters. 

Fortifying  himself  strongly  in  his  dwelling  and  in  the  quarters 
of  his  men  in  Tezcoco,  he  at  once  applied  himself  to  the  task  of 
securing  such  military  positions  in  the  valley  and  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  great  causeway  between  the  lakes  as  would  command 
an  outlet  from  the  capital  by  land  and  enable  him  to  advance  across 
the  waters  of  Tezcoco  without  the  annoyance  of  enemies  who 
might  sally  forth  from  strongholds  on  his  left  flank.  On  his  right 
the  chain  of  lakes,  extending  farther  than  the  eye  can  reach, 
furnished  the  best  protection  he  could  desire.  Accordingly,  he  first 
of  all  reduced  and  destroyed  the  ancient  city  of  Iztapalapan — a 
place  of  fifty  thousand  inhabitants,  ^distant  about  six  leagues  from 
the  town  of  Tezcoco — which  was  built  on  the  narrow  isthmus 
dividing  the  lake  of  that  name  from  the  waters  of  Chalco.  He  next 
directed  his  forces  against  the  city  of  Chalco,  lying  on  the  eastern 
extremity  of  the  lake  that  bore  its  name,  where  his  army  was 
received  in  triumph  by  the  peaceful  citizens  after  the  evacuation 
of  the  Mexican  garrison.  Such  were  the  chief  of  his  military  and 
precautionary  expeditions  until  the  arrival  of  the  materials  for  the 
boats  or  brigantines  which  Martin  Lopez  and  his  four  Spanish 
assistant  carpenters  had  already  put  together  and  tried  on  the 
waters  of  Zahuapan;  and  which,  after  a  successful  experiment, 
they  had  taken  to  pieces  again  and  borne  in  fragments  to  Tezcoco. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1521  Cortez  intrusted  his  garrison  at 
Tezcoco  to  Sandoval,  and  with  three  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards 
and  nearly  all  his  Indian  allies  departed  on  an  expedition  designed 


46  MEXICO 

1520-1521 

to  reconnoiter  the  capital.  He  passed  from  his  stronghold  north- 
wardly around  the  head  of  the  lakes  north  of  Tezcoco — one  of 
which  is  now  called  San  Cristoval — and  took  possession  of  the 
insular  town  of  Xaltocan.  Passing  thence  along  the  western  edge 
of  the  vale  of  Anahuac  or  Mexico,  he  reached  the  city  of  Tacuba, 
west  of  the  capital,  with  which  so  many  disastrous  recollections 
were  connected  on  his  first  sad  exit  from  the  imperial  city.  During 
this  expedition  the  troops  of  the  conqueror  were  almost  daily  en- 
gaged in  skirmishes  with  the  guerrilla  forces  of  the  Aztecs;  yet 
notwithstanding  their  constant  annoyance  and  stout  resistance  the 
Spaniards  were  invariably  successful  and  even  managed  to  secure 
some  booty  of  trifling  value.  After  a  fortnight  of  rapid  marching, 
fighting  and  reconnoitering,  Cortez  and  his  men  returned  to 
Tezcoco.  Here  he  was  met  by  an  embassy  from  the  friendly 
Chalcans  and  pressed  for  a  sufficient  force  to  sustain  them  against 
the  Mexicans,  who  dispatched  the  warriors  of  certain  neighboring 
and  loyal  strongholds  to  annoy  the  inhabitants  of  a  town  which  had 
exhibited  a  desire  to  fraternize  with  the  invading  Spaniards.  In- 
deed, the  Aztecs  saw  the  importance  of  maintaining  the  control  of 
a  point  which  commanded  the  most  important  avenue  to  their  cap- 
ital from  the  Atlantic  coast.  The  wearied  troops  of  Cortez  were 
in  no  state  to  respond  to  the  summons  of  the  Chalcans  at  that 
moment,  for  their  hurried  foray  and  incessant  conflicts  with  the 
enemy  had  made  them  anxious  for  the  repose  they  might  justly 
expect  in  Tezcoco.  Nevertheless,  Cortez  did  not  choose  to  rely 
upon  his  naval  enterprise  alone;  but,  conscious  as  he  was  of  hold- 
ing the  main  key  of  the  land  as  well  as  water,  he  dispatched  with- 
out delay  his  trusty  Sandoval  with  three  hundred  Spanish  infantry 
and  twenty  horses  to  protect  the  town  of  Chalco  and  reduce  the 
hostile  fortifications  in  its  vicinity.  This  duty  he  soon  successfully 
performed.  But  the  Aztecs  renewed  the  assault  on  Chalco  with  a 
fleet  of  boats,  and  were  again  beaten  off  with  the  loss  of  a  number 
of  their  nobles,  who  were  delivered  by  the  victors  to  Sandoval, 
whom  Cortez  had  sent  back  to  support  the  contested  town  as  soon 
as  the  news  of  the  fresh  attack  reached  him. 

By  this  time  the  brigantines  were  nearly  completed,  and  the 
canal  dug  by  which  they  were  to  be  carried  to  the  waters  of  the 
lake,  for  at  that  time  the  town  of  Tezcoco  was  distant  from  its 
margin.  He  dared  not  trust  these  precious  materials  for  his  future 
success  beyond  the  shelter  of  his  citadel  in  Tezcoco,  since  every 


CONQUEST     OF     THE     VALLEY  47 

1520-1521 

effort  had  already  been  made  by  hostile  and  marauding  parties  to 
destroy  them ;  and  he  was  therefore  obliged  to  undergo  the  trouble 
of  digging  his  canal,  about  half  a  league  in  length,  in  order  to 
launch  his  vessels  when  the  moment  for  final  action  arrived. 

Nor  was  his  heart  uncheered  by  fresh  arrivals  from  the  Old 
World.  Two  hundred  men,  well  provided  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  with  upwards  of  seventy  horses — coming  most  probably 
from  Hispaniola — found  their  way  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Tezcoco 
and  united  themselves  with  the  corps  of  Cortez. 

In  the  meantime  the  emperor  again  directed  his  arms  against 
his  recreant  subjects  of  Chalco,  which  he  seemed  resolved  to  sub- 
due and  hold  at  all  hazards,  so  as  effectually  to  cut  off  the  most 
important  land  approach  to  his  capital.  Envoys  arrived  in  the 
Spanish  camp  with  reports  of  the  danger  that  menaced  them,  and 
earnest  appeals  for  efficient  support.  This  time  Cortez  resolved  to 
lead  the  party  destined  for  this  service,  and  on  April  5  set  out  with 
thirty  horsemen,  three  hundred  infantry,  and  a  large  body  of 
Tlascalans  and  Tezcocans,  to  succor  a  city  whose  neutrality,  at 
least,  it  was  important,  as  we  have  already  shown,  should  even- 
tually be  secured.  He  seems  to  have  effected  by  his  personal 
influence  in  Chalco  and  its  neighborhood  what  his  lieutenant  San- 
doval had  been  unable  to  do  by  arms,  so  that  he  not  only  rendered 
a  large  number  of  loyal  Aztecs  passive,  but  even  secured  the  co- 
operation of  additional  auxiliaries  from  among  the  Chalcans  and 
the  tribes  that  dwelt  on  the  borders  of  their  lake. 

Cortez  was  not,  however,  content  with  this  demonstration 
against  his  near  neighbors,  but  resolved,  now  that  he  was  once 
more  in  the  saddle,  to  cross  the  sierra  that  hemmed  in  the  vale  of 
Anahuac  on  the  south,  and  to  descend  its  southern  slopes  on  a 
visit  to  the  warmer  regions  that  basked  at  their  feet.  Accordingly 
he  prosecuted  his  southern  march  through  large  bodies  of  harass- 
ing skirmishers,  who  hung  upon  the  rear  and  flanks  of  his  troop 
and  annoyed  it  with  arrows  and  missiles,  which  they  hurled  from 
the  crags  as  his  men  threaded  the  narrow  defiles  of  the  mountains. 
Passing  through  Huaxtepec  and  Jauhtepec,  he  arrived  on  the  ninth 
day  of  his  march  before  the  strong  town  of  Guauhnahuac,  or 
Cuernavaca,  as  it  it  now  known  in  the  geography  of  Mexico.  It 
was  the  capital  of  the  Tlahuicas,  and  an  important  and  wealthy 
tributary  of  the  Aztecs.  Here,  too,  he  encountered  hostile  resist- 
ance, which  he  quickly  overcame.      His  name  as  a  successful  war- 


48  MEXICO 

1520-1521 

rior  had  preceded  him  among  these  more  effeminate  races,  and  the 
trembling  lords  of  the  territory  soon  submitted  to  his  mercy.  De- 
parting from  Cuernavaca,  Cortez  turned  again  northwards,  and 
ascending  the  sierra  in  a  new  direction  reentered  the  valley  of 
Anahuac  or  Mexico  by  the  main  route  which  now  penetrates  the 
southern  portion  of  its  rim.  From  the  summits  of  these  moun- 
tains, where  the  cool  air  of  the  temperate  clime  sings  through  the 
limbs  and  tassels  of  hardy  pines,  Cortez  swooped  down  upon 
Xochimilco,  or  the  "  field  of  flowers,"  where  he  was  again  encoun- 
tered by  guerrillas  and  more  formidable  squadrons  from  the  Aztec 
capital,  which  was  but  twelve  miles  distant.  Here  again,  after 
several  turns  in  the  tide  of  fortune,  the  Spaniards  were  triumphant 
and  obtained  a  rich  booty.  From  Xochimilco  the  little  band  and 
the  auxiliaries  advanced  among  continual  dangers  around  the 
^western  margin  of  the  lakes,  and.  skirting  the  feet  of  the  moun- 
tains, attained  once  more  the  town  of  Tacuba. 

The  conqueror  had  thus  circled  the  valley  and  penetrated  the 
adjacent  southern  vale  in  his  two  expeditions.  Wherever  he  went 
the  strange  weapons  of  his  Spaniards,  the  singular  appearance  of 
his  mounted  men,  and  his  uniform  success  served  to  inspire  the 
natives  with  a  salutary  dread  of  his  mysterious  power.  He  now 
knew  perfectly  the  topography  of  the  country — for  he  was  forced 
to  be  his  own  engineer  as  well  as  general.  He  had  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  state  of  the  Aztec  defenses  as  well  as  with  the 
slender  hold  the  central  power  of  the  empire  retained  over  the 
tributary  tribes,  towns,  and  districts  which  had  been  so  often  vexed 
by  taxation  to  support  a  voluptuous  sovereign  and  avaricious  aris- 
tocracy. He  found  the  sentiment  of  patriotic  union  and  loyalty 
but  feeble  among  the  various  populations  he  visited.  The  ties  of 
international  league  had  everywhere  been  adroitly  loosened  by  the 
conqueror,  either  through  his  eloquence  or  his  weapons ;  and  from 
all  his  careful  investigations,  both  of  character  and  country,  he  had 
reason  to  believe  that  the  realm  of  Mexico  was  at  length  almost 
within  his  grasp.  The  capital  was  now  encircled  with  a  cordon 
of  disloyal  cities.  Every  place  of  importance  had  been  visited, 
conquered,  subdued,  or  destroyed  in  its  moral  courage  or  natural 
allegiance.  But  Tacuba  was  too  near  the  capital  to  justify  him  in 
trusting  his  jaded  band  within  so  dangerous  a  neighborhood.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  did  not  delay  a  day  in  that  city,  but  gathering  his 
soldiers  as  soon  as  they  were  refreshed  he  departed  for  Tezcoco 


CONQUEST     OF     THE     VALLEY  49 

1520-1521 

by  the  northern  journey  around  the  lakes.  His  way  was  again 
beset  with  difficulties.  The  season  of  rain  and  storm  in  those  lofty 
regions  had  just  set  in.  The  road  was  flooded,  and  the  soldiers 
were  forced  to  plow  through  mud  in  drenched  garments.  But  as 
they  approached  their  destination  Sandoval  came  forth  to  meet 
them  with  companions  who  had  freshly  arrived  from  the  West 
Indies ;  and,  besides,  he  bore  the  cheering  news  that  the  brigantines 
were  ready  to  be  launched  for  the  last  blow  at  the  heart  of  the 
empire. 


Chapter    VIII 

SPANISH  DEFEATS  AND  DISAFFECTIONS  OF  ALLIES 

1521 

THE  return  of  Cortez  to  his  camp  after  all  the  toils  of  his 
arduous  expedition  was  not  hailed  with  unanimous  de- 
light by  those  who  had  hitherto  shared  his  dangers  and 
successes  since  the  loss  of  the  capital.  There  were  persons  in  the 
small  band  of  Spaniards — especially  among  those  who  had  been 
added  from  the  troops  of  Narvaez — who  still  brooded  over  the 
disaffection  and  mutinous  feelings  which  had  been  manifested  at 
TIascala  before  the  march  to  Tezcoco.  They  were  men  who 
eagerly  flocked  to  the  standard  of  the  conqueror  for  plunder ;  whose 
hearts  were  incapable  of  appreciating  the  true  spirit  of  glorious  ad- 
venture in  the  subjugation  of  an  empire,  and  who  despised  victories 
that  were  productive  of  nothing  but  fame. 

These  discontented  men  conspired  about  this  period,  under  the 
lead  of  Antonio  Villafafia,  a  common  soldier;  and  it  was  the  de- 
sign of  the  recreant  band  to  assassinate  Sandoval,  Olid,  and  Al- 
varado,  together  with  Cortez,  and  other  important  men  who  were 
known  to  be  deepest  in  the  general's  councils  or  interests.  After 
the  death  of  these  leaders, — with  whose  fall  the  enterprise  would 
doubtless  have  perished, — a  brother-in-law  of  Velasquez,  by  name 
Francisco  Verdugo,  who  was  altogether  ignorant  of  the  designs  of 
the  conspirators,  was  to  be  placed  in  command  of  the  panic-stricken 
troop,  which  it  was  supposed  would  instantly  unite  under  the  new 
general. 

It  was  the  project  of  these  wretches  to  assault  and  dispatch 
the  conqueror  and  his  officers  while  engaged  in  opening  dispatches, 
which  were  to  be  suddenly  presented,  as  if  just  arrived  from  Castile. 
But  a  day  before  the  consummation  of  the  treachery  one  of  the 
party  threw  himself  at  the  feet  of  Cortez  and  betrayed  the  project, 
together  with  the  information  that  in  the  possession  of  Villafafia 
would  be  found  a  paper  containing  the  names  of  his  associates  in 
infamy. 

Cortez  immediately  summoned  the  leaders  whose  lives  were 

50 


DEFEATS     AND     DISAFFECTIONS         51 

1521 

threatened,  and  after  a  brief  consultation  the  party  hastened  to 
the  quarters  of  Villafana  accompanied  by  four  officers.  The  arch- 
conspirator  was  arrested,  and  the  paper  wrested  from  him  as  he 
attempted  to  swallow  it.  He  was  instantaneously  tried  by  a  mili- 
tary court — and  after  brief  time  for  confession  and  shrift,  was 
swung  by  the  neck  from  the  casement  of  his  quarters.  The  prompt 
and  striking  sentence  was  executed  before  the  army  knew  of  the 
crime;  and  the  scroll  of  names  being  destroyed  by  Cortez,  the 
details  of  the  meditated  treachery  were  forever  buried  in  oblivion. 
The  commander,  however,  knew  and  marked  the  men  whose  par- 
ticipation had  been  so  unexpectedly  revealed  to  him;  but  he  stifled 
all  discontent  by  letting  it  be  understood  that  the  only  persons  who 
suffered  for  the  shameful  crime  had  made  no  confession !  He  could 
not  spare  men  from  his  thin  ranks  even  at  the  demand  of  justice, 
for  even  the  felons  who  sought  his  life  were  wanted  in  the  toils 
and  battles  of  his  great  and  final  enterprise. 

It  was  on  April  28,  1521,  amid  the  solemn  services  of  religion, 
and  in  the  presence  of  the  combined  army  of  Spaniards  and  In- 
dians, that  the  long-cherished  project  of  launching  the  brigantines 
was  finally  accomplished.  They  reached  the  lake  safely  through 
the  canal  which  had  been  dug  for  them  from  the  town  of  Tezcoco. 

The  Spanish  forces  designed  to  operate  in  this  last  attack  con- 
sisted of  eighty-seven  horse  and  eight  hundred  and  eighteen 
infantry,  of  which  one  hundred  and  eighteen  were  arquebusiers  and 
crossbowmen.  Three  large  iron  field-pieces  and  fifteen  brazen 
falconets  formed  the  ordnance.  A  plentiful  supply  of  shot  and 
balls,  together  with  fifty  thousand  copper-headed  arrows,  composed 
the  ammunition.  Three  hundred  men  were  sent  on  board  the 
twelve  vessels  which  were  used  in  the  enterprise,  for,  unfortu- 
nately, one  of  the  thirteen  that  were  originally  ordered  to  be  built 
proved  useless  upon  trial.  The  navigation  of  these  brigantines,  each 
one  of  which  carried  a  piece  of  heavy  cannon,  was  of  course  not 
difficult,  for  although  the  waters  of  the  lake  have  evidently 
shrunken  since  the  days  of  the  conquest,  it  is  not  probable  that  it 
was  more  than  three  or  four  feet  deeper  than  at  present.1,  The 
distance  to  be  traversed  from  Tezcoco  to  the  capital  was  about 
twelve  miles,  and  the  subsequent  service  was  to  be  rendered  in  the 

1  The  writer  sounded  the  lake  in  the  channel  from  Mexico  to  Tezcoco  in 
1842,  and  did  not  find  more  than  two  and  one-half  feet  in  the  deepest  path.  The 
Indians,  at  present,  wade  over  all  parts  of  the  lake. 


52  M  E  X  I  C  0 

1521 

neighborhood  of  the  causeways  and  under  the  protection  of  the 
walls  of  the  city. 

The  Indian  allies  from  Tlascala  came  up  in  force  at  the  ap- 
pointed time.  These  fifty  thousand  well-equipped  men  were  led 
by  Xicotencatl,  who,  as  the  expedition  was  about  to  set  forth  by 
land  and  water  for  the  final  attack,  seems  to  have  been  seized  with 
a  sudden  panic  and  deserted  his  standard  with  a  number  of  follow- 
ers. There  was  no  hope  for  conquest  without  the  alliance  and 
loyal  support  of  the  Tlascalans.  The  decision  of  Cortez  upon  the 
occurrence  of  this  dastardly  act  of  a  man  in  whose  faith  he  had 
religiously  confided,  although  he  knew  he  was  not  very  friendly  to 
the  Spaniards,  was  prompt  and  terribly  severe.  A  chosen  band 
was  directed  to  follow  the  fugitive  even  to  the  walls  of  Tlascala. 
There  the  deserter  was  arrested,  brought  back  to  Tezcoco,  and 
hanged  on  a  lofty  gallows  in  the  great  square  of  that  city.  This 
man,  says  Prescott,  "  was  the  only  Tlascalan  who  swerved  from 
his  loyalty  to  the  Spaniards." 

All  being  now  prepared,  Cortez  planned  his  attack.  It  will  be 
recollected  that  the  City  of  Mexico  rose,  like  Venice,  from  the  bosom 
of  the  placid  waters,  and  that  its  communication  with  the  mainland 
was  kept  up  by  the  great  causeways  which  were  described  in  the 
earlier  portion  of  this  narrative.  The  object  of  the  conqueror, 
therefore,  was  to  shut  up  the  capital  and  cut  off  all  access  to  the 
country  by  an  efficient  blockade  of  the  lake  with  his  brigantines, 
and  of  the  land  with  his  infantry  and  cavalry.  Accordingly  he 
distributed  his  forces  into  three  bodies  or  separate  camps.  The 
first  of  these,  under  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  consisting  of  thirty  horse, 
one  hundred  and  sixty-eight  Spanish  infantry,  and  twenty-five 
thousand  Tlascalans,  was  to  command  the  causeway  of  Tacuba. 
The  second  division,  of  equal  magnitude,  under  Olid,  was  to  be 
posted  at  Cojohuacan,  so  as  to  command  the  causeways  that  led 
eastwardly  into  the  city.  The  third  equal  corps  of  the  Spanish 
army  was  intrusted  to  Sandoval,  but  its  Indian  force  was  to  be 
drawn  from  native  allies  at  Chalco.  Alvarado  and  Olid  were  to 
proceed  around  the  northern  head  of  the  lake  of  Tezcoco,  while 
Sandoval,  supported  by  Cortez  with  the  brigantines,  passed  around 
the  southern  portion  of  it,  to  complete  the  destruction  of  the  town 
of  Iztapalapan,  which  was  deemed  by  the  conqueror  altogether  too 
important  a  point  to  be  left  in  the  rear.  In  the  latter  part  of  May, 
1 521,  all  these  cavaliers  got  into  their  assigned  military  positions, 


DEFEATS     AND     DISAFF  EOT  IONS 


53 


1521 


and  it  is  from  this  period  that  the  commencement  of  the  siege  of 
Mexico  is  dated,  although  Alvarado  had  previously  had  some  con- 
flicts with  the  people  on  the  causeway  that  led  to  his  headquarters 
in  Tacuba,  and  had  already  destroyed  the  pipes  that  fed  the  water- 
tanks  and  fountains  of  the  capital. 

At  length  Cortez  set  sail  with  his  flotilla  in  order  to  sustain 
Sandoval's  inarch  to  Iztapalapan.     As  he  passed  across  the  lake  and 


THE  MARCH  OF  CORTEZ  TO  MEXICO— 


under  the  shadow  of  the  "  rock  of  the  Marquis,"  he  descried  from 
his  brigantines  several  hundred  canoes  of  the  Mexicans  filled  with 
soldiers  and  advancing  rapidly  over  the  calm  lake.  There  was  no 
wind  to  swell  his  sails  or  give  him  command  of  his  vessels'  motion, 
and  the  conqueror  was  obliged  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  canoes 
without  making  such  disposition  for  action  as  was  needful  in  the 
emergency.  But  as  the  Indian  squadron  approached  a  breeze  sud- 
denly sprang  up,  and  Cortez,  widening  his  line  of  battle,  bore  down 


54  MEXICO 

1521 

upon  the  frail  skiffs,  overturning,  crushing  and  sinking  them  by  the 
impact  of  his  formidable  prows,  while  he  fired  to  the  right  and  left 
amid  the  discomfited  flotilla.  But  few  of  these  Indian  boats  re- 
turned to  the  canals  of  the  city,  and  this  signal  victory  made  Cortez 
the  undisputed  master  of  the  lake. 

The  conqueror  took  up  his  headquarters  at  Xoloc,  where  the 
causeway  of  Cojohuacan  met  the  great  causeway  of  the  south. 
The  chief  avenues  to  Mexico  had  been  occupied  for  some  time,  as 
has  been  already  related,  but  either  through  ignorance  or  singular 
neglect  there  was  the  third  great  causeway,  of  Tepejacac,  on  the 
north,  which  still  afforded  the  means  of  communication  with  the 
people  of  the  surrounding  country.  This  had  been  altogether 
neglected.  Alvarado  was  immediately  ordered  to  close  this  outlet, 
and  Sandoval  took  up  his  position  on  the  dyke.  Thus  far  the 
efforts  of  the  Spaniards  and  auxiliaries  had  been  confined  to  pre- 
cautionary movements  rather  than  to  decisive  assaults  upon  the 
capital.  But  it  soon  became  evident  that  a  city  like  Mexico  might 
hold  out  long  against  a  blockade  alone.  Accordingly  an  attack  was 
ordered  by  Cortez  to  be  made  by  the  two  commanders  at  the  other 
military  points  nearest  their  quarters.  The  brigantines  sailed 
along  the  sides  of  the  causeways,  and  aided  by  their  enfilading  fires 
the  advance  of  the  squadrons  on  land.  The  infantry  and  cavalry 
advanced  upon  the  great  avenue  that  divided  the  town  from  north 
to  south.  Their  heavy  guns  were  brought  up  and  soon  mowed  a 
path  for  the  musketeers  and  crossbowmen.  The  flying  enemy  re- 
treated toward  the  great  square  in  the  center  of  the  city,  and  were 
followed  by  the  impetuous  Spaniards  and  their  Indian  allies.  The 
outer  wall  of  the  Great  Temple  itself  was  soon  passed  by  the  hot- 
blooded  cavaliers,  some  of  whom  rushed  up  the  stairs  and  circling 
corridors  of  the  Teocalli,  whence  they  pushed  the  priests  over  the 
sides  of  the  pyramid  and  tore  off  the  golden  mask  and  jewels  of 
the  Aztec  war-god.  But  the  small  band  of  invaders  had  for  a 
moment  only  appalled  the  Mexicans,  who  rallied  in  numbers  at  this 
daring  outrage,  and  sprang  vindictively  upon  the  sacrilegious  as- 
sailants. The  Spaniards  and  their  allies  fled ;  but  the  panic  with 
which  they  were  seized  deprived  their  retreat  of  all  order  or  se- 
curity. Cortez  himself  was  unable  to  restore  discipline,  when  sud- 
denly a  troop  of  Spanish  horsemen  dashed  into  the  thick  of  the 
fight,  and,  intimidating  the  Indians  by  their  superstitious  fears  of 
cavalry,  they  soon  managed  to  gather  and  form  the  broken  files  of 


DEFEATS     AND     DISAFFECTIONS         55 

1521 

their  Spanish  and  Indian  army,  so  that  soon  after  the  hour  of 
vespers  the  combined  forces  drew  off  with  their  artillery  and  am- 
munition to  the  barrack  at  Xoloc. 

About  this  period  the  inhabitants  of  Xochimilco  and  some 
tribes  of  rude  but  valiant  Otomies  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  the 
Spaniards.  The  Prince  of  Tezcoco,  too,  dispatched  fifty  thousand 
levies  to  the  aid  of  Cortez.  Thus  strengthened,  another  attack  was 
made  upon  the  city.  Most  of  the  injuries  which  had  been  done  to 
the  causeways  in  the  first  onslaught  had  been  repaired,  so  that  the 
gates  of  the  capital,  and  finally  the  great  square,  were  reached  by 
the  Spaniards  with  nearly  as  great  difficulty  as  upon  their  former 
attempt.  But  this  time  the  invaders  advanced  more  cautiously 
into  the  heart  of  the  city,  where  they  fired  and  destroyed  their 
ancient  quarters  in  the  old  palace  of  Axayacatl  and  the  edifices  ad- 
joining the  royal  palace  on  the  other  side  of  the  square.  These 
incursions  into  the  capital  were  frequently  repeated  by  Cortez,  nor 
were  the  Mexicans  idle  in  their  systematic  plans  to  defeat  the 
Spaniards.  All  communication  with  the  country  by  the  causeways 
was  permanently  interrupted;  yet  the  foe  stealthily,  and  in  the 
night,  managed  to  evade  the  vigilance  of  the  twelve  cruisers  whose 
numbers  were  indeed  insufficient  to  maintain  a  stringent  naval 
blockade  of  so  large  a  city  as  Mexico.  But  the  success  of  Cortez 
in  all  his  engagements  by  land  and  water,  his  victorious  incursions 
into  the  very  heart  of  the  city,  and  the  general  odium  which  was 
cherished  against  the  central  power  of  the  empire  by  all  the  tribu- 
tary tribes  and  dependent  provinces,  combined  at  this  moment  to 
aid  the  efforts  of  the  conqueror  in  cutting  off  supplies  from  the 
famishing  capital.  The  great  towns  and  small  villages  in  the 
neighborhood  threw  off  their  allegiance,  and  the  camps  of  the 
Spanish  leaders  thronged  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
auxiliaries  selected  from  among  the  recreants.  The  Spaniards 
were  amply  supplied  with  food  from  these  friendly  towns,  and  never 
experienced  the  sufferings  from  famine  that  were  soon  to  overtake 
the  beleagured  capital. 

At  length  the  day  was  fixed  for  a  general  assault  upon  the  city 
by  the  two  divisions  under  Alvarado  and  Cortez.  As  usual,  the 
battle  was  preceded  by  the  celebration  of  mass,  and  the  army  then 
advanced  in  three  divisions  up  the  most  important  streets.  They 
entered  the  town,  cast  down  the  barricades  which  had  been  erected 
to  impede  their  progress,  and  with  remarkable  ease  penetrated  even 


56  MEXICO 

1521 

to  the  neighborhood  of  the  market-place.  But  the  very  facility  of 
their  advance  alarmed  the  cautious  mind  of  Cortez,  and  induced 
him  to  believe  that  this  slack  resistance  was  but  designed  to  seduce 
him  farther  and  farther  within  the  city  walls  until  he  found  himself 
beyond  the  reach  of  succor  or  retreat.  This  made  him  pause.  His 
men,  more  eager  for  victory  and  plunder  than  anxious  to  secure 
themselves  by  filling  up  the  canals  and  clearing  the  streets  of  their 
impediments,  had  rushed  madly  on  without  taking  proper  precau- 
tion to  protect  their  rear,  if  the  enemy  became  too  hot  in  front. 
Suddenly  the  horn  of  Guatemozin  was  heard  from  a  neighboring 
Teocalli,  and  the  flying  Indians,  at  the  sacred  and  warning  sound, 
turned  upon  the  Spaniards  with  all  the  mingled  feeling  of  reinspired 
revenge  and  religion.  For  a  while  the  utmost  disorder  prevailed  in 
the  ranks  of  the  invaders,  Spaniards,  Tlascalans,  Tezcocans,  and 
Otomies  being  mixed  in  a  common  crowd  of  combatants.  From 
the  tops  of  houses,  from  converging  streets,  from  the  edges  of 
canals,  crowds  of  Aztecs  swarmed  and  poured  their  volleys  of 
javelins,  arrows,  and  stones.  Many  were  driven  into  the  lake. 
Cortez  himself  had  nearly  fallen  a  victim  in  the  dreadful  melee,  and 
was  rescued  with  difficulty.  Meanwhile,  Alvarado  and  Sandoval 
had  penetrated  the  city  from  the  western  causeway,  and  aided  in 
stemming  the  onslaught  of  the  Aztecs.  For  a  while  the  combined 
forces  served  to  check  the  boiling  tide  of  battle  sufficiently  to  enable 
those  who  were  most  sorely  pressed  to  be  gradually  withdrawn,  yet 
not  until  sixty-two  Spaniards  and  a  multitude  of  allies,  besides 
many  killed  and  wounded,  had  fallen  captives  and  victims  at  the 
hands  of  their  implacable  enemies. 

It  was  yet  day  when  the  broken  band  withdrew  from  the  city 
and  returned  to  the  camps  either  on  the  first  slopes  of  the  hills  or  at 
the  terminations  of  the  causeways.  But  sad,  indeed,  was  the  spec- 
tacle that  presented  itself  to  their  eyes  as  they  gazed  toward  the  city 
through  the  clear  atmosphere  of  those  elevated  regions  when  they 
heard  the  drum  sound  from  the  top  of  the  great  Teocalli.  It  was 
the  dread  signal  of  sacrifice.  The  wretched  Spaniards  who  had 
been  captured  in  the  fight  were,  one  after  another,  stretched  on  the 
stone  in  front  of  the  hideous  idols  and  their  reeking  hearts,  torn 
from  their  bosoms,  thrown  as  propitiating  morsels  into  the  flames 
before  the  deities.  The  mutilated  remains  of  the  captives  were 
then  flung  down  the  steep  sides  of  the  pyramid,  to  glut  the  crowds 
at  its  base  with  a  cannibal  repast. 


DEFEATS     AND     DISAFFECTIONS         57 

1521 

While  these  repulses  and  dreadful  misfortunes  served  to 
dispirit  the  Spaniards  and  elate  the  Aztecs,  they  were  not  without 
their  signally  bad  effects  upon  the  auxiliaries.  Messages  were  sent 
to  these  insurgent  bodies  by  the  emperor.  He  conjured  them  to 
return  to  their  allegiance.  He  showed  them  how  bravely  their  out- 
raged gods  had  been  revenged.  He  spoke  of  the  reverses  that  had 
befallen  the  white  men  in  both  their  invasions,  and  warned  them 
that  a  parricidal  war  like  this  could  "  come  to  no  good  for  the  people 
of  Anahuac."  Otomies,  Cholulans,  Tepeacans,  Tezcocans,  and  even 
the  loyal  Tlascalans,  the  hereditary  enemies  of  the  Montezumas 
and  Guatemozins,  stole  off  secretly  under  the  cover  of  night. 
There  were,  of  course,  exceptions  in  this  inglorious  desertion,  but 
it  seems  that  perhaps  the  majority  of  the  tribes  departed  for  theif 
homes  with  the  belief  that  the  tide  had  turned  against  the  Spanish 
conqueror  and  that  it  was  best  to  escape  before  it  was  too  late 
the  scandal  or  danger  of  open  treason  against  their  lawful  emperor. 
But  amid  all  these  disasters  the  heart  of  Cortez  remained  firm  and 
true  to  his  purpose.  He  placed  his  artillery  again  in  position  upon 
the  causeways,  and,  never  wasting  his  ammunition,  contrived  to 
husband  it  carefully  until  the  assaulting  Aztecs  swarmed  in  such 
numbers  on  the  dykes  that  his  discharges  mowed  them  down  like 
grass  as  they  advanced  to  attack  him.  It  was  a  gloomy  time,  re- 
quiring vigilance  by  day  and  by  night — by  land  and  by  water.  The 
brigantines  were  still  secure.  They  scoured  the  lake  continually  and 
cut  off  supplies  designed  for  the  capital.  The  Spaniards  swept  the 
causeways  with  their  cannon,  and  thus  at  length  was  the  city  that 
would  not  yield  to  storm  given  over  to  starvation. 


Chapter    IX 

THE    CAPTURE    OF   THE   CAPITAL.    1521 

THE  desertion  of  numerous  allies,  which  we  have  noticed 
in  the  last  chapter,  was  not  alone  prompted  by  the  judg- 
ment of  the  flying  Indians,  but  was  stimulated  in  a  great 
degree  by  the  prophecy  of  the  Aztec  priests  that  within  eight  days 
from  the  period  of  prediction  the  beleaguered  city  would  be  de- 
livered from  the  Spaniards.  But  the  sun  rose  on  the  ninth  over 
the  inexorable  foes  still  in  position  on  the  causeways  and  on  the 
lake.  The  news  was  soon  sent  by  the  allies  who  had  remained 
faithful  to  those  who  had  fled,  and  the  deficient  ranks  were  quickly 
restored  by  the  numbers  who  flocked  back  to  the  Spanish  standard 
as  soon  as  they  were  relieved  from  superstitious  fear. 

About  this  time,  moreover,  a  vessel  that  had  been  destined  for 
Ponce  de  Leon  in  his  romantic  quest  of  Florida  put  into  Vera  Cruz 
with  ammunition  and  military  stores,  which  were  soon  forwarded 
to  the  valley.  Thus  strengthened  by  his  renerved  Indian  auxil- 
iaries and  reinforced  with  Spanish  powder  and  guns,  Cortez  was 
speedily  again  in  train  to  assail  the  capital ;  for  he  was  not  content 
to  be  idle  except  when  the  most  serious  disasters  forced  him  to 
endure  the  slow  and  murderous  process  of  subduing  the  city  by 
famine. 

Accordingly  the  conqueror  resolved  again  to  commence  active 
hostilities.  But  this  time  he  designed  to  permit  no  hazards  of  the 
moment  and  no  personal  carelessness  of  his  officers  to  obstruct  his 
entry  or  egress  from  the  city.  As  he  advanced  the  town  was  to  be 
demolished,  the  canals  filled  up,  the  breaches  in  the  dykes  perfectly 
repaired,  and  as  he  moved  onward  to  the  north  and  west  he  de- 
termined that  his  path  should  be  over  a  level  and  solid  surface  on 
which  he  might  encounter  none  of  the  dangers  that  had  hitherto 
proved  so  disastrous.  The  necessity  of  this  course  will  be  evident 
when  it  is  recollected  that  all  the  houses  were  terraced  with  flat 
roofs  and  protecting  parapets,  which  sheltered  the  assailants,  while 
the  innumerable  canals  bisecting  the  streets  served  as  so  many  pit- 

58 


CAPTURE     OF     THE     CAPITAL  59 

1521 

falls  for  cavalry,  infantry,  and  Indians  when  they  became  confused 
in  the  hurry  of  a  promiscuous  onset  or  retreat. 

Meanwhile  the  Aztecs  within  the  city  suffered  the  pangs  of 
famine.  The  stores  that  had  been  gathered  for  the  siege  were 
gone.  Human  bodies,  roots,  rats,  reptiles  served  for  a  season  to 
assuage  the  famished  stomachs  of  the  starving  crowds,  when  sud- 
denly Cortez  dispatched  three  Aztec  nobles  to  Guatemozin,  who 
were  instructed  to  praise  his  defense,  to  assure  him  he  had  saved 
the  honor  of  himself  and  soldiery,  and  to  point  out  the  utter  use- 
lessness  of  longer  delay  in  submitting  to  inevitable  fate.  The 
message  of  the  conqueror  was  weighed  by  the  court  with  more 
favor  than  by  the  proud  and  spirited  emperor,  whose  patriotic 
bosom  burned  at  the  disgraceful  proposal  of  surrender.  The 
priests  turned  the  tide  against  the  white  men;  and  after  two  days 
the  answer  to  the  summons  came  in  a  warlike  sortie  from  the  city 
which  well-nigh  swept  the  Spanish  defenders  from  the  dykes.  But 
cannon  and  musketry  were  too  strong  for  mere  numbers.  The 
vessels  poured  in  their  volumes  of  iron  hail  on  the  flanks,  and  the 
last  dread  effort  of  defensive  despair  expired  before  the  unflinching 
firmness  of  the  Castilian  squadrons.  At  length  Cortez  believed 
that  the  moment  for  final  action  had  arrived.  He  gave  orders  for 
the  advance  of  the  several  corps  of  the  army  simultaneously  by 
their  several  causeways ;  and  although  it  pained  him  greatly  to 
destroy  a  capital  which  he  deemed  "  the  gem  of  the  world,"  yet  he 
put  into  execution  his  resolve  to  raze  the  city  to  its  foundation 
unless  it  surrendered  at  discretion.  The  number  of  laborers  was 
increased  daily  by  the  hosts  that  flocked  like  vultures  to  the  carcass 
of  an  expiring  victim.  The  palaces,  temples  and  dwellings  were 
plundered,  thrown  down,  and  cast  into  the  canals.  Fresh  water 
was  entirely  excluded  from  the  city.  On  all  sides  there  was  fast 
and  level  land.  But  the  Mexicans  were  not  mere  idle,  contemptible 
spectators  of  their  imperial  city's  ruin.  Day  after  day  squadrons 
sallied  from  the  remains  of  the  capital  and  engaged  the  harassed 
invaders.  Yet  the  indomitable  constancy  of  the  Spaniards  was  not 
to  be  resisted.  Cortez  and  Alvarado  had  toiled  onward  toward 
each  other  from  opposite  sides  till  they  met.  The  palace  of  Guate- 
mozin fell  and  was  burned.  The  district  of  Tlatelolco,  in  the  north 
of  the  city,  was  reached,  and  the  great  market-place  secured.  One 
of  the  great  Teocallis  in  this  quarter  was  stormed,  its  sanctuaries 
burned,  and  the  standard  of  Castile  placed  on  its  summit.     Havoc, 


60  MEXICO 

1521 

death,  ruin,  starvation,  despair,  hatred  were  everywhere  manifest. 
Every  hour  added  to  the  misery  of  the  numerous  and  retreating 
Aztecs  who  were  pent  up,  as  the  besieging  circle  narrowed  and 
narrowed  by  its  advances.  Women  remained  three  days  and  nights 
up  to  their  necks  in  water  among  the  reeds.  Hundreds  died  daily. 
Others  became  insane  from  famine  and  thirst. 

The  conqueror  hoped  for  several  days  that  this  disastrous 
condition  of  the  people  would  have  induced  the  emperor  to  come  to 
terms ;  but,  failing  in  this,  he  resolved  upon  a  general  assault.  Be- 
fore he  resorted  to  this  dreadful  alternative,  which  his  chivalrous 
heart  taught  him  could  result  only  in  the  slaughter  of  men  so  fam- 
ished, dispirited,  and  broken,  he  once  more  sought  an  interview 
with  the  emperor.  This  was  granted;  but  at  the  appointed  time 
Guatemozin  did  not  appear.  Again  the  appeal  was  renewed,  and 
again  was  Cortez  disappointed  at  the  non-arrival  of  the  sovereign. 
Nothing  then  remained  for  him  but  an  assault,  and,  as  may  readily 
be  imagined,  the  carnage  in  this  combined  attack  of  Spaniards  and 
confederate  Indians  was  indescribably  horrible.  The  long  endur- 
ance of  the  Aztecs,  their  prolonged  resistance  and  cruelty  to  the 
Spaniards,  the  dreadful  sacrifice  of  the  captives  during  the  entire 
period  of  the  siege,  the  memory  of  the  first  expulsion,  and  the  speedy 
hope  of  golden  rewards  nerved  the  arms  and  hearts  of  these  fero- 
cious men,  and  led  them  on  in  the  work  of  revenge  and  conquest 
until  the  sun  sank  and  night  descended  on  the  tragic  scene. 

On  August  13,  1 52 1,  the  last  appeal  was  made  by  Cortez  to  the 
emperor  for  a  surrender  of  his  capital.  After  the  bloody  scenes  of 
the  preceding  day  and  the  increased  misery  of  the  last  night,  it  was 
not  to  be  imagined  that  even  insane  patriotism  or  savage  madness 
could  induce  the  sovereign  to  refrain  from  saving,  at  least,  the 
unfortunate  non-combatants  who  still  were  loyal  to  his  throne  and 
person.  But  the  judgment  of  the  conqueror  was  wrong.  "  Guate- 
mozin would  die  where  he  was !  "  was  the  reply  of  the  royal  stoic. 

Again  the  infuriated  troops  were  let  loose,  and  again  were  the 
scenes  of  the  day  before  reenacted  on  the  bloody  theater.  Many 
escaped  in  boats  by  the  lake,  but  the  brave  or  reckless  Guatemozin, 
who  seems  at  the  last  moment  to  have  changed  his  mind  as  to 
perishing,  was  taken  prisoner  and  brought,  with  his  family,  into  the 
presence  of  Cortez.  As  soon  as  his  noble  figure  and  dignified  face 
were  seen  on  the  azotea  or  terraced  roof  beside  the  conqueror,  the 
battle  ceased.   The  Indians  beheld  their  monarch  captive!   And  she 


CAPTURE     OF     THE     CAPITAL  61 

1521 

who  had  witnessed  the  beginning-  of  these  adventures,  who  had  fol- 
lowed the  fortunes  of  the  general  through  all  their  vicissitudes — 
the  gentle  but  brave  Indian  girl,  Mariana — stood  by  the  intrepid 
Cortez  to  act  as  his  interpreter  in  this  last  scene  of  the  splendid  and 
eventful  drama. 

It  was  on  the  following  day  that  the  Mexicans  who  still  sur- 
vived the  slaughter  and  famine  evacuated  the  city.  It  was  a  desert 
— but  a  desert  covered  with  dead.  The  men  who  rushed  in  to 
plunder — plundered  as  if  robbing  graves.  Between  one  and  two 
hundred  thousand  people  perished  during  the  three  month's  siege, 
and  their  festering  bodies  tainted  the  air.  The  booty,  though  con- 
siderable, was  far  beneath  the  expectations  of  the  conquerors;  yet 
there  was  doubtless  enough  to  reward  amply  the  stout  men-at-arms 
who  had  achieved  a  victor"  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  modern 
warfare. 

"  What  I  am  going  to  say  is  truth,  and  I  swear,  and  say 
Amen  to  it !  "  exclaims  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  in  his  quaint  style. 
"  I  have  read  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  but  I  cannot  conceive 
that  the  mortality  there  exceeded  that  of  Mexico ;  for  all  the  people 
from  the  distant  provinces  which  belonged  to  this  empire  had  con- 
centrated themselves  here,  where  they  mostly  died.  The  streets 
and  squares,  and  houses,  and  the  courts  of  the  Tlatelolco  were  cov- 
ered with  dead  bodies ;  we  could  not  step  without  treading  on  them ; 
the  lake  and  canals  were  filled  with  them,  and  the  stench  was  in- 
tolerable. 

"  When  all  those  who  had  been  able,  quitted  the  city,  we  went 
to  examine  it,  which  was  as  I  have  described ;  and  some  poor  crea- 
tures were  crawling  about  in  different  stages  of  the  most  offensive 
disorders,  the  consequences  of  famine  and  improper  food.  There 
was  no  water ;  the  ground  had  been  torn  up  and  the  roots  gnawed. 
The  very  trees  were  stripped  of  their  bark;  yet,  notwithstanding 
they  usually  devoured  their  prisoners,  no  instance  occurred  when, 
amidst  all  the  famine  and  starvation  of  this  siege,  they  preyed  upon 
each  other.1  The  remnant  of  the  population  went,  at  the  request 
of  the  conquered  Guatemozin,  to  the  neighboring  villages  until  the 
town  could  be  purified  and  the  dead  removed." 

The  capital  had  no  sooner  fallen  and  the  ruins  been  searched 
in  vain  for  the  abundant  treasures  which  the  conquerors  imagined 

1  This  fact,  as  stated  by  Bernal  Diaz,  is  doubted  by  some  other  .writers,  and 
seems,  unfortunately,  not  fully  sustained  by  authority. 


62  MEXICO 

1521 

were  hoarded  by  the  Aztecs,  than  murmurs  of  discontent  broke 
forth  in  the  Spanish  camp  against  Cortez  for  his  supposed  con- 
cealment of  the  plunder.  There  was  a  mingled  sentiment  of 
distrust  both  of  the  conqueror  and  Guantemozin;  and  at  last  the 
querulousness  and  taunts  rose  to  such  an  offensive  height  that 
it  was  resolved  to  apply  the  torture  to  the  dethroned  prince  in 
order  to  wrest  from  him  the  secret  hiding-place  of  his  ancestral 
wealth.  Shameful  to  record,  Cortez  consented  to  this  iniquity,  but 
it  was  probably  owing  to  an  avaricious  and  mutinous  spirit  in  his 
ranks  which  he  was  unable  at  the  moment  to  control.  The  same 
Indian  stoicism  that  characterized  the  unfortunate  prince  during 
the  war  still  nerved  him  in  his  hours  of  abject  disaster.  He  bore 
the  pangs  without  quivering  or  complaint  and  without  revealing 
anything  that  could  gratify  the  Spanish  lust  of  gold  save  that 
vast  quantities  of  the  precious  metal  had  been  thrown  into  the 
lake — from  which  but  little  was  ultimately  recovered  even  by  the 
most  expert  divers. 

The  news  of  the  fall  of  Mexico  was  soon  spread  from  sea  to 
sea,  and  couriers  were  dispatched  by  distant  tribes  and  princes  to 
ascertain  the  truth  of  the  prodigious  disaster.  The  independent 
kingdom  of  Michoacan,  lying  between  the  vale  of  Anahuac  or 
Mexico  and  the  Pacific,  was  one  of  the  first  to  send  its  envoys, 
and  finally  even  its  king,  to  the  capital ;  and  two  small  detach- 
ments of  Spaniards  returned  with  the  new  visitors,  penetrating 
their  country  and  passing  with  them  even  to  the  waters  of  the 
western  ocean  itself,  on  whose  shores  they  planted  the  cross  in 
token  of  rightful  possession.  They  returned  by  the  northern  dis- 
tricts, and  brought  with  them  the  first  specimens  of  gold  and  pearls 
from  the  region  now  known  as  California. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  Cortez  resolved  to  make  his 
conquest  available  by  the  reconstruction  of  the  capital  that  he  had 
been  forced  reluctantly  to  mutilate  and  partly  level  during  the 
siege.  The  ancient  city  was  nearly  in  ruins.  The  massive  relics 
of  idolatry  and  the  huge  stones  of  which  the  chief  palaces  had 
been  constructed  were  cast  into  the  canals.  The  desolation  was 
complete  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  imperial  residence.  And  the 
Indians  who  had  served  in  the  work  of  dilapidation  were  even 
compelled  by  their  Spanish  leader  and  his  task-masters  to  be  the 
principal  laborers  in  the  toil  of  building  up  a  city  which  should 
surpass  in  splendor  the  ancient  pride  of  Anahuac. 


CAPTURE     OF     THE     CAPITAL  63 

1521 

Meanwhile  the  sagacious  mind  of  Cortez  was  not  only  busy 
with  the  present  duties  and  occupations  of  his  men  in  Mexico,  but 
began  to  dwell — now  that  the  intense  excitement  of  active  war 
was  over — upon  the  condition  of  his  relations  with  the  Spanish 
court  and  the  government  in  the  islands.  He  dispatched  to  Cas- 
tile letters^  presents,  and  the  "  royal  fifth,"  together  with  an 
enormous  emerald  whose  base  was  as  broad  as  the  palm  of  his 
hand.  With  the  general's  missives  went  a  letter  from  his  army, 
commending  the  heroic  leader  and  beseeching  its  royal  master  to 
confirm  Cortez  in  his  authority  and  to  ratify  all  his  proceedings. 
Quinones  and  Avila,  the  two  envoys,  sailed  for  home;  but  one  of 
them,  lucklessly,  perished  in  a  brawl  at  the  Azores,  while  Avila, 
who  resumed  the  voyage  to  Spain  after  the  loss  of  his  companion, 
was  taken  by  a  French  privateer,  who  bore  the  spoils  of  the  Mexi- 
cans to  the  court  of  Francis  I.  The  letters  and  dispatches 
of  Cortez  and  his  army,  however,  were  saved,  and  Avila  privately 
and  safely  forwarded  them  to  the  Spanish  sovereign. 

At  the  court  of  Charles  V.  there  were,  of  course,  numer- 
ous intrigues  against  the  successful  conqueror.  The  hatred  of 
Velasquez  had  not  been  suffered  to  slumber  in  the  breast  of  that 
disappointed  governor,  and  Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Burgos,  who  was 
chief  of  the  colonial  department,  and  doubtless  adroitly  plied  and 
stimulated  by  Velasquez,  managed  to  obtain  from  the  churchman, 
Adrian,  who  was  regent  while  the  emperor  resided  in  Germany, 
an  order  for  the  seizure  of  Cortez  and  the  sequestration  of  his 
property  until  the  will  of  the  court  should  be  finally  made  known. 

But  the  avaricious  Velasquez,  the  vindictive  Fonseca,  and  the 
Veedor  Cristoval  de  Tapia,  whom  they  employed  to  execute  so 
delicate  and  dangerous  a  commission  against  a  man  who  at  that 
moment  was  surrounded  by  faithful  soldiers  and  whose  troops  had 
been  augmented  by  recent  arrivals  at  Vera  Cruz,  reasoned  with 
but  little  judgment  when  they  planned  their  unjust  and  ungrateful 
measures  against  Cortez.  The  commissioner  himself  seems  to  have 
soon  arrived  at  the  same  conclusion,  for  scarcely  had  he  landed 
before  the  danger  of  the  enterprise  and  the  gold  of  the  conqueror 
persuaded  him  prudently  to  decline  penetrating  into  the  heart  of 
the  country  as  the  bearer  of  so  ungrateful  a  reply  to  the  wishes 
of  a  hero  whose  genius  and  sword  had  given  an  empire,  and  almost 
a  world,  to  Spain. 

Thus  at  last  was  Cortez  for  a  time  freed  from  the  active  hos- 


64  MEXICO 

1521-1522 

tility  of  the  Spanish  court,  while  he  retained  his  authority  over 
his  conquest  merely  by  military  right  and  power  of  forcible  occu- 
pation. But  he  did  not  remain  idly  content  with  what  he  had 
already  done.  His  restless  heart  craved  to  compass  the  whole 
continent,  and  to  discover,  visit,  and  explore  whatever  lay  within  the 
reach  of  his  small  forces  and  of  all  who  chose  to  swell  them.  He 
continually  pressed  his  Indian  visitors  for  information  concerning 
the  empire  of  the  Montezumas  and  the  adjacent  territories  of  inde- 
pendent kings  or  tributaries.  Wherever  discontent  lifted  its  head 
or  rebellious  manifestations  were  made  he  dispatched  sufficient 
forces  to  whip  the  mutineers  into  contrite  submission.  The  new 
capital  progressed  apace,  and  stately  edifices  rose  on  the  solid  land 
which  his  soldiers  formed  out  of  the  fragments  of  ancient 
Mexico. 

While  thus  engaged  in  his  newly  acquired  domain,  Narvaez, 
his  old  enemy,  and  Tapia,  his  more  recent  foe,  had  reached  the 
Spanish  court,  where,  aided  by  Fonseca,  they  once  more  bestirred 
themselves  in  the  labor  of  blasting  the  fame  of  Cortez  and  wresting 
from  his  grasp  the  splendid  fruits  of  his  valor.  Luckily,  how- 
ever, the  emperor  returned  about  this  period  from  eastern  Europe, 
and  from  this  moment  the  tide  of  intrigue  seems  to  have  been 
stayed,  if  not  altogether  turned.  Reviled  as  he  had  hitherto  been 
in  the  purlieus  of  the  court,  Cortez  was  not  without  staunch  kins- 
men and  warm  friends  who  stood  up  valiantly  in  his  behalf,  both 
before  councils  and  king.  His  father,  Don  Martin,  and  his  friend, 
the  Duke  de  Be  jar,  had  been  prominent  among  many  in  espousing 
the  cause  of  the  absent  hero,  even  before  the  sovereign's  return; 
and  now  the  monarch,  whose  heart  was  not  indeed  ungrateful  for 
the  effectual  service  rendered  his  throne  by  the  conqueror,  and 
whose  mind  probably  saw  not  only  the  justice  but  the  policy  of 
preserving  unalienated  the  fidelity  and  services  of  so  remark- 
able a  personage,  soon  determined  to  look  leniently  upon  all  that 
was  really  censurable  in  the  early  deeds  of  Cortez.  While  Charles 
confirmed  his  acts  in  their  full  extent,  he  moreover  constituted  him 
"  Governor,  Captain-General  and  Chief  Justice  of  New  Spain,  with 
power  to  appoint  to  all  offices,  civil  and  military,  and  to  order  any 
person  to  leave  the  country  whose  residence  there  might  be  deemed 
prejudicial  to  the  crown." 

On  October  15,  1522,  this  righteous  commission  was  signed 
by  Charles  V.  at  Valladolid.     A  liberal  salary  was  assigned  the 


CAPTURE     OF     THE     CAPITAL  65 

1521 

captain-general,  his  leading  officers  were  crowned  with  honors 
and  emoluments,  and  the  troops  were  promised  liberal  grants  of 
land.  Thus  the  wisdom  of  the  king  and  of  the  most  respectable 
Spanish  nobility  finally  crushed  the  mean,  jealous,  or  avaricious 
spirits  who  had  striven  to  defame  the  conqueror,  while  the  em- 
peror himself,  with  his  own  hand,  acknowledged  the  services  of  the 
troops  and  their  leader  in  a  letter  to  the  Spanish  army  in  Mexico. 
Among  the  men  who  felt  severely  the  censure  implied  by  this 
just  and  wise  conduct  of  Charles  V.  was  the  ascetic  Bishop  of 
Burgos,  Fonseca,  whose  influence  had  fallen  alike  upon  the  dis- 
coveries of  Columbus  and  the  conquests  of  Cortez.  He  was  unable 
to  comprehend  the  splendid  glory  of  the  enterprises  of  these  two 
heroic  chieftains.  Had  it  been  his  generous  policy  to  foster  them, 
history  would  have  selected  this  son  of  the  church  as  the  guardian 
angel  over  the  cradle  of  the  New  World ;  but  he  chose  to  be  the 
shadow  rather  than  the  shining  light  of  his  era,  and,  whether  from 
age  or  chagrin,  he  died  in  the  year  after  this  kingly  rebuff  from  a 
prince  whose  councils  he  had  long  served. 


Chapter  X 

THE   TRIUMPH    OF   CORTEZ,  AND    HIS   LAST   YEARS 

1522-1547 

THE  royal  commission  of  which  we  have  spoken  in  the  last 
chapter  was  speedily  borne  to  New  Spain,  where  it  was 
joyfully  received  by  all  who  had  participated  in  the  con- 
quest or  joined  the  original  forces  since  that  event.  Men  not  only 
recognized  the  justice  of  the  act,  but  they  felt  that  if  the  harvest 
was  rightfully  due  to  him  who  had  planted  the  seed,  it  was  also 
most  probable  that  no  one  could  be  found  in  Spain  or  the  islands 
more  capable  than  Cortez  of  consolidating  the  new  empire. 
Velasquez,  the  darling  object  of  whose  latter  years  had  been  to 
circumvent,  entrap,  or  foil  the  conqueror,  was  sadly  stricken  by 
the  defeat  of  his  machinations.  The  reckless  but  capable  soldier 
whom  he  designed  to  mold  into  the  pliant  tool  of  his  avarice  and 
glory  had  suddenly  become  his  master.  Wealth,  renown,  and  even 
royal  gratitude  crowned  his  labors;  and  the  disobedience,  the 
errors,  and  the  flagrant  wrongs  he  was  charged  with  while  subject 
to  gubernatorial  authority  were  passed  by  in  silence  or  forgotten 
in  the  acclamation  that  sounded  his  praise  throughout  Spain  and 
Europe.  Even  Fonseca,  the  chief  of  the  council,  had  been  unable 
to  thwart  this  darling  of  genius  and  good  fortune.  Velasquez  him- 
self was  nothing.  The  great  error  of  his  life  had  been  in  breaking 
with  Cortez  before  he  sailed  for  Mexico.  He  was  straitened  in 
fortune,  foiled  in  ambition,  mocked  by  the  men  whose  career  of 
dangerous  adventure  he  had  personally  failed  to  share;  and  at 
last,  disgusted  with  the  time  and  its  men,  he  retired  to  brood  over 
his  melancholy  reverses  until  death  soon  relieved  him  of  his  earthly 
jealousies  and  annoyances. 

Expeditions  for  conquest,  and  to  pave  the  way  for  coloniza- 
tion, were  sent  out;  a  command  under  Sandoval  to  Coatzacoalcos, 
and  another  under  Alvarado  to  the  Zapotec  country  in  the  province 
of  Oaxaca,  where  the  famous  "  Tonatiuh  "  not  only  succeeded  in 
subjugating  the  Indians,  but  found  gold  in  such  abundance  that 
he  ordered  his  stirrups  made  of  it.     The  provinces  richest  in  the 

66 


TRIUMPH     OF     CORTEZ  67 

1522-1523 

precious  metal  were  ascertained  by  means  of  Montezuma's  tribute- 
books,  which  proved  of  great  assistance  to  Cortez. 

All  this  was  accomplished  in  the  year  1522,  during  which, 
and  for  some  time  after,  the  government  was  in  effect  a  military 
one,  although  there  still  existed  the  ayuntamiento,  or  the  body  of 
magistrates,  appointed  by  Cortez  himself  at  the  outset  of  his  Mexi- 
can career,  in  Vera  Cruz.  This  body  had  "  authority  over  the 
distribution  of  lands  to  colonists,  the  locating  and  building  of  new 
cities,  and  the  promulgation  of  laws  for  the  health,  order,  and 
security  of  new  settlers."  In  short,  the  first  ayuntamiento  was 
a  very  respectable  body,  and  many  of  its  ordinances  and  regulations 
have  been  observed  for  centuries.  Justice  was  later  dispensed  by 
an  audiencia  composed  of  lawyers,  generally  five  in  number,  these 
judges  of  the  supreme  court  being  known  as  oidores.  Swarms  of 
their  legal  brethren  soon  followed  after  from  Spain,  notwithstand- 
ing the  entreaties  of  Cortez  in  his  dispatches  to  the  emperor  that 
he  would  keep  those  "  pestiferous  meddlers  "  away,  who  found 
employment  as  visiting  and  resident  justices. 

The  first  audiencia  by  royal  appointment  was  created  in  1528, 
with  one  Nufio  de  Guzman  as  its  president,  whose  tyranny  extended 
to  every  portion  of  the  country,  bearing  particularly  hard  upon  the 
poor  Indians,  and  exemplified  by  the  torture  by  fire  of  the  native 
King  of  Michoacan,  who  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  tender  his 
allegiance. 

Within  two  years  after  the  conquest  convents  or  religious 
houses  were  founded  in  Tlascala,  Tezcoco,  Mexico,  and  Huexot- 
zinco  by  Padre  Valencia,  and  a  parochial  church  by  the  Padre 
Gante,  who  in  1529  established  the  college  of  San  Juan  Letran. 
The  first  body  of  friars,  twelve  barefooted  Franciscans,  had  come 
out  in  1523,  and,  received  with  reverence  by  Cortez,  became  popu- 
lar at  once  with  the  natives,  who  flocked  in  multitudes  to  hear 
them  preach  the  new  religion. 

Four  years  had  not  entirely  elapsed  since  the  fall  of  Mexico 
when  a  new  and  splendid  city  rose  from  its  ruins  and  attracted  the 
eager  Spaniards  of  all  classes  from  the  Old  World  and  the  islands. 
Cortez  designed  this  to  be  the  continental  nucleus  of  population. 
Situated  on  the  central  plateau  of  the  realm,  midway  between  the 
two  seas,  in  a  genial  climate  whose  heat  never  scorched  and  whose 
cold  never  froze,  it  was  indeed  an  alluring  region  to  which  men 
of    all    temperaments    might    resort    with    safety.       Strongholds, 


68  M  E  X  I  C  O 

1523-1525 

churches,  palaces  were  erected  on  the  sites  of  the  royal  residences 
of  the  Aztecs  and  their  blood-stained  Teocallis.  Strangers  were 
next  invited  to  the  new  capital,  and  in  a  few  years  the  Spanish 
quarter  contained  two  thousand  families,  while  the  Indian  district 
of  Tlatelolco  numbered  not  less  than  thirty  thousand  inhabitants. 
The  city  soon  assumed  the  air  and  bustle  of  a  great  mart.  Trades- 
men, craftsmen,  and  merchants  thronged  its  streets  and  remaining 
canals. 

Cortez  was  not  less  anxious  to  establish,  in  the  interior  of  the 
old  Aztec  empire,  towns  or  points  of  rendezvous  which  in  the 
course  of  time  would  grow  up  into  important  cities.  These  were 
placed  with  a  view  to  the  future  wants  of  travel  and  trade  in  New 
Spain.  Liberal  grants  of  land  were  made  to  settlers,  who  were 
compelled  to  provide  themselves  with  wives  under  penalty  of  for- 
feiture within  eighteen  months.  The  Indians  were  divided  among 
the  Spaniards  by  the  system  of  repartimientos.  The  necessities 
and  cupidity  of  the  early  settlers  in  so  vast  a  region  rendered  this 
necessary  perhaps,  though  it  was  promptly  discountenanced,  but 
never  successfully  suppressed,  by  the  Spanish  crown.  The  scene 
of  action  was  too  remote,  the  subjects  too  selfish,  and  the  ministers 
too  venal  or  interested  to  carry  out  with  fidelity  the  benign  ordi- 
nances of  the  government  at  home.  From  this  apportionment  of 
Indians,  which  subjected  them,  in  fact,  to  a  species  of  slavery,  it 
is  but  just  to  the  conquerors  to  state  that  the  Tlascalans,  upon 
whom  the  burden  of  the  fighting  had  fallen,  were  entirely  exempted 
at  the  recommendation  of  Cortez. 

Among  all  the  tribes  the  work  of  conversion  prospered,  for  the 
ceremonious  ritual  of  the  Aztec  religion  easily  introduced  the 
native  worshipers  to  the  splendid  forms  of  the  Roman  Catholic. 
Agriculture  and  the  mines  were  not  neglected  in  the  policy  of 
Cortez,  and  in  fact  he  speedily  set  in  motion  all  the  machinery  of 
civilization,  which  was  gradually  to  operate  upon  the  native  popu- 
lation while  it  attracted  the  overflowing,  industrious,  or  adven- 
turous masses  of  his  native  land.  Various  expeditions,  too,  for 
the  purpose  of  exploration  and  extension  were  fitted  out  by  the 
Captain-General  of  New  Spain ;  so  that  within  three  years  after 
the  conquest  Cortez  had  reduced  to  the  Spanish  sway  a  territory 
of  over  four  hundred  leagues,  or  twelve  hundred  miles,  on  the 
Atlantic  coast,  and  of  more  than  five  hundred  leagues,  or  fifteen 
hundred  miles,  on  the  Pacific.1 

1  Prescott,   "  Conquest  of  Mexico,"   vol.   HI.  p.   274. 


TRIUMPH     OF     CORTEZ  69 

1525-1526 

This  sketch  of  a  brief  period  after  the  subjugation  of  Mexico 
develops  the  constructive  genius  of  Cortez,  as  the  preceding  chap- 
ters had  very  fully  exhibited  his  destructive  abilities.  It  shows, 
however,  that  he  was  not  liable  justly  to  the  censure  which  has  so 
often  been  cast  upon  him — of  being  only  a  piratical  plunderer  who 
was  seduced  into  the  conquest  by  the  spirit  of  rapine  alone. 

In  a  historical  narrative  which  is  designed  to  treat  exclusively 
of  Mexico,  it  might  perhaps  be  considered  inappropriate  to  relate 
that  portion  of  the  biography  of  Cortez  which  is  covered  by  his 
expedition  to  Honduras,  whither  he  marched  after  he  learned  the 
defection  of  his  lieutenant  Olid,  whom  he  had  sent  to  that  distant 
region  with  a  body  of  Spanish  soldiers  to  found  a  dependent  colony. 
It  was  while  on  this  disastrous  march  that  the  report  of  a 
conspiracy  to  slay  the  Spaniards,  in  which  Guatemozin  was 
implicated,  reached  his  ears.  By  his  orders  the  dethroned  mon- 
arch, together  with  several  princes  and  inferior  nobles,  was  hanged. 
There  is  a  difference  of  opinion  among  contemporary  writers  as  to 
the  guilt  of  Guatemozin  and  the  Aztec  nobles;  but  it  is  probable 
that  the  unfortunate  prince  had  become  a  dangerous  and  formidable 
captive  and  that  the  grave  was  a  safer  prison  for  such  a  personage 
than  the  tents  and  bivouacs  of  a  menaced  army. 

Another  renowned  character  in  this  drama — the  serviceable 
and  gentle  Indian  girl  Dona  Mariana — was  no  longer  needed  and 
was  disposed  of  during  this  expedition  by  marriage  with  Don 
Martin  Xamarillo,  to  whom  she  brought  a  noble  dowry  of  estates, 
which  were  assigned  her  by  the  conqueror  in  her  native  province, 
where  in  all  likelihood  she  ended  her  romantic  career.  Her  son  by 
Cortez,  named  after  his  grandfather  Don  Martin,  became  distin- 
guished in  the  annals  of  the  colony  and  of  Spain,  but  in  1568  he 
was  cruelly  treated  in  the  capital  which  had  been  won  by  the  valor 
and  fidelity  of  his  parents. 

From  this  digression  in  his  Mexican  career  Cortez  was  sud- 
denly recalled  by  the  news  of  disturbances  in  the  capital,  which  he 
reached  after  a  tempestuous  and  dangerous  voyage.  His  journey 
from  the  coast  to  the  valley  was  a  continued  scene  of  triumphs; 
and  from  Tezcoco,  in  June,  1526,  he  made  his  stately  entrance 
into  the  City  of  Mexico  amid  brilliant  cavalcades,  decorated  streets, 
and  lakes  and  canals  covered  with  the  fanciful  skiffs  of  Indians. 

A  month  later  the  joy  of  his  rapturous  reception  was  disturbed 
by  the  announcement  that  the  Spanish  court  had  sent  a  commis- 


70  MEXICO 

1526-1529 

sioner  to  supersede  him  temporarily  in  the  government.  The  work 
of  sapping  his  power  and  influence  had  long  been  carried  on  at 
home;  and  false  reports,  involving  Cortez  in  extreme  dishonesty 
not  only  to  the  subjects,  but  to  the  crown  of  Spain  itself,  at  length 
infused  suspicions  into  the  sovereign's  mind.  The  emperor  re- 
solved to  search  the  matter  fairly  to  its  core,  and  accordingly 
dispatched  Don  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  a  young  but  able  nobleman, 
to  perform  this  delicate  task,  at  the  same  time  that  he  wrote  with 
his  own  hand  to  the  conqueror,  assuring  him  that  his  sole  design 
was  not  to  distrust  or  deprive  him  of  his  honors,  but  to  afford  him 
the  opportunity  of  placing  his  integrity  in  a  clear  light  before 
the  world. 

De  Leon  and  the  delegate  chosen  on  his  death-bed  died  within 
a  few  months,  and  were  succeeded  by  Estrada,  the  royal  treasurer, 
who  was  hostile  to  Cortez,  and  whose  malicious  mismanagement 
of  the  investigation  soon  convinced  even  the  Spanish  court  that 
it  was  unjust  to  leave  so  delicate  and  tangled  a  question  in  his 
hands.  Accordingly  the  affair  was  transferred  from  Estrada  to 
a  commission  styled  the  Audiencia  Real  de  Espafia,  and  Cortez  was 
commanded  to  hasten  across  the  Atlantic  in  order  to  vindicate 
himself  from  the  aspersions  before  this  august  body  which  sat  in 
the  midst  of  his  countrymen. 

Cortez  resolved  to  go  at  once;  and,  loyal  to  the  last,  rejected 
all  the  offers  that  were  made  him  to  reassume  the  reins  of  power 
independently  of  Spain.  He  carried  with  him  a  number  of  natives, 
together  with  specimens  of  all  the  natural  and  artificial  products  of 
his  viceroyalty ;  nor  did  he  forget  a  plentiful  supply  of  gold,  silver, 
and  jewels,  with  which  he  might  maintain,  in  the  eyes  of  his 
luxurious  countrymen,  the  state  that  was  appropriate  for  one  whose 
conquests  and  acquisitions  were  so  extensive.  Sandoval  departed 
with  his  beloved  companion  in  arms,  but  only  lived  to  land  once 
more  on  his  native  land. 

As  he  journeyed  from  the  seaport  toward  Toledo  the  curious 
crowds  poured  out  on  the  wayside  to  behold  and  welcome  the 
hero  of  the  New  World;  and  from  the  gates  of  the  city  a  gallant 
crowd  of  cavaliers  poured  forth,  with  the  Duke  de  Bejar  and  the 
Count  de  Aguilar,  to  attend  him  to  his  dwelling. 

The  emperor  received  him  with  marked  respect  on  the  follow- 
ing day,  and  from  the  bountiful  gifts  and  splendid  titles  which 
were  showered  upon  Cortez  before  the  close  of  1529,  it  seems  that 


TRIUMPH     OF     CORTEZ  71 

1629-1530 

his  sovereign  was  soon  personally  satisfied  in  his  frequent  and 
frank  interviews  with  the  conqueror  that  the  tales  he  had  heard 
from  across  the  sea  were  mere  calumnies  unworthy  his  notice 
The  title  of  "  Marquis  of  the  Valley  of  Oaxaca  "  was  bestowed 
on  him.  Lands  in  the  rich  province  of  Oaxaca  and  estates  in  the 
City  of  Mexico  and  other  places  were  also  ceded  to  him.  '  The 
princely  domain  thus  granted  him,"  says  Prescott,  "  comprehended 
more  than  twenty  towns  and  villages  and  twenty-three  thousand 
vassals."  The  court  and  sovereign  vied  with  each  other  in  honor- 
ing and  appreciating  his  services,  and  every  privilege  was  no  sooner 
demanded  than  granted,  save  that  of  again  assuming  the  govern- 
ment of  New  Spain. 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  Spanish  court  not  to  intrust  the  rule 
of  conquered  countries  to  the  men  who  had  subdued  them.  There 
was  fancied  and  perhaps  real  danger  in  confiding  such  dearly  ac- 
quired jewels  to  ambitious  and  daring  adventurers  who  might 
ripen  into  disloyal  usurpers. 

Cortez  bowed  submissively  to  the  will  of  the  emperor.  He 
was  grateful  for  what  had  been  graciously  conceded  to  his  merits 
and  services,  nor  was  he  unwilling  to  enjoy  the  luxury  of  careless 
repose  after  so  many  years  of  toil.  His  first  wife — wedded,  as 
we  have  related,  in  the  islands — died  a  short  time  after  she  joined 
him  in  the  capital  after  the  conquest.  Cortez  was  yet  young,  nor 
was  he  ill-favored  or  disposed  to  slight  the  charms  of  the  sex. 
A  fair  relative  of  the  Aguilars  and  Bejars,  Dona  Juana  Zufiiga, 
at  this  moment  attracted  his  attention,  and  was  soon  won.  Her 
dower  of  jewels,  wrested  from  the  Aztecs,  and  carved  by  their 
most  skillful  workmen,  was  indescribably  magnificent,  and  after 
her  splendid  nuptials  she  embarked,  in  1530,  with  the  conqueror 
and  his  aged  mother  to  return  to  the  Indian  islands,  and  finally 
to  New  Spain. 

At  Hispaniola  he  met  an  audiencia  real,  which  was  still  to 
have  jurisdiction  of  his  case,  if  it  ever  came  to  trial,  and  at  whose 
head  wras  an  avowed  enemy  of  the  conqueror,  Nuno  de  Guzman. 
The  evidence  was  taken  upon  eight  scandalous  charges  against 
Cortez,  and  is  of  so  suspicious  a  character  that  it  not  only  disgusts 
the  general  reader,  but  also  failed  in  its  effect  upon  the  Spanish 
court  by  which  no  action  was  finally  taken  in  regard  to  it. 

Cortez  remained  two  months  in  the  island  before  he  set  sail 
for  Vera  Cruz,  in  July,   1530;  and  in  the  meantime  the  Bishop 


72  MEXICO 

1530-1534 

of  San  Domingo  was  selected  to  preside  over  a  new  audiencia, 
inasmuch  as  the  conduct  of  the  late  audiencia,  and  of  Guzman 
especially,  in  relation  to  the  Indians,  had  become  so  odiously  op- 
pressive that  fears  were  entertained  of  an  outbreak.  The  bishop 
and  his  coadjutors  were  men  of  a  different  stamp,  who  inspired  the 
conqueror  with  better  hopes  for  the  future  prosperity  of  the  Indian 
colonies. 

So  jealous  was  the  home  government  of  the  dangerous  in- 
fluence of  Cortez — a  man  so  capable  of  establishing  for  himself  an 
independent  empire  in  the  New  World — that  he  had  been  inhibited 
from  approaching  the  capital  nearer  than  thirty  leagues.  But  this 
did  not  prevent  the  people  from  approaching  him.  He  returned 
to  the  scene  of  his  conquest  with  all  the  personal  resentments  and 
annoyances  that  had  been  felt  by  individuals  of  old  softened  by 
the  lapse  of  time  during  his  prolonged  absence  in  Spain.  He 
came  back,  too,  with  all  the  prestige  of  his  emperor's  favor;  and 
thus,  both  by  the  new  honors  he  had  won  at  court,  and  the  memory 
of  his  deeds,  the  masses  felt  disposed  to  acknowledge,  at  the  moment 
of  joyous  meeting,  that  it  was  alone  to  him  they  owed  their 
possessions,  their  wealth,  their  comfort,  and  their  importance  in 
New   Spain. 

Accordingly  Mexico  was  deserted  by  the  courtiers,  and  Tez- 
coco,  where  he  established  his  headquarters,  was  thronged  by  eager 
crowds  who  came  not  only  to  visit,  but  to  consult,  the  man  whose 
wit  and  wisdom  were  as  keen  as  his  sword,  and  who  revisited 
Mexico   ripened  into  an  astute  statesman. 

Nevertheless,  the  seeming  cordiality  between  the  magistrates 
of  the  capital  and  the  partly  exiled  captain-general  did  not  long 
continue.  Occasions  arose  for  difference  of  opinion  and  for  dis- 
putes of  even  a  more  bitter  character,  until  at  length  he  turned  his 
back  on  the  glorious  valley — the  scene  of  his  noblest  exploits — 
forever,  and  took  up  his  abode  in  his  town  of  Cuernavaca,  which, 
it  will  be  recollected,  he  captured  from  the  Aztecs  before  the  capi- 
tal fell  into  his  hands.  This  was  a  place  lying  in  the  lap  of  a 
beautiful  valley,  sheltered  from  the  north  winds  and  fronting  the 
genial  sun  of  the  south,  and  here  he  once  more  returned  to  the 
cares  of  agriculture,  introducing  the  sugar  cane  from  Cuba,  en- 
couraging the  cultivation  of  flax  and  hemp,  and  teaching  the  people 
the  value  of  lands,  cattle,  and  husbandry,  which  they  had  never 
known  or   fully   appreciated.     Gold    and    silver    he    drew    from 


TRIUMPH     OF     CORTEZ  73 

1534-1547 

Zacatecas  and  Tehuantepec;  but  he  seems  to  liave  wisely  thought 
that  the  permanent  wealth  and  revenue  of  himself  and  his  heirs 
would  best  be  found  in  tillage. 

Our  limits  will  not  permit  us  to  dwell  upon  the  agricultural, 
mineral,  and  commercial  speculations  of  Cortez,  nor  upon  his 
various  adventures  in  Mexico.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  he  planned 
several  expeditions,  the  most  important  of  which  was  unsuccessful 
in  consequence  of  his  necessary  absence  in  Spain,  whither  he  had 
been  driven,  as  we  have  seen,  to  defend  himself  against  the  attacks 
of  his  enemies.  Immediately,  however,  upon  his  return  to  Mexico, 
he  not  only  sent  forth  various  navigators  to  make  further  discov- 
eries, but  departed  himself  for  the  coast  of  Jalisco,  which  he  visited 
in  1534  and  1535.  He  recovered  a  ship  which  had  "been  seized 
by  Nurio  de  Guzman,  and  having  assembled  the  vessels  he  had 
commanded  to  be  built  in  Tehuantepec,  he  embarked  everything 
needful  to  found  a  colony.  The  sufferings  he  experienced  in  this 
expedition  were  extraordinarily  great.  His  little  fleet  was  assailed 
by  famine  and  tempests,  and  so  long  was  he  unheard  of  in  Mexico 
that  at  the  earnest  instance  of  his  wife  the  viceroy  Mendoza  sent 
two  vessels  to  search  for  him.  He  returned  at  length  to  Acapulco ; 
but  not  content  with  his  luckless  efforts,  he  made  arrangements 
for  a  new  examination  of  the  coasts,  by  Francisco  de  Ulloa,  which 
resulted  in  the  discovery  of  California,  as  far  as  the  Isle  de  Cedros, 
and  of  all  that  gulf  to  which  geographers  have  given  the  name  of 
the  "  Sea  of  Cortez." 

His  expenses  in  these  expeditions  exceeded  three  hundred 
thousand  castellanos  of  gold,  which  were  never  returned  to  him 
by  the  government  of  Spain.  Subsequently  a  Franciscan  mission- 
ary, Fray  Marcos  de  Naza,  reported  the  discovery,  north  of  Sonoma, 
of  a  rich  and  powerful  nation  called  Quivara,  whose  capital  he 
represented  as  enjoying  an  almost  European  civilization.  Cortez 
claimed  his  right  to  take  part  in  or  command  an  expedition  which 
the  viceroy  Mendoza  was  fitting  out  for  its  conquest.  But  he  was 
balked  in  his  wishes,  and  was  obliged  to  confine  his  future  efforts 
for  Mexico  to  works  of  beneficence  in  the  capital. 

That  portion  of  the  conqueror's  life  which  impressed  its  power- 
ful characteristics  upon  New  Spain  was  now  over,  for  although  he 
remained  long  in  the  country,  and  afterward  fought  successfully 
under  the  emperor's  banner  in  other  lands,  he  was  unable  to  win 
the  Spanish  crown  to  grant  him  authority  over  the  empire  he  had 


74  MEXICO 

1547 

subdued.     He  died  at   Castilleja  de  la   Cuesta,   near   Seville,   on 
December  2,  1547. 

Cortez  provided  in  his  will  that  his  body  should  be  interred 
in  the  place  where  he  died,  if  that  event  occurred  in  Spain,  and 
that  within  ten  years  his  bones  should  be  removed  to  New  Spain 
and  deposited  in  a  convent  of  Franciscan  nuns,  which,  under  the 
name  of  La  Concepcion,  he  ordered  to  be  founded  in  Cuyoacan. 
Accordingly  his  corpse  was  first  of  all  laid  in  the  convent  of  San 
Isidro,  outside  the  walls  of  Seville,  whence  it  was  carried  to  Mexico 
and  deposited  in  the  church  of  San  Francisco,  at  Tezcoco,  inas- 
much as  the  convent  of  Cuyoacan  was  not  yet  built.  Thence  the 
ashes  of  the  hero  were  carried,  in  1629,  to  the  principal  chapel 
of  the  church  of  San  Francis,  in  the  capital;  and  at  last  were 
translated,  on  November  8,  1794,  to  the  church  of  the  Hospital  of 
Jesus,  which  Cortez  had  founded.  When  the  revolution  broke  out 
a  vindictive  feeling  prevailed  not  only  against  the  living  Spaniards, 
but  against  the  dead,  and  men  were  found  who  invoked  the  people 
to  tear  these  honored  relics  from  their  grave,  and  after  burning 
them  at  San  Lazaro,  to  scatter  the  hated  ashes  to  the  winds.  But 
in  the  government  and  among  the  principal  citizens  there  were  many 
individuals  who  eagerly  sought  an  opportunity  to  save  Mexico 
from  this  disgraceful  act.  These  persons  secretly  removed  the 
monument,  tablet,  and  remains  of  the  conqueror  from  their  resting 
place  in  the  church  of  the  Hospital  of  Jesus.  Past  generations  de- 
prived him,  while  living,  of  the  right  to  rule  the  country  he  had 
won  by  his  valor.  Modern  Mexico  sought  to  deny  his  corpse  even 
the  refuge  of  a  grave,  but  the  ashes  of  Cortez  are  said  to  be  in  the 
keeping  of  Senor  Sebastian  Aleman,  the  last  lineal  descendant  of 
the  conqueror,  who,  in  1903.  revealed  their  hiding-place  and  ex- 
pressed a  desire  to  have  them  placed  in  the  national  pantheon  in  the 
City  of  Mexico. 


HERXAXDO   OORTEZ 


After   the  painting  in  the    Hospital    of    the    "  Purissima    Concepcion    de    Jesus," 
in   the    City   of   Mexico. 


Chapter   XI 

MEXICAN    MONUMENTS   AND   CIVILIZATION 

WHILE,  according  to  Humboldt,  "  the  general  question 
of  the  origin  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  continent  is  be- 
yond the  limits  prescribed  to  history,"  still  the  Aztec 
civilization  was  so  unique  and  so  highly  developed  as  to  warrant, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  author,  at  least  a  single  chapter,  in  addition 
to  what  has  already  been  given  incidentally  to  the  progress  of 
the  conquest.  It  was  in  the  first  decade  of  the  conquest  that  one  of 
the  most  disgraceful  destructions  of  paintings  and  manuscripts  ever 
recorded  in  history  took  place  at  the  instigation  of  the  first  Arch- 
bishop of  Mexico,  Don  Juan  de  Zumarraga.  This  "  Protector 
of  the  Indians  "  collected  from  every  quarter,  but  especially  from 
Tezcoco,  where  the  Aztec  archives  were  deposited,  all  the  Indian 
manuscripts  he  could  find,  and  causing  them  to  be  piled  up  in 
a  "  mountain-heap,"  in  the  market-place  of  Tlatelolco,  he  burned 
to  ashes  all  these  precious  records,  which,  under  the  interpretation 
of  competent  natives  (like  the  talented  IxtlilxochitI,  for  instance), 
might  have  relieved  the  early  history  of  the  Aztecs  from  the  ob- 
scurity with  which  it  is  now  clouded.  Not  only  the  hieroglyphic 
paintings,  but  every  semblance  of  an  idol,  whether  of  gold  or  stone, 
fell  before  the  fury  of  this  pious  iconoclast,  even  the  great  statue 
that  once  adorned  the  summit  of  the  Pyramid  of  the  Moon,  miles 
distant  from  the  capital.  And  as  the  soldiery  imitated  the  ex- 
ample of  this  prelate,  and  eagerly  emulated  each  other  in  destroying 
all  books,  charts,  and  papers  of  whatever  kind  which  bore  hiero- 
glyphic signs  whose  import  they  had  been  taught  to  believe  was  as 
sacrilegiously  symbolic  and  pernicious  as  that  of  the  idols  they  had 
already  tumbled  out  of  Indian  temples,  there  has  ever  since  been  a 
scarcity  of  genuine  Aztec  antiquities  of  the  minor  sort. 

And  yet  it  may  be  questioned  whether  these  documents,  had 
they  been  spared  even  as  the  curious  relics  of  the  literature  or  art 
of  a  semi-civilized  people,  would  have  enlightened  the  path  of  the 
historical   student.     "  It  has  been  shown,"   says   Gallatin,   "  that 

75 


76  MEXICO 

those  which  have  been  preserved  contain  but  a  meager  account  of 
the  Mexican  history  for  the  one  hundred  years  preceding  the  con- 
quest, and  hardly  anything  that  relates  to  prior  events.  The  ques- 
tion naturally  arises — from  what  source  those  writers  derived  their 
information,  who  have  attempted  to  write  not  only  the  modern 
history  of  Mexico,  but  that  of  ancient  times?  It  may  without 
hesitation  be  answered  that  their  information  was  traditional. 
The  memory  of  important  events  is  generally  preserved  and  trans- 
mitted by  songs  and  ballads,  in  those  nations  which  have  attained 
a  certain  degree  of  civilization,  and  have  not  the  use  of  letters. 
Unfortunately,  if  we  except  the  hymns  of  the  great  monarch  of 
Tezcoco,  which  are  of  recent  date  and  allude  to  no  historical  fact 
of  an  earlier  epoch  than  his  own  times,  no  such  Mexican  remnants 
have  been  transmitted  to  us,  or  published.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
recollection  and  oral  transmission  of  events  may  have  been  aided 
by  the  hieroglyphics,  imperfect  as  they  were;  thus,  those  of  the 
significant  names  of  a  king  and  of  a  city,  together  with  the  symbol 
of  the  year,  would  remind  the  Mexicans  of  the  history  of  the  war 
of  that  king  against  that  city  which  had  been  early  taught  him 
while  a  student  in  the  temple." 

It  is  thus,  perhaps,  that  the  virtuoso  rather  than  the  historical 
student  has  been  the  sufferer  by  the  conflagrations  of  Zumarraga 
and  the  Spanish  soldiers.  We  have  unquestionably  lost  most 
of  the  minute  events  of  early  Aztec  history.  We  have  remained 
ignorant  of  much  of  the  internal  policy  of  the  realm,  and 
have  been  obliged  to  play  the  antiquarian  in  the  discussion  of  dates 
and  epochs  whose  perfect  solution,  even,  would  not  cast  a  solitary 
ray  of  light  upon  the  grand  problem  of  this  continent's  develop- 
ment or  population.  But  amid  all  this  obscurity,  ignorance,  and 
diffuseness,  it  is  a  satisfaction  to  know  that  some  valuable  facts 
escaped  the  grasp  of  these  destroyers,  and  that  the  grand  historical 
traditions  of  the  empire  were  eagerly  listened  to  and  recorded 
by  some  of  the  most  enlightened  Europeans  who  hastened  there 
after  the  conquest  of  New  Spain.  The  song,  the  story,  and  the 
anecdote  handed  down  from  sire  to  son  in  a  nation  which  pos- 
sessed no  books,  no  system  of  writing,  no  letters,  no  alphabet — ■ 
formed  in  reality  the  great  chain  connecting  age  with  age,  king 
with  king,  family  with  family;  and  as  the  gigantic  bond  length- 
ened with  time,  some  of  its  links  were  adorned  with  the  embel- 
lishments of   fancy,   while   others,   in  the   dim  and   distant   past, 


CIVILIZATION  77 

became  almost  imperceptible.  Nor  were  the  conquerors  and  their 
successors  men  devoted  to  the  antiquities  of  the  Mexicans  with  the 
generous  love  of  enthusiasts  who  delight  in  disclosing  the  means 
by  which  a  people  emerged  from  the  obscurity  of  a  tribe  into  the 
grandeur  of  a  civilized  nation.  In  most  cases  the  only  object  they 
had  in  magnifying,  or  even  in  manifesting  the  real  character, 
genius,  and  works  of  the  Mexicans,  is  to  be  found  in  their  desire  to 
satisfy  their  country  and  the  world  that  they  had  indeed  conquered 
an  empire,  and  not  waged  exterminating  war  against  naked  but 
wealthy  savages.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  species  of  self-laudation,  and 
it  has  therefore  not  been  without  at  least  a  slight  degree  of  in- 
credulity that  we  read  the  glowing  early  accounts  of  the  palaces, 
the  state,  and  the  power  of  the  Mexican  emperors.  The  graphic 
works  of  Stephens  on  Yucatan  and  Central  America,  and,  since 
his  time,  of  other  explorers,  seem,  however,  to  open  new  author- 
ities upon  this  vast  problem  of  civilization.  Architecture  never 
lies.  It  is  one  of  the  most  massive  records  which  require  too 
much  labor  in  order  to  record  a  falsehood.  The  men  who  could 
build  the  edifices  of  Uxmal,  Palenque,  Copan,  and  Chichen-Itza 
were  far  removed  from  the  aboriginal  condition  of  nomadic  tribes. 
Taste  and  luxury  had  been  long  grafted  on  the  mere  wants  of 
the  natives.  They  had  learned  not  only  to  build  for  protection 
against  weather,  but  for  permanent  homes  whose  internal  arrange- 
ments should  afford  them  comfort,  and  whose  external  appear- 
ance should  gratify  the  public  taste.  Order,  symmetry,  elegance, 
beauty  of  ornament,  gracefulness  of  symbolic  imagery,  had  all 
combined  to  exhibit  the  external  manifestations  which  are  always 
seen  among  people  who  are  not  only  anxious  to  gratify  others  as 
well  as  themselves,  but  to  vie  with  each  other  in  the  exhibition  of 
individual  tastes.  Here,  however,  as  in  Egypt,  the  architectural 
remains  are  chiefly  of  temples,  tombs,  and  palaces.  The  worship 
of  God,  the  safety  of  the  body  after  death,  and  the  permanent  idea 
of  loyal  obedience  to  authority  are  symbolized  by  the  temple,  tomb, 
and  the  rock-built  palace.  The  masses,  who  felt  they  had  no  con- 
stant abiding-place  on  earth,  did  not  in  all  probability  build  for 
themselves  those  substantial  and  beautifully  embellished  homes 
under  whose  influence  modern  civilization  has  so  far  exceeded  the 
barren  humanism  of  the  valley  of  the  Nile.  It  was  useless,  they 
deemed,  to  enshrine  in  marble,  while  living,  the  miserable  spirit 
that,  after  death,  might  crawl  in  a  crocodile  or  burrow  in  a  hog. 


78  M  E  X  I  C  O 

Christianity  alone  has  made  the  dwelling  paramount  to  the  tomb 
and  the  palace. 

We  cannot  leave  the  early  history  of  Spanish  occupation  with- 
out naturally  casting  our  eye  over  the  empire  which  it  was  the 
destiny  of  Cortez  to  conquer.  Of  its  geographical  boundaries  we 
know  but  little.  The  dominions  of  the  original  Axtecs  covered 
but  a  small  part  of  the  territory  comprehended  in  modern  Mexico; 
and  although  they  were  enlarged  during  the  empire,  they  did  not 
even  then  extend  beyond  the  eighteenth  degree  and  the  twenty- 
first  on  the  Atlantic  or  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  beyond  the  fourteenth 
and  nineteenth  degree,  including  a  narrow  slip  on  the  Pacific. 

The  seat  and  center  of  the  Mexican  empire  was  in  the  valley 
of  Mexico,  in  a  temperate  climate,  whose  genial  mildness  is  gained 
by  its  elevation  of  over  seven  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of 
the  sea.  On  the  eastern  or  western  borders  of  the  lake  of  Tezcoco, 
facing  each  other,  stood  the  ancient  cities  of  Tenochtitlan  or 
Mexico,  and  of  Tezcoco.  These  were  the  capitals  of  the  two  most 
famous,  flourishing,  and  civilized  states  of  Anahuac,  the  sources 
of  whose  population  and  progress  are  veiled  in  the  general  mystery 
that  overhangs  the  early  history  of  the  continent. 

The  general  and  best  received  tradition  that  we  possess  upon 
the  subject  declares  that  the  original  inhabitants  of  this  beautiful 
valley  came  from  the  north ;  and  that  perhaps  the  earliest  as  well 
as  the  most  conspicuous  in  the  legends  were  the  Toltecs,  who 
moved  to  the  south  before  the  end  of  the  seventh  century,  and 
settled  at  Tollan  or  Tula,  north  of  the  Mexican  valley,  where  ex- 
tensive architectural  remains  were  yet  to  be  found  at  the  period  of 
the  conquest.  This  spot  seems  to  have  gradually  become  the 
parent  hive  of  civilization  and  advancement;  but  after  four  cen- 
turies, during  which  they  extended  their  sway  over  the  whole  of 
Anahuac,  the  Toltecs  are  alleged  to  have  wasted  away  by  famine, 
disease,  and  the  slow  desolation  of  unsuccessful  wars.  This  oc- 
curred about  the  year  1051,  as  the  Indian  tradition  relates,  and 
the  few  who  escaped  the  ravages  of  death  departed  for  those  more 
southern  regions  now  known  as  Yucatan  and  Guatemala,  in  which 
are  perhaps  found  the  present  remains  of  their  civilization  dis- 
played in  the  temples,  edifices,  and  tombs  of  Palenque  and  Uxmal. 
During  the  next  century  these  valleys  and  mountains  were  nearly 
desolate  and  bare  of  population,  until  a  rude  and  altogether  un- 
civilized tribe,  known  as  the  Chichimecas,  came  from  Amaqueme- 


CIVILIZATION  79 

can,  in  the  north,  and  settled  in  villages  among  the  ruins  of  their 
Toltec  predecessors.  After  eight  years,  six  other  Indian  tribes, 
called  Nahuatlacs,  arrived,  and  announced  the  approach  of  another 
band  from  the  north,  known  as  the  Aztecs,  who  soon  afterward 
entered  Anahuac.  About  this  period  the  Acolhuans,  who  are  said 
to  have  emigrated  from  Teoacolhucan,  near  the  original  terri- 
tories of  the  Chichimecas,  advanced  into  the  valley  and  speedily 
allied  themselves  with  their  ancient  neighbors.  These  tribes  ap- 
pear to  have  been  the  founders  of  the  Tczcocan  government  and 
nation  which  was  once  assailed  successfully  by  the  Tepanecs,  but 
was  finally  delivered  from  thraldom  by  the  signal  bravery  and 
talents  of  the  Prince  Nezahualcoyotl,  who  was  heir  of  the  crown, 
supported  by  his  Mexican  allies. 

The  chief  concern,  however,  in  groping  a  way  through  the 
tangled  labyrinth  of  tradition  is  to  ascertain  the  story  of  the 
Aztecs,  whose  advent  has  been  already  announced.  It  was  about 
the  year  1160  that  they  departed  from  Aztlan,  the  original  seat 
of  their  tribe,  on  their  journey  of  southern  emigration.  Their 
pilgrimage  seems  to  have  been  interrupted  by  numerous  halts  and 
delays,  both  on  their  route  through  the  northern  regions  now 
comprehended  in  the  modern  republic  of  Mexico,  as  well  as  in 
different  parts  of  the  Mexican  valley  which  was  subsequently  to 
become  their  home  and  capital.  At  length,  in  1325,  they  descried 
an  eagle  resting  on  a  cactus  wrhich  sprang  from  the  crevice  of  a 
rock  in  the  lake  of  Tezcoco,  and  grasping  in  his  talons  a  writhing 
serpent.  This  had  been  designated  by  the  Aztec  oracles  as  the  site 
of  the  home  in  which  the  tribe  should  rest  after  its  long  and  weary 
migration ;  and  accordingly  the  city  of  Tenochtitlan  was  founded 
upon  the  sacred  spot,  and  like  another  Venice  rose  from  the  bosom 
of  the  placid  waters. 

It  was  nearly  a  hundred  years  after  the  founding  of  the  city, 
and  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  that  the  Tepanecs 
attacked  the  Tezcocan  monarchy.  The  Tezcocans  and  the  Aztecs 
or  Mexicans  united  to  put  down  the  power  of  the  spoiler,  and  as  a 
recompense  for  the  important  services  of  the  allies  the  supreme 
dominion  of  the  territory  of  the  royal  house  of  Tezcoco  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  Aztecs.  The  Tezcocan  sovereigns  thus  became,  in  a 
measure,  mediatized  princes  of  the  Mexican  throne;  and  the  two 
states,  together  with  the  neighboring  small  kingdom  of  Tlacopan, 
south  of  the  lake  of  Chalco,  formed  an  offensive  and  defensive 


80  MEXICO 

league  which  was  sustained  with  unwavering  fidelity  through  all 
the  wars  and  assaults  which  ensued  during  the  succeeding  century. 
The  bold  leaguers  united  in  that  spirit  of  plunder  and  conquest 
which  characterizes  a  martial  people  as  soon  as  they  are  surrounded 
by  the  necessaries,  comforts,  and  elegances  of  life  in  their  own 
country,  and  whenever  the  increase  of  population  begins  to  require 
a  vent  through  which  it  may  expand  those  energies  that  would 
destroy  the  state  by  rebellions  or  civil  war,  if  pent  up  within  the 
narrow  limits  of  so  small  a  realm  as  the  valley  of  Mexico.  Ac- 
cordingly we  find  that  the  sway  of  this  small  tribe,  which  had  but 
just  nestled  among  the  reeds,  rocks,  and  marshes  of  the  lake  was 
quickly  spread  beyond  the  mountain  barrier  that  hemmed  in  the 
valley.  Like  the  Hollanders,  they  became  great  by  the  very  wretch- 
edness of  their  site  and  the  vigilant  industry  enforced.  The  Aztec 
arms  were  triumphant  throughout  all  the  plains  that  swept  down- 
ward toward  the  Atlantic,  and  even  maintained  dominion  on  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  penetrated,  under  the  bloody  Ahuitzotl, 
the  remotest  corners  of  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua. 

Such  was  the  extent  of  Aztec  power  at  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  at  the  period  of  the  Spanish  incursion.  The 
Aztecs,  as  is  very  well  known,  were  not  the  only  Indians  inhabiting 
the  Mexican  tableland,  for,  according  to  the  learned  Mexican, 
Orozco  y  Berra,  there  are  eleven  distinct  language  families  in 
Mexico,  comprehending  thirty-five  idioms  and  eighty-five  dialects, 
or  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  twenty,  still  spoken  within  this 
relatively  restricted  territory  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific, 
south  of  the  conterminous  border-line  with  the  United  States.  All 
these  languages  belong,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  Otomi, 
which  is  monosyllabic,  to  the  polysynthetic  order  of  speech,  in 
common  with  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  aboriginal  idioms  of  North 
America. 

"  The  culture  of  the  aborigines  occupying  Mexico  and  Central 
America,"  says  the  ethnologist,  Professor  Thomas  Wilson,  of 
Washington,  "  was  of  a  totally  different  character  from  that  in  the 
other  regions  of  North  America.  They  were  sedentary,  agricul- 
tural, religious,  and  highly  ceremonial ;  they  built  immense  monu- 
ments of  the  most  enduring  character,  the  outside  of  the  stone 
walls  of  some  of  which  were  decorated  in  a  high  order  of  art, 
resembling  more  the  great  Certosa  of  Pavia  than  any  other  monu- 
ment in  Europe.     The  Teocalli,  or  mounds  of  ceremony  or  sac- 


CIVILIZATION  81 

rifice,  were  immense.  The  manufacture  and  use  of  stone  images 
and  idols  were  extensive  and  surprising  to  the  last  degree.  Their 
working  of  jade,  and  the  extensive  use  thereof,  surpasses  that 
of  any  other  locality  in  prehistoric  times.  Their  pottery  excites 
our  wonder  and  admiration;  some  specimens  for  their  beauty, 
their  elegance  of  form  and  fineness  of  decoration;  other  speci- 
mens, of  idols  or  images,  are  astonishing  on  account  of  the  pre- 
cision of  their  manufacture  and  the  difficulty  of  its  accomplishing . 
by  hand." 

In  order  to  gain  an  intelligible  view  of  the  inhabitants  of  an- 
cient Mexico  it  should  be  remembered  that  there  were  tribes  to 
the  north,  south,  east,  and  west  of  the  Aztecs  hardly  inferior  to 
them  in  civilization,  such,  for  example,  as  the  Tarascos  of  Mich- 
oacan,  whose  capital,  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Patzcuaro,  was  Tzin- 
tzun-tzan,  the  House  of  the  Humming-bird.  The  Tarascan  em- 
pire was  contemporary  with  the  Aztec,  and  in  time  of  war  its 
soldiers  bore  three  hundred  standards  of  heron-plumes  into  battle, 
their  priests  marching  ahead  with  their  war-gods  on  their  backs, 
and  their  caciques  with  silver  shields  and  quivers  of  tiger-skin  filled 
with  arrows.     This  empire  fell  at  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards. 

We  have  seen,  in  following  Cortez  from  the  coast  of  Mexico 
to  its  capital,  that  he  was  received  by  the  Totonacs, — whose  capital 
was  Cempoalla, — people  of  culture  whose  ancestors  have  the  credit 
of  constructing,  not  only  the  wonderful  Pyramid  of  Papantla,  yet 
standing  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz,  in  its  tierra  caliente,  but  the 
equally  wonderful  pyramids  of  the  Sun  and  the  Moon,  at  San 
Juan  Teotihuacan,  near  which  Cortez  and  the  Aztecs  fought  the 
great  and  decisive  battle  of  Otumba. 

The  barbarous  Chichimecas,  and  perhaps  the  Otomies,  are  rep- 
resented to-day  by  the  Apaches,  who  have  been  mainly  removed 
from  Mexico  through  the  energetic  cooperation  of  the  United 
States  Government  with  Mexicans  in  combating  them  for  many 
years.  Some  of  the  Otomies  yet  live  in  a  region  to  the  north  of 
the  valley  of  Mexico,  and  claim  to  be  descendants  of  the  most 
ancient  people  of  that  country.  There  are  about  five  hundred 
thousand  of  them,  mainly  nomadic,  and  speaking  an  archaic, 
monosyllabic  language. 

We  have  already  glanced  at  the  Tezcocans,  neighbors  and 
coequals  with  the  Aztecs,  whose  literature  and  traditions  have 
been  to  some  extent  preserved  through  the  efforts  of  Ixtlilxochitl,  a 


82  MEXICO 

descendant  of  the  royal  line  of  Tezcoco  and  a  contemporary  of 
the  early  colonists. 

South  of  the  Aztec  region  dwelt  the  Miztecs,  Zapotecs,  and 
Mixes,  people  in  many  respects  as  great  in  achievement  as  their 
northern  congeners.  The  Mixtecs  are  a  hardy  people  who  for  a 
long  time  resisted  the  Aztec  invasions,  but  who  were  partially  con- 
quered about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Speaking  a 
nearly  related  idiom  are  the  Zapotecs,  the  center  of  whose  country 
is  Oaxaca,  near  the  site  of  which  city  Montezuma  held  a  garrison. 
Traces  of  this  occupation  may  be  found  in  the  speech  of  the  present 
people,  which  is  Aztec,  though  entirely  surrounded  by  Zapotecs. 

There  were  two  great  centers  of  civilization  at  the  time  of 
the  Spanish  conquest,  namely  in  the  valley  of  Mexico  and  in 
Yucatan — judging  by  the  remains  still  existing  of  monumental 
structures.  The  dwellers  of  Yucatan  were  the  Mayas,  still  repre- 
sented in  that  territory  in  large  numbers.  To  the  remote  an- 
cestors of  the  Mayas  are  ascribed  the  erection  of  such  wonderful 
temples  and  cities  as  those  of  Chichen-Itza,  Tulum,  Uxmal,  Ake, 
Labna,  and  which,  to  the  number  of  more  than  sixty  distinct 
groups,  have  been  discovered  in  Yucatan.  Nearly  related  to  these 
structures  in  similarities  of  architectural  adornment  is  the  great 
ruined  city  of  Palenque,  in  which  was  discovered  the  wonderful 
"cross,"  one  portion  of  which  is  in  the  museum  at  the  City  of 
Mexico  and  another  in  the  keeping  of  the  Smithsonian  Institu- 
tion at  Washington.  Over  the  border-line  in  Guatemala  are  still 
other  ruined  cities  evidently  the  work  of  the  same  people,  who 
are  supposed  to  have  been  the  semi-mythical  Toltecs  of  antiquity. 
The  Toltec  culture  is  supposed  to  be  evidenced  in  these  structures 
of  Yucatan,  Palenque,  Gautemala,  and  Copan  in  Honduras ;  though 
nothing  may  ever  be  discovered  settling  the  question  of  their  origin 
positively.  Until  fifty  years  ago  the  only  work  in  these  ruined 
cities  was  that  of  Stephens  and  Catherwood,  while  Mayas  of  Yuca- 
tan had  been  exploited  by  the  authors  of  long-ago,  Landa  and 
Cogolludo. 

Within  the  past  twenty  years  a  great  work  has  been  carried 
on  among  the  ruins  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  chiefly  by 
archaeologists  sent  out  by  museums  and  antiquarian  societies  in  the 
United  States.  The  names  of  Charnay,  Le  Plongeon,  Thompson, 
Salisbury  of  Worcester,  and  Putnam  of  Cambridge,  Massachusetts, 
occur  in  this  connection,  as  having  contributed,  either  by  great 


A    PAGE   FROM    THE        DRESDEN"        MAYA    MANUSCRIPT,    PRESERVED    IN    THE 

PUBLIC   LIBRARY    OF   THAT   TOWN.    SHOWING   THE    PECULIAR 

PICTORIAL    WRITINGS    OF    THAT    RACE   OF    PEOPLE 


CIVILIZATION  83 

efforts  in  the  field  or  by  intelligent  cooperation  with  funds  and 
experience,  to  the  exploitation  of  these  ruins. 

There  is  a  distinct  difference  between  the  ruined  structures  of 
the  ticrra  calicntc,  as  in  Papantla,  Yucatan,  Guatemala,  Copan, 
and  Palenque,  and  those  of  the  great  Mexican  plateau.  The  "  hot- 
country  "  ruins  are  those  of  vast  stone  structures  mainly,  with  a 
solidity  of  architectural  design  and  a  wealth  of  ornamentation 
lacking  in  those  of  the  tableland.  In  the  far  north,  for  example, 
in  the  borderland  of  Sonora  and  Chihuahua,  are  found  the  adobe 
ruins  of  the  Casas  Grandes,  resembling  the  communal  dwellings 
still  in  use  by  the  Pueblo  peoples  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona.  In 
Tula,  north  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  the  structures  were  of  stone 
and  adobe,  as  also  were  the  pyramids  of  Teotihuacan;  but  at 
Xochicalco,  on  or  near  the  western  verge  of  the  tableland,  there  are 
splendid  examples  of  the  finest  work  in  sculptured  stone.  The 
great  temple-pyramid  of  Cholula  is  of  adobe  brick,  but  was  prob- 
ably faced  with  stone  in  ancient  times.  Southward  still  further 
stand  the  magnificent  ruins  of  Mitla,  in  the  Zapotec  country, 
which  are  apparently  connecting  links  in  the  two  styles  of  architec- 
ture, the  stone  and  the  adobe. 

Space  forbids  a  detailed  description  of  these  wonderful  struc- 
tures scattered  throughout  Mexico,  since  great  volumes  have  been 
written  upon  them  alone,  without  even  exhausting  the  subject. 
It  may  be  mentioned  in  passing,  however,  that  increasing  atten- 
tion has  been  given  to  the  subject  of  Mexico's  archaeology  in  the 
past  twenty  years,  and  much  has  been  discovered  which,  half  a 
century  ago,  was  unknown. 

Within  a  few  years  Mexico  has  awakened  to  the  great  value 
of  its  archaeological  material,  and  the  government  has  conducted 
extensive  explorations  under  the  supervision  of  the  director  of  the 
Mexican  Museum. 

No  longer  ago  than  in  1900  a  section  of  the  famous  "  Wall  of 
Serpents,"  which  formerly  surrounded  the  Aztec  Teocalli,  was  un- 
covered and  its  ornamentation  of  gigantic  serpents'  heads  brought 
to  view.  The  largest  of  these  heads  were  about  a  meter  in  length 
and  half  a  meter  in  breadth,  with  open  mouths  showing  two  large 
fangs  in  each.  They  fully  bear  out  the  descriptions  given  by  the 
conquerors  of  their  horrid  appearance,  being  hideous  beyond  belief. 

Another  interesting  object  revealed  by  the  excavations  in  the 
great  square  of  Mexico  was  a  slab  known  as  the  Aztec  "  Rock  of 


84  MEXICO 

Famine,"  which  was  set  tip  by  the  Mexicans  to  commemorate  the 
return  of  abundance,  after  they  had  been  brought  near  to  starva- 
tion, about  the  year  1454. 

Human  skulls  and  bones  of  various  description,  as  well  as 
numerous  small  bells  of  brass  (the  old  "  cascabels  "  of  the  Span- 
iards) were  found  near  a  tower,  which  was  also  uncovered,  and  is 
supposed  to  have  pertained  to  the  chapel  of  the  god  of  the  air. 
Without  going  to  the  length  of  enumerating  all  the  valuable  ob- 
jects of  antiquity  recently  brought  to  light,  it  may  be  said  that 
more  has  been  done  in  recent  years  toward  revealing  the  buried 
treasures  of  ancient  Mexico  than  in  centuries  preceding. 

It  is  perhaps  altogether  impossible  to  judge,  at  this  remote 
day,  of  the  absolute  degree  of  civilization  enjoyed  at  the  period 
of  the  conquest  by  the  inhabitants  not  only  of  the  valley  of  Mexico 
and  Tezcoco,  but  also  of  Oaxaca,  Tlascala,  Michoacan,  Yucatan, 
and  their  various  dependencies.  In  studying  this  subject  care- 
fully, even  in  the  classical  pages  of  Prescott  and  in  the  laborious 
criticisms  of  Gallatin,  we  find  ourselves  frequently  bewildered  in 
the  .labyrinth  of  historical  details  and  picturesque  legends  which 
have  been  carefully  gathered  and  grouped  to  form  a  romantic 
picture  of  the  Aztec  nation.  Yet  facts  enough  have  survived, 
not  only  the  wreck  of  the  conquest,  but  also  the  comparative 
stagnation  of  the  viceroyalty,  to  satisfy  us  that  there  was  a  large 
class  of  people,  at  least  in  the  capitals  and  their  vicinity,  whose 
tastes,  habits,  and  social  principles  were  nearly  equal  to  the 
civilization  of  the  Old  World  at  that  time.  There  were  strange 
inconsistencies  in  the  principles  and  conduct  of  the  Mexicans,  and 
strange  blendings  of  softness  and  brutality,  for  the  savage  was  as 
yet  but  rudely  grafted  on  the  citizen  and  the  wandering  or  preda- 
tory habits  of  a  tribe  were  scarcely  tamed  by  the  needful  restraints 
of  municipal  law. 

It  is  probable  that  the  Aztec  refinement  existed  chiefly  in  the 
city  of  Tenochtitlan  or  Mexico;  or  that  the  capital  of  the  empire, 
like  the  capital  of  France,  absorbed  the  greater  share  of  the  genius 
and  cultivation  of  the  whole  country. 

The  Aztec  government  was  a  monarchy,  but  the  right  to  the 
throne  did  not  fall  by  the  accident  of  descent  upon  a  lineal  relative 
of  the  last  king,  whose  age  would  have  entitled  him,  by  European 
rule,  to  the  royal  succession.  The  brothers  of  the  deceased  prince, 
or  his  nephews,  if  he  had  no  nearer  kin,  were  the  individuals  from 


CIVILIZATION  85 

whom  the  new  sovereign  was  chosen  by  four  nobles  who  had  been 
selected  as  electors  by  their  own  aristocratic  body  during-  the  pre- 
ceding reign.  These  electors,  together  with  the  two  royal  allies  of 
Tezcoco  and  Tlacopan,  who  were  united  in  the  college  as  merely 
honorary  personages,  decided  the  question  as  to  the  candidate, 
whose  warlike  and  intellectual  qualities  were  always  closely  scanned 
by  these  severe  judges. 

The  elevation  of  the  new  monarch  to  the  throne  was  pompous, 
yet.  republican  and  just  as  was  the  rite  of  selection,  the  ceremony 
ol  coronation  was  not  performed  until  the  new  king  had  procured, 
by  conquest  in  war,  a  crowd  of  victims  to  grace  his  assumption 
of  the  crown  with  their  sacrifice  at  the  altar.  The  palaces  of  these 
princes  and  their  nobles  were  of  the  most  sumptuous  character,  ac- 
cording to  the  description  that  has  been  left  us  by  the  conquerors 
themselves. 

The  royal  state  and  style  of  these  people  may  be  best  described 
in  the  artless  language  of  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  a  soldier  of 
the  conquest,  whose  simple  narrative,  though  sometimes  colored 
with  the  superstitions  of  his  age,  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  and 
veritable  relics  of  that  great  event  that  has  been  handed  down  to 
posterity. 

In  describing  the  entrance  of  the  Spaniards  into  the  city,  Diaz 
declares,  with  characteristic  energy,  that  the  whole  of  what  he  saw 
on  that  occasion  appeared  to  him  as  if  he  had  beheld  it  but  yester- 
day, and  he  fervently  exclaims :  "  Glory  be  to  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  who  gave  us  courage  to  venture  on  such  dangers  and 
brought  us  safely  through  them !  " 

The  Spaniards,  as  we  have  already  said  in  a  preceding  chap- 
ter, were  lodged  and  entertained  at  the  expense  of  Montezuma, 
who  welcomed  them  as  his  guests,  and  unwisely  attempted  to  con- 
vince them  of  his  power  by  exhibiting  his  wealth  and  state.  Two 
hundred  of  his  nobility  stood  as  guards  in  his  ante-chamber. 

"  Of  these,"  says  Diaz,  "  only  certain  persons  could  speak  to 
him,  and  when  they  entered  they  took  off  their  rich  mantles  and 
put  on  others  of  less  ornament,  but  clean.  They  advanced  toward 
his  apartment  barefooted,  their  eyes  fixed  on  the  ground  and  mak- 
ing three  inclinations  of  the  body  as  they  approached  him.  In  ad- 
dressing the  king  they  said,  'Lord — my  lord — great  lord!  '  When 
they  had  finished  he  dismissed  them  with  a  few  words,  and  they 
retired  with  their  faces  toward  him  and  their  eyes  fixed  on  the 


86  MEXICO 

ground.  I  also  observed  that  when  great  men  came  from  a  distance 
about  business,  they  entered  his  palace  barefooted,  and  in  plain 
habit ;  and  also  that  they  did  not  come  in  by  the  gate  directly,  but 
took  a  circuit  in  going  toward  it. 

"  His  cooks  had  upward  of  thirty  different  ways  of  dressing 
meats,  and  they  had  earthen  vessels  so  contrived  as  to  keep  them 
constantly  hot.  For  the  table  of  Montezuma  himself,  above  three 
hundred  dishes  were  dressed,  and  for  his  guards  above  a  thousand. 
Before  dinner  Montezuma  would  sometimes  -go  out  and  inspect 
the  preparations,  and  his  officers  would  point  out  to  him  which 
were  the  best,  and  explain  of  what  birds  and  flesh  they  were  com- 
posed: and  of  those  he  would  eat.  But  this  was  more  for  amuse- 
ment than  anything  else. 

"  Montezuma  was  seated  on  a  low  throne  or  chair,  at  a  table 
proportioned  to  the  height  of  his  seat.  The  table  was  covered 
with  white  cloths  and  napkins,  and  four  beautiful  women  presented 
him  with  water  for  his  hands,  in  vessels  which  they  call  xicales, 
with  other  vessels  under  them,  like  plates,  to  catch  the  water. 
They  also  presented  him  with  towels. 

"  Then  two  other  women  brought  small  cakes  of  bread,  and, 
when  the  king  began  to  eat,  a  large  screen  of  gilded  wood  was 
placed  before  him,  so  that  during  that  period  people  should  not 
behold  him.  The  women  having  retired  to  a  little  distance,  four 
ancient  lords  stood  by  the  throne,  to  whom  Montezuma  from  time 
to  time  spoke  or  addressed  questions,  and  as  a  mark  of  particular 
favor  gave  to  each  of  them  a  plate  of  that  which  he  was  eating. 
I  was  told  that  these  old  lords,  who  were  his  near  relations,  were 
also  counselors  and  judges.  The  plates  which  Montezuma  pre- 
sented to  them  they  received  with  high  respect,  eating  what  was 
on  them  without  taking  their  eyes  off  the  ground.  He  was  served 
in  earthenware  of  Cholula,  red  and  black.  While  the  king  was  at 
the  table  no  one  of  his  guards  in  the  vicinity  of  his  apartment 
dared,  for  their  lives,  make  any  noise,  Fruit  of  all  kinds  produced 
in  the  country  was  laid  before  him;  he  ate  very  little;  but  from 
time  to  time  a  liquor  prepared  from  cocoa,  and  of  a  stimulative 
quality,  as  we  were  told,  was  presented  to  him  in  golden  cups. 
We  could  not,  at  that  time,  see  whether  he  drank  it  or  not;  but  I 
observed  a  number  of  jars,  above  fifty,  brought  in,  filled  with 
foaming  chocolate,  of  which  he  took  some  that  the  women  pre- 
sented him. 


CIVILIZATION  87 

"  After  he  had  dined  they  presented  to  him  three  little  canes, 
highly  ornamented,  containing  liquid-amber,  mixed  with  an  herb 
they  call  tobacco ;  and  when  he  had  sufficiently  viewed  and  heard 
the  singers,  dancers,  and  buffoons,  he  took  a  little  of  the  smoke  of 
one  of  these  canes,  and  then  laid  himself  down  to  sleep. 

"  The  meal  of  the  monarch  ended,  all  his  guards  and  domestics 
sat  down  to  dinner;  and,  as  near  as  I  could  judge,  above  a  thou- 
sand plates  of  those  eatables  that  I  have  mentioned  were  laid 
before  them,  with  vessels  of  foaming  chocolate  and  fruit  in  immense 
quantity.  For  his  women  and  various  inferior  servants  his  estab- 
lishment was  of  a  prodigious  expense;  and  we  were  astonished, 
amid  such  a  profusion,  at  the  vast  regularity  that  prevailed. 

"  His  major  domo  kept  the  accounts  of  Montezuma's  rents  in 
books  which  occupied  an  entire  house. 

"  Montezuma  had  two  buildings  filled  with  every  kind  of  anus, 
richly  ornamented  with  gold  and  jewels ;  such  as  shields,  large  and 
small  clubs  like  two-handed  swords,  and  lances  much  larger  than 
ours,  with  blades  six  feet  in  length,  so  strong  that  if  they  fix  in  a 
shield  they  do  not  break;   and  sharp  enough  to  use  as  razors. 

"  There  was  also  an  immense  quantity  of  bows  and  arrows, 
and  darts,  together  with  slings,  and  shields  which  roll  up  into  a 
small  compass  and  in  action  are  let  fall,  and  thereby  cover  the 
whole  body.  He  had  also  much  defensive  armor  of  quilted  cotton, 
ornamented  with  feathers  in  different  devices,  and  casques  for  the 
head,  made  of  wood  and  bone,  with  plumes  of  feathers,  and  many 
other  articles  too  tedious  to  mention."  * 

Besides  this  sumptuous  residence  in  the  city,  the  emperor  is 
supposed  to  have  had  others  at  Chapultepec,  Tezcoco,  and  elsewhere. 

If  the  sovereign  lived  thus  in  state  befitting  the  ruler  of  such 
an  empire,  it  may  be  supposed  that  his  courtiers  were  not  less 
sumptuous  in  their  style  of  domestic  arrangements.  The  great 
body  of  the  nobles  and  caciques  possessed  extensive  estates,  the 
tenures  of  which  were  chiefly  of  a  military  character;  and  upon 
these  large  possessions,  surrounded  by  warlike  natives  and  nu- 
merous slaves,  they  lived,  doubtless,  like  many  of  the  independent, 
powerful  chieftains  in  Europe  who  in  the  Middle  Ages  maintained 
their  feudal  splendor  both  in  private  life  and  in  active  service  when- 
ever summoned  by  their  sovereigns  to  give  aid  in  war. 

The  power  of  the  emperor  over  the  laws  of  the  country  as  well 

1  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  "  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico." 


88  MEXICO 

as  over  the  lives  of  the  people  was  perfectly  despotic.  There 
were  supreme  judges  in  the  chief  towns,  appointed  by  the  emperor, 
who  possessed  final  jurisdiction  in  civil  and  criminal  causes;  and 
there  were,  besides,  minor  courts  in  each  province,  as  well  as 
subordinate  officers,  who  performed  the  duty  of  police  officers  or 
spies  over  the  families  that  were  assigned  to  their  vigilance.  Records 
were  kept  in  these  courts  of  the  decisions  of  the  judges;  and  the 
laws  of  the  realm  were  likewise  perpetuated  and  made  certain,  in  the 
same  hieroglyphic  or  picture-writing.  "  The  great  crimes  against 
society,"  says  Prescott,  "  were  all  made  capital — even  the  murder 
of  a  slave  was  punished  with  death.  Adulterers,  as  among  the 
Jews,  were  stoned  to  death.  Thieving,  according  to  the  degree  of 
the  offense,  was  punished  with  slavery  or  death.  It  was  a  capital 
offense  to  remove  the  boundaries  of  another's  lands;  to  alter  the 
established  measures;  and  for  a  guardian  not  to  be  able  to  give  a 
good  account  of  his  ward's  property.  Prodigals  who  squandered 
their  patrimony  were  punished  in  like  manner.  Intemperance  was 
visited  with  the  severest  penalties,  as  if  they  had  foreseen  in  it  the 
consuming  canker  of  their  own  as  well  as  of  the  other  Indian  races 
in  later  times.  It  was  punished  in  the  young  with  death,  and  in 
older  persons  with  loss  of  rank  and  confiscation  of  property. 

"  The  rites  of  marriage  were  celebrated  with  as  much  formality 
as  in  any  Christian  country;  and  the  institution  was  held  in  such 
reverence  that  a  tribunal  was  established  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
determining  questions  in  regard  to  it.  Divorces  could  not  be  ob- 
tained until  authorized  by  a  sentence  of  this  court  after  a  patient 
hearing  of  the  parties."  2 

Slavery  seems  to  have  always  prevailed  in  Mexico.  The  cap- 
tives taken  in  war  were  devoted  to  the  gods  under  the  sacrificial 
knife;  but  criminals,  public  debtors,  extreme  paupers,  persons  who 
willingly  resigned  their  freedom,  and  children  who  were  sold  by 
their  parents,  were  allowed  to  be  held  in  bondage  and  to  be  trans- 
ferred from  hand  to  hand,  but  only  in  cases  in  which  their  masters 
were  compelled  by  poverty  to  part  with  them. 

A  nation  over  which  the  god  of  war  presided  and  whose  king 
was  selected  mainly  for  his  abilities  as  a  chieftain,  naturally 
guarded  and  surrounded  itself  with  a  well-devised  military  system. 
Religion  and  war  were  blended  in  the  imperial  ritual.  Montezuma 
himself  had  been  a  priest  before  he  ascended  the  throne.  This 
dogma  of  the  Aztec  policy  originated,  perhaps,  in  the  necessity  of 
2  Prescott,  "  Conquest  of  Mexico,"  vol.  I.  p.  35. 


CIVILIZATION  89 

keeping-  tin  a  constant  military  spirit  among-  a  people  whose  instincts 
were  probably  civilized,  but  whose  geographical  position  exposed 
them,  in  the  beginning,  to  the  attacks  of  unquiet  and  annoying 
tribes.  The  captives  were  sacrificed  to  the  bloody  deity  in  all 
likelihood  because  it  was  necessary  to  free  the  country  from  dan- 
gerous Indians  who  could  neither  be  imprisoned,  for  they  were  too 
numerous,  nor  allowed  to  return  to  their  tribes,  because  they  would 
speedily  renew  the  attack  on  their  Aztec  liberators. 

Accordingly  we  find  that  the  Mexican  armies  were  properly 
officered,  divided,  supported,  and  garrisoned  throughout  the  em- 
pire; that  there  were  military  orders  of  merit;  that  the  dresses  of 
the  leaders,  and  even  of  some  of  the  regiments,  were  gaudily  pic- 
turesque; that  their  arms  were  excellent  and  that  the  soldier  who 
died  in  combat  was  considered  by  his  superstitious  countrymen  as 
passing  at  once  to  "  the  region  of  ineffable  bliss  in  the  bright  man- 
sions of  the  sun."  Nor  were  these  military  establishments  left  to 
the  caprice  of  petty  officers  for  their  judicial  system.  They  pos- 
sessed a  set  of  recorded  laws  which  were  as  sure  and  severe  as  the 
civil  or  criminal  code  of  the  empire;  and,  finally,  when  the  Aztec 
soldier  became  too  old  to  fight,  or  was  disabled  in  the  national 
wars,  he  was  provided  for  in  admirable  hospitals  which  were 
established  in  all  the  principal  cities  of  the  realm. 

But  all  this  expensive  machinery  of  state  and  royalty  was  not 
supported  without  ample  revenues  from  the  people.  There  was  a 
currency  of  different  values  regulated  by  trade,  which  consisted  of 
quills  filled  with  gold  dust ;  of  pieces  of  tin  cut  in  the  form  of  a  T ; 
of  balls  of  cotton,  and  bags  of  cacao  containing  a  specified  number 
of  grains.  The  greater  part  of  Aztec  trade  was,  nevertheless, 
carried  on  by  barter;  and  thus  we  find  that  the  large  taxes  which 
were  derived  by  Montezuma  from  the  crown  lands,  agriculture, 
manufactures,  and  the  labors  or  occupations  of  the  people  generally 
were  paid  in  "  cotton  dresses  and  mantles  of  f eatherwork ;  orna- 
mented armor;  vases  of  gold;  gold  dust,  bands  and  bracelets; 
crystal,  gilt  and  varnished  jars  and  goblets ;  bells,  arms  and  utensils 
of  copper;  reams  of  paper;  grain;  fruits,  copal,  amber,  cochineal, 
cacao,  wild  animals,  birds,  timber,  lime,  mats,"  and  a  general 
medley  in  which  the  luxuries  and  necessaries  of  life  were  strangely 
mixed.  It  is  not  a  little  singular  that  silver,  which  since  the  con- 
quest has  become  the  leading  staple  export  of  Mexico,  is  not  men- 
tioned in  the  royal  inventories  which  escaped  destruction. 


90  MEXICO 

The  Mexican  mythology  was  a  barbarous  compound  of  spirit- 
ualism and  idolatry.  The  Aztecs  believed  in  and  relied  on  a  su- 
preme God  whom  they  called  Teotl,  "  God,"  or  Ipalnemoani — "  he 
by  whom  we  live,"  and  Tloque  Nahuaque, — "  he  who  has  all  in 
himself  " ;  while  their  counter-spirit  or  demon,  who  was  ever  the 
enemy  and  seducer  of  their  race,  bore  the  inauspicious  title  of 
Tlaleatecolototl,  or  the  "  Rational  Owl."  The  dark,  nocturnal 
deeds  of  this  ominous  bird  probably  indicated  its  greater  fitness  for 
the  typification  of  wickedness  than  of  wisdom,  of  which  the  Greeks 
had  flatteringly  made  it  the  symbol,  as  the  pet  of  Minerva.  These 
supreme  spiritual  essences  were  surrounded  by  a  numerous  court 
of  satellites  or  lesser  deities,  who  were  perhaps  the  ministerial 
agents  by  which  the  behests  of  Teotl  were  performed.  There  was 
Huitzilopotchtli,  the  god  of  war,  and  Teoyaomiqui,  his  spouse, 
whose  tender  duties  were  confined  to  conducting  the  souls  of 
warriors  who  perished  in  defense  of  their  homes  and  shrines  into 
the  "  house  of  the  sun,"  which  was  the  Aztec  heaven. 

Texcatlipoca  was  the  shining  mirror,  the  god  of  providence, 
the  soul  of  the  world,  creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  master  of 
all  things.  Ometcuctli  and  Omecihuatl,  a  god  and  goddess  pre- 
siding over  newborn  children  and  reigning  in  Paradise,  benignantly 
granted  the  wishes  of  mortals.  Cihuacohuatl,  or  woman-serpent, 
was  regarded  as  the  mother  of  human  beings.  Tonatricli  and 
Meztli  were  deifications  of  the  sun  and  moon.  Quetzalcoatl  and 
Tlaloc  were  deities  of  the  air  and  of  water,  while  Xiuhteuctli  was 
the  god  of  fire  to  whom  the  first  morsel  and  the  first  draught  at 
table  were  always  devoted  by  the  Aztecs.  Mictlanteuctli  and  Joal- 
teuctli  were  the  gods  of  hell  and  night,  while  the  generous  goddess 
of  the  earth  and  grain  who  was  worshiped  by  the  Totonacos  as  an 
Indian  Ceres,  enjoyed  the  more  euphonious  title  of  Centeotl.  Huit- 
zilopotchtli or  Mexitli,  the  god  of  war,  was  an  especial  favorite 
with  the  Aztecs,  for  it  was  this  divinity,  according  to  their  legends, 
who  had  led  them  from  the  north  and  protected  them  during  their 
long  journey  until  they  settled  in  the  valley  of  Mexico.  Nor  did 
he  desert  them  during  the  rise  and  progress  of  their  nation.  Ad- 
dicted as  they  were  to  war,  this  deity  was  always  invoked  before 
battle  and  was  recompensed  for  the  victories  he  bestowed  upon  his 
favorite  people  by  bloody  hecatombs  of  captives  taken  from  the  en- 
emies of  the  empire. 

If   the    Mexicans   had   their   gods,    so    also    had    they   their 


CIVILIZATION  91 

final  abodes  of  blessedness  and  misery.  Soldiers  who  were  slain 
in  conflict  for  their  country  or  who  perished  in  captivity,  and  the 
spirits  of  women  who  died  in  childbirth,  went  at  once  to  the  "  house 
of  the  sun  "  to  enjoy  a  life  of  eternal  pleasure.  At  dawn  they 
hailed  the  rising-  orb  with  song  and  dances,  and  attended  him  to  the 
meridian  and  his  setting  with  music  and  festivity.  The  Aztecs  be- 
lieved that  after  some  years  spent  amid  these  pleasures,  the  beatified 
spirits  of  the  departed  were  changed  into  clouds  or  birds  of  beau- 
tiful plumage,  though  they  had  power  to  ascend  again  whenever 
they  pleased  to  the  heaven  they  had  left.  There  was  another  place 
called  Tlalocan,  the  dwelling-place  of  Tlaloc,  the  deity  of  water, 
which  was  also  an  Aztec  elysium.  It  was  the  spirit-home  of  those 
who  were  drowned  or  struck  by  lightning,  of  children  sacrified  in 
honor  of  Tlaloc,  and  of  those  who  died  of  dropsy,  tumors,  or  simi- 
lar diseases.  Last  of  all  was  Mictlan,  a  gloomy  hell  of  perfect 
darkness,  in  which  incessant  night,  unilluminated  by  the  twinkling 
of  a  single  ray,  was  the  only  punishment,  and  the  probable  type  of 
annihilation. 

The  reader  who  has  accompanied  us  from  the  beginning  of 
this  volume  and  perused  the  history  of  the  Spanish  conquest  has 
doubtless  become  somewhat  familiar  with  the  great  square  of  an- 
cient Tenochtitlan,  its  Teocalli,  or  pyramidal  temple,  and  the 
bloody  rites  that  were  celebrated  upon  it  by  the  Aztec  priests  and 
princes.  It  served  as  a  place  of  sacrifice,  not  only  for  the  Indian 
victims  of  war,  but  streamed  with  the  blood  of  the  unfortunate 
Spaniards  who  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Mexicans  when  Cortez 
was  driven  from  the  city. 

This  Teocalli  is  said  to  have  been  completed  in  the  year  i486, 
during  the  reign  of  the  eighth  sovereign  of  Tenochtitlan  or  Mex- 
ico, and  occupied  that  portion  of  the  present  city  upon  which  the 
cathedral  stands  and  which  is  occupied  by  some  of  the  adjacent 
streets  and  buildings. 

The  Mexican  theology  indulged  in  two  kinds  of  sacrifice,  one 
of  which  was  an  ordinary  offering  of  a  common  victim,  while  the 
other,  or  gladiatorial  sacrifice,  was  only  used  for  captives  of 
extraordinary  courage  and  bravery. 

When  we  recollect  the  fact  that  the  Aztec  tribe  was  an  in- 
truder into  the  valley  of  Anahuac,  and  that  it  laid  the  foundations 
of  its  capital  in  the  midst  of  enemies,  we  are  not  surprised  that  so 
hardy  a  race  from  the  northern  hive  was  both  warlike  in  its  habits 


92  MEXICO 

and  sanguinary  in  its  religion.  With  a  beautiful  land  around  it  on 
all  sides,  level,  fruitful,  but  incapable  of  easy  defense,  it  was  forced 
to  quit  the  solid  earth  and  to  build  its  stronghold  in  the  waters  of 
the  lake.  We  can  conceive  no  other  reason  for  the  selection  of  such 
a  site.  The  eagle  may  have  been  seen  on  a  rock  amid  the  water 
devouring  the  serpent;  but  we  do  not  believe  that  this  emblem  of 
the  will  of  heaven,  in  guiding  the  wanderers  to  their  refuge  in  the 
lake  of  Tezcoco,  was  known  to  more  than  the  leaders  of  the  tribe 
until  it  became  necessary  to  control  the  band  by  the  interposition  of 
a  miracle.  Something  more  was  needed  than  mere  argument  to 
plant  a  capital  in  the  water,  and  thus,  we  doubt  not  that  the  singular 
omen,  in  which  the  modern  arms  of  Mexico  have  originated,  was 
contrived  or  invented  by  the  priests  or  chiefs  of  the  unsettled 
Aztecs. 

Surrounded  by  enemies,  with  nothing  that  they  could  strictly 
call  their  own  save  the  frail  retreat  among  the  reeds  and  rushes  of 
their  mimic  Venice,  it  undoubtedly  became  necessary  for  the 
Aztecs  to  keep  no  captives  taken  in  war.  Their  gardens,  like  their 
towns,  were  constructed  upon  the  chinampas,  or  floating  beds  of 
earth  and  wicker  work  which  were  anchored  in  the  lake.  They 
could  not  venture  at  any  distance  from  its  margin  to  cultivate  the 
fields.  When  they  sallied  from  their  city  they  usually  left  it  for 
the  battlefield ;  and  when  they  returned  it  is  probable  that  it  seemed 
to  them  not  only  a  propitiation  of  their  gods,  but  a  mercy  to  the 
victims,  to  sacrifice  their  numerous  captives,  who  if  retained  in 
idleness  as  prisoners  would  exact  too  large  a  body  for  their  custody, 
or,  if  allowed  to  go  at  large,  might  rise  against  their  victor,  and 
in  either  case  would  soon  consume  the  slender  stores  they  were  en- 
abled to  raise  by  their  scant  horticulture.  In  examining  the  history 
of  the  Aztecs  and  noticing  the  mixture  of  civilization  which 
adorned  their  public  and  private  life,  and  the  barbarism  which 
characterized  their  merciless  religion,  we  have  been  convinced  that 
the  Aztec  rite  of  sacrifice  originated  in  the  infancy  of  the  state 
in  a  national  necessity,  and  at  length,  under  the  influence  of  super- 
stition and  policy,  grew  into  an  ordinance  of  faith  and  worship. 

The  common  sacrifice  offered  in  the  Aztec  temples  was  per- 
formed by  a  chief  priest  and  six  assistants.  The  principal  flamen, 
habited  in  a  red  scapulary  fringed  with  cotton  and  crowned  with  a 
circlet  of  green  and  yellow  plumes,  assumed,  for  the  occasion,  the 
name  of  the  deity  to  whom  the  offering  was  made.     His  acolytes 


CIVILIZATION  93 

— clad  in  white  robes  embroidered  with  black,  their  hands  covered 
with  leathern  thongs,  their  foreheads  filleted  with  parti-colored 
papers,  and  their  bodies  dyed  perfectly  black — prepared  the  victim 
for  the  altar,  and  having  dressed  him  in  the  insignia  of  the  deity  to 
whom  he  was  to  be  sacrificed,  bore  him  through  the  town  begging 
alms  for  the  temple.  He  was  then  carried  to  the  summit  of  the 
Teocalli,  where  four  priests  extended  him  across  the  curving  sur- 
face of  an  arched  stone  placed  on  the  sacrificial  stone,  while  another 
held  his  head  firmly  beneath  a  yoke.  The  chief  priest,  the  topiltzin 
or  sacrificer,  then  stretched  the  breast  of  the  victim  tightly  by 
bending  his  body  back  as  far  as  possible,  and,  seizing  the  obsidian 
knife  of  sacrifice,  cut  a  deep  gash  across  the  region  of  the  cap- 
tive's heart.  The  extreme  tension  of  the  flesh  and  muscles  at 
once  yielded  beneath  the  blade,  and  the  heart  of  the  victim  lay 
palpitating  in  the  bloody  gap.  The  sacrificer  immediately  thrust 
his  hand  into  the  wound,  and,  tearing  out  the  quivering  vital, 
threw  it  at  the  feet  of  the  idol,  inserted  it  with  a  golden  spoon  into 
its  mouth,  or,  after  offering  it  to  the  deity,  consumed  it  in  fire  and 
preserved  the  sacred  ashes  with  the  greatest  reverence.  When 
these  horrid  rites  were  finished  in  the  temple  the  victim's  body  was 
thrown  from  the  top  of  the  Teocalli,  whence  it  was  borne  to  the 
dwelling  of  the  individual  who  offered  the  sacrifice,  where  it  was 
eaten  by  himself  and  his  friends,  or  was  devoted  to  feed  the  beasts 
in  the  royal  menagerie. 

Numerous  cruel  sacrifices  were  practiced  by  the  Indians  of 
Mexico,  and  especially  among  the  Quauhtitlans,  who  every  four 
years  slew  eight  slaves  or  captives  in  a  manner  almost  too  brutal 
for  description.  Sometimes  the  Aztecs  contented  themselves  with 
other  and  more  significant  oblations;  and  flowers,  fruits,  bread, 
meat,  copal,  gums,  quails,  and  rabbits  were  offered  on  the  altars 
of  their  gods.  The  priests,  no  doubt,  approved  these  gifts  far  more 
than  the  tough  flesh  of  captives  or  slaves ! 

The  gladiatorial  sacrifice  was  reserved,  as  we  have  already 
said,  for  noble  and  courageous  captives.  According  to  Clavigero, 
a  circular  mass,  three  feet  high,  resembling  a  mill-stone,  was  placed 
within  the  area  of  the  Great  Temple  upon  a  raised  terrace  about 
eight  feet  from  the  wall.  The  captive  was  bound  to  this  stone  by 
one  foot,  and  was  armed  with  a  sword  or  maquahuitl  and  shield. 
In  this  position,  and  thus  accoutered,  he  was  attacked  by  a  Mexican 
soldier  or  officer,  who  was  better  prepared  with  weapons  for  the 


94  MEXICO 

deadly  encounter.  If  the  prisoner  was  conquered  he  was  immedi- 
ately borne  to  the  altar  of  common  sacrifice.  If  he  overcame  six 
assailants  he  was  rewarded  with  life  and  liberty,  and  permitted  once 
more  to  return  to  his  native  land  with  the  spoils  that  had  been  taken 
from  him  in  war.  Clavigero  supposes  that  for  many  years 
twenty  thousand  victims  were  offered  on  the  Mexican  teocallis  in 
the  "  common  sacrifice " ;  and  in  the  consecration  of  the  great 
temple  sixty  thousand  persons  were  slain  in  order  to  baptize  the 
pyramid  with  their  blood. 

The  largest  collection  of  Mexican  antiquities,  including  most 
of  the  minor  idols,  and  also  many  examples  of  the  famous  picture- 
writing,  as  well  as  the  feather  shield  of  Montezuma,  an  authentic 
portrait  of  Cortez,  and  portraits  of  all  the  viceroys,  is  contained  in 
the  National  Museum  in  the  City  of  Mexico.  Its  history,  trans- 
lated from  the  annals  of  the  museum  itself,  is  as  follows : 

To  that  pious  furor  which  had  animated  the  first  Archbishop 
of  Mexico,  Zumarraga,  the  conquistadores  and  the  missionaries 
(who  destroyed  all  the  ancient  writings  and  Aztec  monuments  that 
fell  in  their  way,  considering  them  as  invincible  obstacles  to  the 
abolishment  of  idolatry  among  the  subjugated  Indians)  there  suc- 
ceeded a  more  enlightened  epoch,  in  which  was  seen  what  an  irrep- 
arable loss  the  New  World  had  met  with.  Some  of  the  kings  of 
Spain  undertook  to  repair  by  every  means  possible  the  evil  caused 
by  ignorance  and  fanaticism,  and  at  different  times  ordered  to  be 
collected  all  the  documents  that  would  serve  to  illustrate  the  history 
of  America,  and  appointed  chroniclers  who  were  charged  with 
writing  it  out.  The  viceroys  of  Mexico  followed  this  impulse,  and 
commenced  to  collect  and  deposit  in  the  archives  of  the  viceroyalty 
what  they  thought  might  be  of  interest.  Particular  mention 
should  be  made  of  the  great  collection  made  by  the  Chevalier  Bo- 
turini,  which  he  called  his  historical  Indian  museum,  an  invaluable 
collection  of  maps,  hieroglyphs  on  skin  and  cloth  of  agave,  as 
well  as  manuscripts  written  posterior  to  the  conquest.  This  val- 
uable treasure  was  practically  confiscated  by  the  colonial  govern- 
ment and  disappeared  little  by  little,  until  to-day  the  museum  pos- 
sesses only  a  small  portion  of  the  original.  It  was  probably  on 
this  account  that  all  documents  relating  to  Mexican  antiquities 
were  ordered  to  be  delivered  into  the  care  of  the  Royal  University. 
One  of  the  viceroys,  Count  Revillagigedo,  ordered  that  the  an- 
tiquities found  at  the  time  of  leveling  the  ground  for  the  Plaza 


CIVILIZATION  95 

Mayor,  in  1790,  should  be  deposited  in  the  university  for  special 
study — with  the  exception  of  the  Calendar  Stone,  which  was  asked 
of  him  by  a  commission  of  the  cathedral,  and  set  up  against  the 
western  wall  of  that  edifice.  In  this  manner  a  gathering  point 
was  formed  in  the  university  for  the  historic  documents  and  arch- 
aeological remains  of  Mexico.  In  November,  1822,  the  national 
government  established  in  the  same  edifice  a  conservatory  of 
antiquities  and  cabinet  of  natural  history;  in  1831  both  establish- 
ments were  reconstructed  under  the  name  of  the  National 
Museum,  which,  in  1865,  the  Archduke  Maximilian  removed  to 
quarters  in  the  National  Palace,  formerly  occupied  by  the  mint.  At 
the  organization  of  the  national  government,  in  1867,  a  sum  of  five 
hundred  dollars  per  month  was  voted  for  the  expenses  of  this 
establishment. 

A  valuable  feature  of  this  institution  is  the  publication  of  its 
"  Annals,"  with  descriptions  of  historic  objects  in  the  museum,  and 
of  all  the  antiquities  pertaining  to  Mexico.  The  first  of  these 
"  Anales  del  Masco  National  de  Mexico"  appeared  in  1877,  and 
they  have  since  been  published  with  regularity. 

The  articles  in  these  "Anales"  by  native  writers,  such  as 
Barcena,  Orozco  y  Berra,  Cubas,  Sanchez,  and  Mendoza,  are  val- 
uable contributions  to  Mexico's  ethnology  and  archaeology  and  are 
eagerly  read.  The  museum  is  now  well  equipped  for  the  work  of 
exploration  and  publication,  and  in  charge  of  an  eminent  Mexican 
of  ability.  Valuable  antiquities  have  been  found  during  the  past 
twenty  years,  and,  through  the  indefatigable  exertions  of  Mexican 
and  North  American  scientists,  some  light  has  been  shed  upon  that 
obscure  subject,  the  Aztec  civilization. 

The  Aztec  Calendar  Stone,  another  monument  of  Mexican 
antiquity,  was  found  in  December,  1790,  buried  underground  in 
the  great  square  of  the  capital.  Like  the  idol  image  of  Teoyaomi- 
qui  and  the  sacrificial  stone,  it  is  carved  from  a  mass  of  basalt,  and 
is  eleven  feet  eight  inches  in  diameter,  the  depth  of  its  circular  edge 
being  about  seven  and  a  half  inches  from  the  fractured  square  of 
rock  out  of  which  it  was  originally  cut.  It  is  supposed,  from  the 
fact  that  it  was  found  beneath  the  pavement  of  the  present  plaza, 
that  it  was  part  of  the  fixtures  of  the  great  Teocalli  of  Tenochtitlan, 
or  that  it  was  placed  in  some  of  the  adjoining  edifices  or  palaces 
surrounding  the  temple.  It  is  now  walled  into  the  west  side  of  the 
cathedral,  and  is  a  remarkable  specimen  of  the  talent  of  the  Indians 


96  MEXICO 

for  sculpture,  at  the  same  time  that  its  huge  mass,  together  with 
those  of  the  sacrificial  stone  and  the  idol  Teoyaomiqui,  denote 
the  skill  of  their  inventors  in  the  movement  of  immense  weights 
without  the  aid  of  horses. 

The  Aztecs  calculated  their  civil  year  by  the  solar;  they 
divided  it  into  eighteen  months  of  twenty  days  each,  and  added 
five  complimentary  days,  as  in  Egypt,  to  make  up  the  complete 
number  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five.  After  the  last  of 
these  months  the  five  nemontemi  or  "  useless  days  "  were  inter- 
calated, and,  belonging  to  no  particular  month,  were  regarded  as 
unlucky  by  the  superstitious  natives.  Their  week  consisted  of 
five  days,  the  last  of  which  was  the  market  day ;  and  a  month  was 
composed  of  four  of  these  weeks.  As  the  tropical  year  is  com- 
posed of  about  six  hours  more  than  three  hundred  and  sixty-five 
days,  they  lost  a  day  every  fourth  year,  which  they  supplied,  not  at 
the  termination  of  that  period,  but  at  the  expiration  of  their  cycle 
of  fifty-two  years,  when  they  intercalated  the  twelve  days  and  a 
half  that  were  lost.  Thus  it  was  found,  at  the  period  of  the  Span- 
ish conquest,  that  their  computation  of  time  corresponded  with  the 
European,  as  calculated  by  the  most  accurate  astronomers. 

At  the  end  of  the  Aztec  or  Toltec  cycle  of  fifty-two  years — 
for  it  is  not  accurately  ascertained  to  which  of  the  tribes  the  as- 
tronomical science  of  Tenochtitlan  is  to  be  attributed, — these 
primitive  children  of  the  New  World  believed  that  the  world  was  in 
danger  of  instant  destruction.  Accordingly  its  termination  be- 
came one  of  their  most  serious  and  awful  epochs,  and  they  anx- 
iously awaited  the  moment  when  the  sun  would  be  blotted  out  from 
the  heavens  and  the  globe  itself  once  more  resolved  unto  chaos. 
As  the  cycle  ended  in  the  winter,  the  season  of  the  year,  with  its 
drearier  sky  and  colder  air  in  the  lofty  regions  of  the  valley,  added 
to  the  gloom  that  fell  upon  the  hearts  of  the  people.  On  the  last 
day  of  the  fifty-two  years  all  the  fires  in  temples  and  dwellings 
were  extinguished,  and  the  natives  devoted  themselves  to  fasting 
and  prayer.  They  destroyed  alike  their  valuable  and  worthless 
wares,  rent  their  garments,  put  out  their  lights,  and  hid  themselves 
for  a  while  in  solitude. 

At  dark,  on  the  last  dread  evening — as  soon  as  the  sun  had 
set,  as  they  imagined,  forever — a  sad  and  solemn  procession  of 
priests  and  people  marched  forth  from  the  city  to  a  neighboring 
hill,  to  rekindle  the  "  New  Fire."      This    mournful    march    was 


CIVILIZATION  97 

called  the  "  procession  of  the  gods,"  and  was  supposed  to  be  their 
final  departure  from  their  temples  and  altars. 

As  soon  as  the  melancholy  array  reached  the  summit  of  the 
hill  it  reposed  in  fearful  anxiety  until  the  Pleiades  reached  the 
zenith  in  the  sky,  whereupon  the  priests  immediately  began  the 
sacrifice  of  a  human  victim,  whose  breast  was  covered  with  a 
wooden  shield,  which  the  chief  flamen  kindled  by  friction.  When 
the  sufferer  received  the  fatal  stab  from  the  sacrificial  knife  of 
obsidian,  the  machine  was  set  in  motion  on  his  bosom  until  the 
blaze  had  kindled.  The  anxious  crowd  stood  round  with  fear  and 
trembling.  Silence  reigned  over  nature  and  man.  Not  a  word 
was  uttered  among  the  countless  multitude  that  thronged  the  hill- 
sides and  plains  while  the  priest  performed  his  direful  duty  to  the 
gods.  At  length,  as  the  first  sparks  gleamed  faintly  from  the 
whirling  instrument,  low  sobs  and  ejaculations  were  whispered 
among  the  eager  masses.  As  the  sparks  kindled  into  a  blaze,  and 
the  blaze  into  a  flame,  and  the  flaming  shield  and  victim  were  cast 
together  on  a  pile  of  combustibles  which  burst  at  once  into  the 
brightness  of  a  conflagration,  the  air  was  rent  with  the  joyous 
shouts  of  the  relieved  and  panic-stricken  Indians.  Far  and  wide 
over  the  dusky  crowds  beamed  the  blaze  like  a  star  of  promise. 
Myriads  of  upturned  faces  greeted  it  from  hills,  mountains,  tem- 
ples, terraces,  teocallis,  housetops,  and  city  walls ;  and  the  prostrate 
multitudes  hailed  the  emblem  of  light,  life,  and  fruition  as  a  blessed 
omen  of  the  restored  favor  of  their  gods  and  the  preservation  of 
the  race  for  another  cycle.  At  regular  intervals  Indian  couriers 
held  aloft  brands  of  resinous  wood,  by  which  they  transmitted  the 
"  New  Fire  "  from  hand  to  hand,  from  village  to  village,  and 
town  to  town,  throughout  the  Aztec  empire.  Light  was  radiated 
from  the  imperial  or  ecclestiastical  center  of  the  realm.  In  every 
temple  and  dwelling  it  was  rekindled  from  the  sacred  source;  and 
when  the  sun  rose  again  on  the  following  morning  the  solemn 
procession  of  priests,  princes,  and  subjects  which  had  taken  up  its 
march  from  the  capital  on  the  preceding  night,  with  solemn  steps 
returned  once  more  to  the  abandoned  capital,  and  restoring  the 
gods  to  their  altars,  abandoned  themselves  to  joy  and  festivity  in 
token  of  gratitude  and  relief  from  impending  doom.2 

2  For  details,  see  the  "  Calendario  Asteco,"  by  A.  Chavero,  Mexico,  1876. 
Also,  "  The  Mexican  Calendar  Stone,"  by  Philipp  J.  J.  Valentini ;  Proceedings 
of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Mass.,  October,   1878. 


Chapter  XII 

CONDITION   UNDER   THE    COLONIAL    SYSTEM 

1521-1530 

AS  soon  as  the  Spaniards  had  plundered  the  wealth  accu- 
/-\  mulated  by  the  Incas  and  the  Aztecs  in  the  semi-civilized 
X  A.  empires  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  they  turned  their  attention 
to  the  government  of  the  colonies  which  they  saw  springing-  up  as 
if  by  enchantment.  The  allurements  of  gold  and  the  enticements 
of  a  prolific  soil,  under  delicious  skies,  had  not  yet  ceased  to 
inflame  the  ardent  national  fancy  of  Spain,  so  that  an  eager  emi- 
gration escaped  by  every  route  to  America.  An  almost  regal  and 
absolute  power  was  vested  by  special  grants  from  the  king  in  the 
persons  who  were  dispatched  from  his  court  to  found  the  first 
governments  in  the  New  World.  But  this  authority  was  so  abused 
by  some  of  the  ministerial  agents  that  Charles  V.  took  an  early 
occasion  to  curb  their  power  and  diminish  their  original  privileges. 
The  Indians  who  had  been  divided  with  the  lands  among  the 
conquerors  by  the  slavish  system  of  repartimientos  were  declared 
to  be  the  king's  subjects.  In  1537  the  Pope  issued  a  decree  declar- 
ing the  aborigines  to  be  "  really  and  truly  men  " — "  ipsos  veros 
homines  " — who  were  capable  of  receiving  the  Christian  faith. 

The  sovereign  was  ever  regarded  from  the  first  as  the  direct 
fountain  of  all  authority  throughout  Spanish  America.  All  his 
provinces  were  governed  as  colonies  and  his  word  was  their  su- 
preme law.  In  15 1 1  Ferdinand  created  a  new  governmental  de- 
partment for  the  control  of  his  American  subjects,  denominated  the 
Council  of  the  Indies,  but  it  was  not  fully  organized  until  the 
reign  of  Charles  V.  in  1524.  The  Recopilacion  de  las  leyes  de  las 
Indias  declared  that  this  council  should  have  supreme  jurisdiction 
over  all  the  Western  Indies  pertaining  to  the  Spanish  crown  which 
had  been  discovered  at  that  period,  or  which  might  thereafter  be 
discovered;  that  this  jurisdiction  should  extend  over  all  their  in- 
terests and  affairs ;  and,  moreover,  that  the  council,  with  the  royal 
assent,  should  make  all  laws  and  ordinances  necessary  for  the  wel- 

98 


THE     COLONIAL     SYSTEM  99 

fare  of  those  provinces.  This  Council  of  the  Indies  consisted  of  a 
president,  who  was  the  king,  four  secretaries,  and  twenty-two 
counselors,  and  the  members  were  usually  chosen  from  among 
those  who  had  either  been  viceroys  or  held  high  stations  abroad. 
It  appointed  all  the  officers  employed  in  America  in  compliance 
with  the  nomination  of  the  crown,  and  everyone  was  responsible  to 
it  for  his  conduct.  As  soon  as  this  political  and  legislative  machine 
was  created  it  began  its  scheme  of  law-making  for  the  colonies; 
not,  however,  upon  principles  of  national  right,  but  according  to 
such  dictates  of  expediency  or  profit  as  might  accrue  to  the 
Spaniards.  From  time  to  time  they  were  apprised  of  the  wants 
of  the  colonists,  but  far  separated  as  they  were  from  the  subject 
of  their  legislation,  they  naturally  committed  many  errors  in  re- 
gard to  a  people  with  whom  they  had  not  the  sympathy  of  a  com- 
mon country  and  common  social  or  industrial  interests.  They 
legislated  either  for  abstractions  or  with  the  selfish  view  of  work- 
ing the  colonies  for  the  advantage  of  the  Spanish  crown  rather 
than  for  the  gradual  development  of  American  capabilities.  The 
mines  of  the  continent  first  attracted  the  attention  of  Spain,  and 
the  prevailing  principle  of  the  scheme  adopted  in  regard  to  them 
was  that  the  mother  country  should  produce  the  necessaries  or 
luxuries  of  life  for  her  colonial  vassals,  while  they  recompensed 
their  parent  with  a  bountiful  revenue  of  gold  and  silver. 

The  bungling,  blind,  and  often  corrupt  legislation  of  the 
Council  of  the  Indies  soon  filled  its  records  with  masses  of  contra- 
dictory and  useless  laws,  so  that  although  there  were  many  benefi- 
cient  acts,  designed  especially  for  the  comfort  of  the  Indians,  the 
administration  of  so  confused  a  system  became  almost  incom- 
patible with  justice.  If  the  source  of  law  was  vicious  its  adminis- 
tration was  not  less  impure.  The  principal  courts  of  justice  were 
the  audiencias  reales,  or  royal  audiences.  In  addition  to  the  presi- 
dent— who  was  the  viceroy,  or  captain-general — the  audiencia  or 
court  was  composed  of  a  regent,  three  judges,  two  fiscales  or  at- 
torneys (one  for  civil  and  the  other  for  criminal  cases),  a  reporter, 
and  an  alguazil,  or  constable.  The  members  of  these  courts  were 
appointed  by  the  king  himself,  and,  being  almost  without  exception 
natives  of  old  Spain,  they  possessed  but  few  sympathies  for  the 
colonists. 

After  the  royal  audiences  came  the  cabildos,  whose  members, 
consisting  of  regidores  and  other  persons  appointed  by  the  king, 


100  MEXICO 

and  of  two  alcaldes  annually  elected  by  the  regidores  from  among 
the  people,  constituted  a  municipal  body  in  almost  every  town  or 
village  of  importance.  These  cabildos  had  no  legislative  jurisdic- 
tion, but  superintended  the  execution  of  the  laws  within  their  dis- 
tricts and  regulated  all  minor  local  matters.  The  office  of  regidor 
was  a  regular  matter  of  bargain  and  sale;  and,  as  the  regidores 
subsequently  elected  the  alcaldes,  it  will  be  seen  that  this  admitted 
of  great  corruption  and  tended  to  augment  the  direct  oppression 
of  the  masses  subjected  to  their  jurisdiction.  It  was  an  instrument 
to  increase  the  wealth  and  strengthen  the  tyrannical  power  of  the 
rulers. 

These  ill-regulated  audiencias  and  cabildos  were  in  them- 
selves capable  of  destroying  all  principles  of  just  harmony,  and 
were  sufficient  to  corrupt  the  laws  both  in  their  enactment  and 
administration.  But  all  men  were  not  equal  before  these  tribunals. 
A  system  of  fueros  or  privileges  opposed  innumerable  obstacles. 
These  were  the  privileges  of  corporate  bodies  and  of  the  profes- 
sions ;  of  the  clergy,  called  public  or  common ;  and  of  the  monks, 
canons,  inquisitions,  colleges,  and  universities;  the  privileges  of 
persons  employed  in  the  royal  revenue  service;  the  general  privi- 
leges of  the  military,  which  were  extended  also  to  the  militia,  and 
the  especial  privileges  of  the  marines,  of  engineers,  and  of  the  artil- 
lery. An  individual  enjoying  any  of  these  privileges  was  elevated 
above  the  civil  authority,  and,  whether  as  plaintiff  or  defendant,  was 
subject  only  to  the  chief  of  the  body  to  which  he  belonged,  both  in 
civil  and  criminal  cases.  So  great  a  number  of  jurisdictions  cre- 
ated an  inextricable  labyrinth  which,  by  keeping  up  a  ceaseless  con- 
flict between  the  chiefs  in  regard  to  the  extent  of  their  powers, 
stimulated  each  one  to  sustain  his  own  authority  at  all  hazards, 
and  with  such  resoluteness  as  to  employ  even  force  to  gain  his 
purpose.  Bribery,  intrigue,  delay,  denial  of  justice,  outrage,  and 
ruin  were  the  natural  results  of  such  a  system  of  complicated  irre- 
sponsibility; and  consequently  it  is  not  singular  to  find  even  now  in 
Mexico  and  South  America  large  masses  of  people  who  are  utterly 
ignorant  of  the  true  principles  upon  which  justice  should  be  ad- 
ministered or  laws  enacted  for  its  immaculate  protection.  The 
manifesto  of  independence  issued  by  the  Buenos  Ayrean  Congress 
in  1816  declares  that  all  public  offices  belong  exclusively  to  the 
Spaniards ;  and  although  the  Americans  were  equally  entitled  to 
them  by  the  laws,  they  were  appointed  only  in  rare  instances,  and 


THE     COLONIAL     SYSTEM  101 

even  then  not  without  satiating  the  cupidity  of  the  court  by  enor- 
mous sums  of  money.  Of  one  hundred  and  seventy  viceroys  who 
governed  on  this  continent  but  four  were  Americans;  and  of  six 
hundred  and  ten  captains-general  and  governors,  all  but  fourteen 
were  natives  of  old  Spain !  Thus  it  is  evident  that  not  only  were 
the  Spanish  laws  bad  in  their  origin,  but  the  administrative  system 
under  which  they  operated  denied  natives  of  America  in  almost  all 
cases  the  possibility  of  self-government. 

The  evil  schemes  of  Spain  did  not  stop,  however,  with  the 
enactment  of  laws  or  their  administration.  The  precious  metals 
had  originally  tempted  her,  as  we  have  already  seen,  and  she  did 
not  fail  to  build  up  a  commercial  system  which  was  at  once  to 
bind  the  colonists  forever  to  the  mines,  while  it  enriched  and  ex- 
cited her  industry  at  home  in  arts,  manufactures,  agriculture,  and 
navigation.  As  the  Atlantic  rolled  between  the  Old  World  and  the 
New,  America  was  excluded  from  all  easy  or  direct  means  of  inter- 
course with  other  states  of  Europe,  especially  at  a  period  when  the 
naval  power  of  Spain  was  important  and  frequent  wars  made  the 
navigation  of  foreign  merchantmen  or  smugglers  somewhat  dan- 
gerous in  the  face  of  her  cruisers.  Spain  therefore  interdicted 
all  commercial  intercourse  between  her  colonies  and  the  rest 
of  the  world,  thus  maintaining  a  strict  monopoly  of  trade  in  her 
own  hands.  All  imports  and  exports  were  conveyed  in  Spanish 
bottoms,  nor  was  any  vessel  permitted  to  sail  for  Vera  Cruz  or 
Porto  Bello,  her  only  two  authorized  American  ports,  except  from 
Seville,  until  the  year  1720,  when  the  trade  was  removed  to  Cadiz 
as  a  more  convenient  outlet.  It  was  not  until  the  War  of  the 
Succession  that  the  trade  of  Peru  was  opened,  and  even  then  only 
to  the  French.  By  the  Peace  of  Utrecht,  in  1713,  Great  Britain, 
with  the  asiento,  or  contract  for  the  supply  of  slaves,  obtained  a 
direct  participation  in  the  American  trade,  by  virtue  of  a  permis- 
sion granted  her  to  send  a  vessel  of  five  hundred  tons  annually  to 
the  fair  at  Porto  Bello.  This  privilege  ceased  with  the  partial 
hostilities  in  1737,  but  Spain  found  herself  compelled,  on  the 
restoration  of  peace  in  1739,  to  make  some  provision  for  meeting 
the  additional  demand  which  the  comparatively  free  communica- 
tion with  Europe  had  created.  Licenses  were  granted,  with  this 
view,  to  vessels  called  register-ships,  which  were  chartered  during 
the  intervals  between  the  usual  periods  for  the  departure  of  the 
galleons.    In  1764  a  further  improvement  was  made  by  the  estab- 


102  MEXICO 

lishment  of  monthly  packets  to  Havana,  Porto  Rico,  and  Buenos 
Ayres,  which  were  allowed  to  carry  out  half  cargoes  of  goods. 
This  was  followed  in  1774  by  the  removal  of  the  interdict  upon 
the  intercourse  of  the  colonies  with  each  other;  and  this  again, 
in  1778,  under  what  is  termed  a  decree  of  free  trade,  by  which 
seven  of  the  principal  ports  of  the  peninsula  were  allowed  to  carry 
on  a  direct  intercourse  with  Buenos  Ayres  and  the  South  Sea. 
Up  to  the  period  when  these  civilized  modifications  of  the  original 
interdict  were  made,  the  colonists  were  forbidden  to  trade  either 
with  foreigners  or  with  each  other's  states,  under  any  pretext 
whatever.  The  penalty  of  disobedience  and  detection  was  death. 
Having  thus  enacted  that  the  sole  vehicle  of  colonial  com- 
merce should  be  Spanish,  the  next  effort  of  the  paternal  govern- 
ment was  to  make  the  things  it  conveyed  Spanish  also.  As  an 
adjunct  in  this  system  of  imposition,  the  laws  of  the  Indies  pro- 
hibited the  manufacture  or  cultivation,  in  the  colonies,  of  all  those 
articles  which  could  be  manufactured  or  produced  in  Spain.  Fac- 
tories were  therefore  inhibited,  and  foreign  articles  were  permitted 
to  enter  the  viceroyalties  direct  from  Spain  alone,  where  they  were, 
of  course,  subjected  to  duty  previous  to  reexportation.  But  these 
foreign  products  were  not  allowed  to  be  imported  in  unstinted 
quantities.  Spain  fixed  both  the  amount  and  the  price,  so  that  by 
extorting,  ultimately,  from  the  purchaser,  the  government  was  a 
gainer  in  charges,  profits,  and  duties,  while  the  merchants  of  Cadiz 
and  Seville,  who  enjoyed  the  monopoly  of  trade,  were  enabled  to 
affix  any  valuation  they  pleased  to  their  commodities.  The  in- 
genuity of  the  Spaniards  in  contriving  methods  to  exact  the  utmost 
farthing  from  their  submissive  colonists  is  not  a  little  remarkable. 
"  They  took  advantage  of  the  wants  of  the  settlers,  and  were  at 
one  time  sparing  in  their  supplies,  so  that  the  price  might  be  en- 
hanced, while  at  another  they  sent  goods  of  poor  quality,  at  a  rate 
much  above  their  value,  because  it  was  known  they  must  be  pur- 
chased. It  was  a  standing  practice  to  dispatch  European  com- 
modities in  such  small  quantities  as  to  quicken  the  competition  of 
purchasers  and  command  an  exorbitant  profit.  In  the  most  flour- 
ishing period  of  the  trade  of  Seville  the  whole  amount  of  shipping 
employed  was  less  than  twenty-eight  thousand  tons,  and  many  of 
the  vessels  made  no  more  than  annual  voyages.  The  evident  motive 
on  the  part  of  the  crown  for  limiting  the  supply  was  that  the  same 
amount  of  revenue  could  be  more  easily  levied,  and  collected  with 


THE     COLONIAL     SYSTEM  103 

more  certainty  as  well  as  dispatch,  on  a  small  than  on  a  large 
amount  of  goods."  1 

While  the  commerce  of  Spain  was  thus  burdened  by  enormous 
impositions,  the  colonies  were  of  course  cramped  in  all  their  ener- 
gies. There  could  be  no  independent  action  of  trade,  manufacture, 
or  even  agriculture,  under  such  a  system. 

America,  under  the  tropics  and  in  the  temperate  regions, 
abounding  in  a  prolific  soil,  was  not  allowed  to  cultivate  the  grape 
or  the  olive,  while  even  some  kinds  of  provisions  which  could 
easily  have  been  produced  there  were  imported  from  Spain. 

Such  were  some  of  the  selfish  and  unnatural  means  by  which 
the  Council  of  the  Indies — whose  laws  have  been  styled  by  some 
writers  beneficent — sought  to  drain  America  of  her  wealth,  while 
they  created  a  market  for  Spain.  This  was  the  external  code  of 
oppression ;  but  the  internal  system  of  this  continent,  which  was 
justified  and  enacted  by  the  same  council,  was  not  less  odious. 
Taxation  without  representation  or  self-government  was  the 
foundation  of  the  American  Revolution ;  yet  the  patient  colonies  of 
Spain  were  forced  to  bear  it  from  the  beginning  of  their  career,  so 
that  the  idea  of  freedom,  either  of  opinion  or  of  impost,,  never 
entered  the  minds  of  an  American  Creole. 

Duties,  taxes,  and  tithes  were  the  vexatious  instruments  of 
royal  plunder.  The  alcabala,  an  impost  upon  all  purchases  and 
sales,  including  even  the  smallest  transactions,  was  perhaps  the 
most  burdensome.  "  Every  species  of  merchandise,  whenever  it 
passed  from  one  owner  to  another,  was  subject  to  a  new  tax;  and 
merchants,  shopkeepers,  and  small  dealers  were  obliged  to  report 
the  amount  of  their  purchases  and  sales  under  oath."  From  the 
acquisition  of  an  estate  to  the  simple  sale  of  butter,  eggs,  or  vegeta- 
bles in  market  all  contracts  and  persons  were  subject  to  this  tax, 
except  travelers,  clergymen  and  paupers.  Independently  of  the 
destruction  of  trade,  which  must  always  ensue  from  such  a  system, 
the  reader  will  at  once  observe  the  temptations  to  vice  opened  by 
it.  The  natural  spirit  of  gain  tempts  a  dealer  to  cheat  an  oppressive 
government  by  every  means  in  his  power.  It  is  therefore  not 
wonderful  to  find  the  country  filled  with  contrabandists,  and  the 
towns  with  dishonest  tradesmen.  Men  who  defraud  in  acts  will 
lie  in  words,  nor  will  they  hesitate  to  conceal  their  infamy  under  the 
sanction  of  an  oath.  Thus  was  it  that  the  oppressive  taxation  of 
Spain  became  the  direct  instrument  of  popular  corruption,  and  by 
*  North  American  Review,  vol.  XIX.  p.  117. 


104-  MEXICO 

extending  imposts  to  the  minutest  ramifications  of  society  it  made 
the  people  smugglers,  cheats,  and  perjurers.  In  addition  to  the 
alcabala,  there  were  transit  duties  through  the  country,  under 
which,  it  has  been  alleged,  that  European  articles  were  sometimes 
taxed  thirty  times  before  they  reached  their  consumer.  The  king 
had  his  royal  fifth  of  all  the  gold  and  silver,  and  his  monopolies 
of  tobacco,  salt,  and  gunpowder.  He  often  openly  vended  the 
colonial  offices,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical.  He  stamped  paper 
and  derived  a  revenue  from  its  sale,  and  affixed  a  poll  tax  on  every 
Indian. 

Inasmuch  as  the  Indians  formed  the  great  bulk  of  Hispano- 
American  population,  the  king,  of  course,  soon  after  the  discovery 
directed  his  attention  to  their  capabilities  for  labor.  By  a  system  of 
repartimientos  they  were  divided  among  the  conquerors  and  made 
vassals  of  the  landholders,  although  kept  distinct  from  the  negroes 
afterward  imported  from  Africa.  Although  the  Emperor  Charles 
V.  enacted  a  number  of  mild  laws  for  the  amelioration  of  their 
fate,  their  condition  seems,  nevertheless,  to  have  been  very  little 
improved,  according  to  our  personal  observation,  even  to  the 
present  day.  The  capitation  tax  levied  on  every  Indian  varied  in 
different  parts  of  Spanish  America,  from  four  to  fifteen  dollars, 
according  to  the  ability  of  the  Indians.  They  were  likewise 
doomed  to  labor  on  the  public  works,  as  well  as  to  cultivate  the  soil 
for  the  general  benefit  of  the  country,  while  by  the  imposition 
of  the  mita  they  were  forced  to  toil  in  the  mines  under  a  rigorous 
and  debasing  system  which  the  world  believed  altogether  un- 
equaled  in  mineral  districts  until  the  British  parliamentary  reports 
in  years  past  disclosed  the  fact  that  even  in  England  men  and 
women  are  sometimes  degraded  into  beasts  of  burden  in  the 
mines  whose  galleries  traverse  in  every  direction  the  bowels  of 
that  proud  kingdom.  Toils  and  suffering  were  the  natural  con- 
ditions of  the  poor  Indian  in  America  after  the  conquest,  and  it 
might  have  been  supposed  that  the  plain  dictates  of  humanity 
would  make  the  Spaniards  content  with  the  labor  of  their  serfs, 
without  attempting  afterward  to  rob  them  of  the  wages  of  such 
ignominious  labor.  But  even  in  this  Spanish  ingenuity  and 
avarice  were  not  to  be  foiled,  for  the  corregidores  in  the  towns 
and  villages,  to  whom  were  granted  the  minor  monopolies  of 
almost  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  made  this  a  pretext  of  obliging 
the  Indians  to  purchase  what  they  required  at  the  prices  they  chose 


THE     COLONIAL     SYSTEM  105 

to  affix  to  their  goods.  Monopoly  was  the  order  of  the  day  in  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  Its  oppressions  extended 
through  all  ranks,  and  its  grasping  advantages  were  eagerly  seized 
by  every  magistrate  from  the  alguazil  to  the  viceroy.  The  people 
groaned,  but  paid  the  burdensome  exaction,  while  the  relentless 
officer,  hardened  by  the  contemplation  of  misery  and  the  constant 
commission  of  legalized  robbery,  only  became  more  watchful,  sa- 
gacious, and  grinding  in  proportion  as  he  discovered  how  much 
the  down-trodden  masses  could  bear.  Benevolent  viceroys  and 
liberal  kings  frequently  interposed  to  prevent  the  continuance  of 
these  unjust  acts,  but  they  were  unable  to  cope  with  the  numerous 
officials  who  performed  all  the  minor  ministerial  duties  throughout 
the  colony.  These  inferior  agents  in  a  new  and  partially  unorgan- 
ized country  had  every  advantage  in  their  favor  over  the  central 
authorities  in  the  capital.  The  poorer  Spaniards  and  the  Indian 
serfs  had  no  means  of  making  their  complaints  heard  in  the  palace. 
There  was  no  press  or  public  opinion  to  give  voice  to  the  sorrows 
of  the  masses,  and  personal  fear  often  silenced  the  few  who  might 
have  reached  the  ear  of  merciful  and  just  rulers.  At  court  the  rich, 
powerful,  and  influential  miners  or  landholders  always  discovered 
pliant  tools  who  were  ready  by  intrigue  and  corruption  to  smother 
the  cry  of  discontent,  or  to  account  plausibly  for  the  murmurs 
which  upon  extraordinary  occasions  burst  through  all  restraints 
until  they  reached  either  the  audiencia  or  the  representative  of  the 
sovereign.  These  slender  excuses  may  in  some  degree  account  for 
and  palliate  the  maladministration  of  Spanish  America  from  the 
middle  of  the  sixteenth  to  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century. 


Chapter    XIII 

ANTONIO    DE    MENDOZA,    FIRST   VICEROY   OF   NEW 
SPAIN.     1530-1551 

IN  the  year  1530  the  accusations  received  in  Spain  against 
Nufio  de  Guzman  and  the  oidores  Matinezo  and  Delgadillo, 
who  at  that  period  ruled  in  Mexico  under  royal  authority,  were 
not  only  so  frequent,  but  of  so  terrible  a  character,  that  Charles  V. 
resolved  to  adopt  some  means  of  remedying  the  evils  of  his  trans- 
atlantic subjects.  He  was  about  to  depart  from  Spain,  however, 
for  Flanders,  and  charged  the  empress  to  adopt  the  necessary 
measures  for  this  purpose  during  his  absence.  This  enlightened 
personation  of  sovereignty,  the  direct  representative  of  the  national 
and  rich  an  appendage  of  the  Spanish  crown  by  inferior  officials 
alone,  wisely  determined  to  establish  a  viceroyalty  in  New  Spain. 
It  was  a  measure  which  seemed  to  place  the  two  worlds  in  more 
loyal  affinity.  The  vice  king,  it  was  supposed,  would  be  the  im- 
personation of  sovereignty,  the  direct  representative  of  the  national 
head,  and  would  always  form  an  independent  and  truthful  channel 
of  information.  His  position  set  him  eminently  above  the  crowd 
of  adventurers  who  were  tempted  to  the  shores  of  America,  and, 
removable  at  the  royal  pleasure  as  well  as  selected  from  among 
those  Spanish  nobles  whose  fidelity  to  the  crown  was  unquestion- 
able, there  was  but  little  danger  that  even  the  most  ambitious 
subjects  would  ever  be  tempted  to  alienate  from  the  emperor  the 
affection  and  services  either  of  emigrants  or  natives. 

The  empress,  in  fulfilling  the  wishes  of  her  august  spouse,  at 
first  fixed  her  eyes  upon  the  Count  de  Oropesa  and  on  the  Marshal 
de  Fromesta  as  persons  well  fitted  to  undertake  the  difficult  charge 
of  founding  the  Mexican  viceroyalty.  But  these  individuals  upon 
various  pretexts  declined  the  mission,  which  was  next  tendered  to 
Don  Manuel  Benavides,  whose  exorbitant  demands  for  money  and 
authority  finally  induced  the  sovereign  to  withdraw  her  nomina- 
tion. Finally  she  resolved  to  dispatch  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza, 
Count  de  Tendilla,  one  of  her  chamberlains,  who  requested  only 

106 


ANTONIO     DE     MENDOZA  107 

1535-1536 

sufficient  time  to  regulate  his  private  affairs  before  he  joyfully  set 
forth  for  his  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain.  In  the  meantime,  however, 
in  order  not  to  lose  a  moment  in  remedying  the  disorders  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  the  empress  created  a  new  audiencia, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  Don  Sebastian  Ramirez  de  Fuenleal, 
Bishop  of  San  Domingo,  and  whose  members  were  the  Licenciados 
Vasco  de  Quiroga,  Alonso  Maldonado,  Francisco  Cainos,  and  Juan 
de  Salmeron.  The  appointment  of  the  bishop  was  well  justified 
by  his  subsequent  career  of  integrity,  beneficence,  and  wisdom; 
while  Vasco  de  Quiroga  has  left  in  Michoacan,  and,  indeed,  in  all 
Mexico,  a  venerated  name,  whose  renown  is  not  forgotten,  in 
private  life  and  the  legends  of  the  country,  to  the  present  day. 

In  1535  Mendoza  arrived  in  Mexico  with  letters  for  the  au- 
diencia, and  was  received  with  all  the  pomp  and  splendor  becoming 
the  representative  of  royalty.  His  instructions  were  couched  in 
the  most  liberal  terms,  for,  after  all,  it  was  chiefly  on  the  personal 
integrity  and  discretion  of  a  viceroy  that  the  Spanish  sovereigns 
were  obliged  to  rely  for  the  sure  foundation  of  their  American 
empire. 

Of  the  desire  of  the  emperor  and  empress  to  act  their  parts 
justly  and  honestly  in  the  opening  of  this  splendid  drama  in 
America  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Their  true  policy  was  to  develop, 
not  to  destroy ;  and  they  at  once  perceived  that  in  the  New  World 
they  no  longer  dealt  with  those  organized  classes  of  civilized  society 
which,  in  Europe,  yield  either  instinctively  to  the  feeling  of  loyalty 
or  are  easily  coerced  into  obedience  to  the  laws. 

Mendoza  was  commanded,  in  the  first  place,  to  direct  his  at- 
tention to  the  condition  of  public  worship;  to  the  punishment  of 
clergymen  who  scandalized  their  calling;  to  the  conversion  and 
good  treatment  of  the  Indian  population,  and  to  the  erection  of  a 
mint  in  which  silver  should  be  coined  according  to  laws  made 
upon  this  subject  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  All  the  wealth  which 
was  found  in  Indian  tombs  or  temples  was  to  be  sought  out 
and  devoted  to  the  royal  treasury.  It  was  forbidden,  under  heavy 
penalties,  to  sell  arms  to  negroes  or  Indians,  and  the  latter  were, 
moreover,  denied  the  privilege  of  learning  to  work  in  those  more 
difficult  or  elegant  branches  of  labor  which  might  interfere  with 
the  sale  of  Spanish  imported  productions. 

During  the  following  year  Mendoza  received  dispatches  from 
the  emperor  in  which,  after  bestowing  encomiums  for  the  manifes- 


108  MEXICO 

1536-1541 

tations  of  good  government  which  the  viceroy  had  already  given, 
lie  was  directed  to  pay  particular  attention  to  the  Indians;  and, 
together  with  these  missives,  came  a  summary  of  the  laws  which 
the  Council  of  the  Indies  had  formed  for  the  welfare  of  the  natives. 
These  benevolent  intentions,  not  only  of  the  sovereign  but  of  the 
Spanish  people  also,  were  made  known  to  the  Indians  and  their 
caciques,  upon  an  occasion  of  festivity,  by  a  clergyman  who  was 
versed  in  their  language,  and  in  a  similar  way  they  were  dissemp 
nated  throughout  the  whole  viceroyalty. 

This  year  was,  moreover,  memorable  in  Mexican  annals  as 
that  in  which  the  first  book,  entitled  "La  Escala  de  San  Juan 
Climaca,"  was  published  in  Mexico,  in  the  establishment  of  Juan 
Pablos,  having  been  printed  at  a  press  brought  to  the  country  by 
the  viceroy,  Mendoza.  Nor  was  1536  alone  signalized  by  the 
first  literary  issue  of  the  new  kingdom;  for  the  first  money  came 
at  this  time  from  the  Mexican  mint.  According  to  Torquemada 
two  hundred  thousand  dollars  were  coined  in  copper;  but  the 
emission  of  a  circulation  medium  in  this  base  metal  was  so  distaste- 
ful to  the  Mexicans  that  it  became  necessary  for  the  viceroy  to  use 
stringent  means  in  order  to  compel  its  reception  for  the  ordinary 
purposes  of  trade. 

Between  the  years  1536  and  1540  the  history  of  the  Mexican 
viceroyalty  was  uneventful,  save  in  the  gradual  progressive  efforts 
made  not  only  by  Mendoza,  but  by  the  emperor  himself,  in 
endeavoring  to  model  and  consolidate  the  Spanish  empire  in 
America.  Schools  were  established,  hospitals  were  erected,  the 
protection  of  the  Indians,  under  the  apostolic  labors  of  Las  Casas, 
was  honestly  fostered,  and  every  effort  appears  to  have  been  zeal- 
ously made  to  give  permanent  and  domestic  character  to  the  popu- 
lation which  found  its  way  rapidly  into  New  Spain.  In  1541 
the  copper  coin,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken  as  being  dis- 
tasteful to  the  Mexicans,  suddenly  disappeared  altogether  from 
circulation,  and  it  was  discovered  that  the  natives  had  either  buried 
or  thrown  it  into  the  lake  as  utterly  worthless.  The  viceroy  en- 
deavored to  remedy  the  evil  and  dispel  the  popular  prejudice  by 
coining  cuartillas  of  silver :  but  these,  from  their  extreme  smallness 
and  the  constant  risk  of  loss,  were  equally  unacceptable  to  the 
people,  who  either  collected  large  quantities  and  melted  them  into 
bars,  or  cast  them  contemptuously  into  the  water  as  they  had  before 
done  with  the  despised  copper. 


ANTONIO     DE     MENDOZA  109 

1541-1542 

It  was  not  until  about  the  year  1542  that  we  perceive  in  the 
viceroyal  history  any  attempts  upon  the  part  of  the  Indians  to 
make  formidable  assaults  against  the  Spaniards,  whose  oppressive 
and  grinding  system  of  repartimientos  was  undoubtedly  beginning 
to  be  felt.  At  this  period  the  Indians  of  Jalisco  rose  in  arms,  and 
symptoms  of  discontent  were  observed  to  prevail  also  among  the 
Tarascos  and  Tlascalans,  who  even  manifested  an  intention  of 
uniting  with  the  rebellious  natives  of  the  north.  Mendoza  was 
not  an  idle  spectator  of  these  movements,  but  resolved  to  go  forth 
in  person  at  the  head  of  his  troops  to  put  down  the  insurgents. 
Accordingly  he  called  on  the  Tlascalans,  Cholulans,  Huexotzinques, 
Tezcocans,  and  other  bands  or  tribes  for  support,  and  permitted 
the  caciques  to  use  horses  and  the  same  arms  that  were  borne  by 
the  Spaniards.  This  concession  seems  to  have  greatly  pleased  the 
natives  of  the  country,  though  it  was  unsatisfactory  to  some  of 
their  foreign  masters. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  coasts  of  America  on  the  west,  and  the 
shores  of  California  especially,  were  examined  by  the  Portuguese 
Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo  as  far  north  as  near  the  forty-first  degree 
of  latitude,  while  another  expedition  was  dispatched  to  the  Spice 
Islands,  under  the  charge  of  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villalobos. 

The  viceroy  was,  moreover,  busy  with  the  preparation  of  his 
army  designed  to  march  upon  Jalisco,  and  on  October  8,  1542, 
departed  from  Mexico  with  a  force  of  50,000  Indians,  300  cavalry, 
and  150  Spanish  infantry.  Passing  through  Michoacan,  where  he 
was  detained  for  some  time,  he  at  length  reached  the  scene  of  the 
insurrection  in  Jalisco;  but  before  he  attacked  the  rebels  he  pro- 
claimed through  the  ecclesiastics  who  accompanied  him  his  earnest 
wish  to  accommodate  difficulties,  and  even  graciously  to  pardon 
all  who  would  lay  down  their  arms  and  return  to  theii  allegiance. 
He  ordered  that  no  prisoners  should  be  made  except  of  such  as 
were  needed  to  transport  the  baggage  and  equipments  of  his  troops, 
and  in  every  possible  way  he  manifested  a  humane  desire  to  soften 
the  asperities  and  disasters  of  the  unequal  warfare.  But  the  re- 
bellious Indians  were  unwilling  to  listen  to  terms.  "  We  are  lords 
of  all  these  lands,"  said  they,  heroically,  in  reply,  "  and  we  wish  to 
die  in  their  defense !  " 

Various  actions  ensued  between  the  Spaniards,  their  allies,  and 
the  insurgents,  until  at  length  Mendoza  obtained  such  decided  ad- 
vantages over  his  opponents  that  they  gave  up  the  contest,  threw 


110  MEXICO 

1542-1544 

down  their  arms,  and  enabled  the  viceroy  to  return  to  his  capital 
with  the  assurance  that  the  revolted  territory  was  entirely  and  per- 
manently pacified.  His  conduct  to  the  Indians  after  his  successes 
was  characterized  by  all  the  suavity  of  a  noble  soul.  He  took  no 
revenge  for  this  assault  upon  the  Spanish  authority,  and  seems  to 
have  continually  endeavored  to  win  the  natives  to  their  allegiance 
by  kindness  rather  than  compulsion. 

These  outbreaks  among  the  Indians  were  of  course  not  un- 
known in  Spain,  where  they  occasioned  no  trifling  fear  for  the 
integrity  and  ultimate  dominion  of  New  Spain.  The  natural  dis- 
position of  the  emperor  toward  the  aborigines  was,  as  we  have 
said,  kind  and  gentle;  but  he  perceived  that  the  causes  of  these 
Indian  discontents  might  be  attributed  not  so  much,  perhaps,  to  a 
patriotic  desire  to  recover  their  violated  rights  over  the  country,  as 
to  the  cruelty  they  endured  at  the  hands  of  bold  and  reckless  adven- 
turers who  had  emigrated  to  New  Spain  and  converted  the  inof- 
fensive children  of  the  country  into  slaves.  Accordingly  the  em- 
peror convened  a  council  composed  of  eminent  persons  in  Spain,  to 
consider  the  condition  of  his  American  subjects.  This  council 
undertook  the  commission  in  a  proper  spirit,  and  adopted  a  liberal 
system  toward  the  aborigines  as  well  as  toward  the  proprietors  of 
estates  in  the  islands  and  on  the  main,  which  in  time  would  have 
fostered  the  industry  and  secured  the  ultimate  prosperity  of  all 
classes.  There  were  to  be  no  slaves  made  in  the  future  wars  of 
these  countries,  the  system  of  repartimientos  was  to  be  abandoned, 
and  the  Indians  were  not,  as  a  class,  to  be  solely  devoted  to  ignoble 
tasks.  The  widest  publicity  was  given  to  these  humane  intentions 
in  Spain.  The  Visitador  of  Hispaniola,  or  San  Domingo,  Miguel 
Diaz  de  Armendariz,  was  directed  to  see  their  strict  fulfillment  in 
the  islands,  and  Francisco  Tello  de  Sandoval  was  commissioned  to 
cross  the  Atlantic  to  Mexico,  with  full  powers  and  instructions 
from  the  emperor,  to  enforce  their  obedience  in  New  Spain. 

In  February,  1544,  this  functionary  disembarked  at  St.  Juan 
de  Ulua,  and  a  month  afterwards  arrived  in  the  capital.  No 
sooner  did  he  appear  in  Mexico  than  the  object  of  his  mission 
became  gradually  noised  about  among  the  proprietors  and  planters 
whose  wealth  depended  chiefly  upon  the  preservation  of  their 
estates  and  Indians  in  the  servile  condition  in  which  they  were 
before  the  assemblage  of  the  emperor's  council  in  Spain  during  the 
previous  year.      Every  effort  was  therefore  made  by  these  persons 


ANTONIO     DE     MENDOZA  111 

1544-1546 

and  their  satellites  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  royal  will.  Ap- 
peals were  addressed  to  Sandoval,  invoking  him  to  remain  silent. 
He  was  cautioned  not  to  interfere  with  a  state  of  society  upon 
which  the  property  of  the  realm  depended.  The  ruin  of  many 
families,  the  general  destruction  of  property,  and  the  complete  revo- 
lution of  the  American  system  were  painted  in  glowing  colors  by 
these  men  who  pretended  to  regard  the  just  decrees  of  the  em- 
peror as  mere  "  innovations  "  upon  the  established  laws  of  New 
Spain. 

But  Sandoval  was  firm,  and  he  was  stoutly  sustained  in  his 
honorable  loyalty  to  his  sovereign  and  Christianity  by  the  counte- 
nance of  the  viceroy,  Mendoza.  Accordingly  the  imperial  decrees 
were  promulgated  throughout  New  Spain,  and  resulted  in  seditious 
movements  among  the  disaffected  proprietors,  which  became  so 
formidable  that  the  peace  of  the  country  was  seriously  endangered. 
In  this  dilemma, — feeling,  probably,  that  the  great  mass  of  the 
people  was  the  only  bulwark  of  the  government  against  the  Indians, 
and  that  it  was  needful  to  conciliate  so  powerful  a  body, — permis- 
sion was  granted  by  the  authorities  to  appoint  certain  representa- 
tives as  a  commission  to  lay  the  cause  before  the  emperor  himself. 
Accordingly  two  delegates  were  dispatched  to  Spain,  together  with 
the  provincials  of  San  Francisco,  San  Domingo  and  San  Agustin, 
and  other  Spaniards  of  wealth  and  influence  in  the  colony. 

In  the  following  year  Sandoval,  who  had  somewhat  relaxed 
his  authority,  took  upon  himself  the  dangerous  task  of  absolutely 
enforcing  the  orders  of  the  emperor  with  some  degree  of  strictness, 
notwithstanding  the  visit  of  the  representatives  of  the  discontented 
Mexicans  to  Spain.  He  displaced  several  oidores  and  other  offi- 
cers who  disgraced  their  trusts,  and  deprived  various  proprietors 
of  their  repartimientos,  or  portions  of  Indians  who  had  been  abused 
by  the  cruel  exercise  of  authority.  But  in  the  meantime  the  agents 
had  not  ceased  to  labor  at  the  court  in  Spain.  Money,  influence, 
falsehood,  and  intrigue  were  freely  used  to  sustain  the  system  of 
masked  slavery  among  the  subjugated  natives,  and  at  last  a  royal 
cedula  was  procured  commanding  the  revocation  of  the  humane 
decrees  and  ordering  the  division  of  the  royal  domain  among  the 
conquerors. 

The  Indians  of  course  followed  the  fate  of  the  soil ;  and  thus 
by  chicanery  and  baleful  influence  the  gentle  efforts  of  the  better 
portion  of  Spanish  society  were  rendered  entirely  nugatory.      The 


112  MEXICO 

1540-1549 

news  of  this  decree  spread  joy  among  the  Mexican  landed  proprie- 
tors. The  chains  of  slavery  were  riveted  upon  the  natives.  The 
principle  of  compulsory  labor  was  firmly  established,  and  even  to 
this  day  the  Indian  of  Mexico  remains  virtually  the  bondsman  he 
was  doomed  to  become  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

Between  the  years  1540  and  1542  an  expedition  was  under- 
taken for  the  subjugation  of  an  important  nation  which  it  was 
alleged  existed  far  to  the  north  of  Mexico.  A  Franciscan  mission- 
ary, Marcos  de  Naza,  reported  that  he  had  discovered,  north  of 
Sonora,  a  rich  and  powerful  people  inhabiting  a  realm  known  as 
Quivara,  or  the  seven  cities,  whose  capital,  Cibola,  was  quite  as 
civilized  as  a  European  city.  After  the  report  had  reached  and 
been  considered  in  Spain,  it  was  determined  to  send  an  armed  force 
to  this  region  in  order  to  explore,  and  if  possible  to  reduce  the 
Quivarans  to  the  Spanish  yoke.  Mendoza  had  designed  to  intrust 
this  expedition  to  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  after  having  refused  Cortez 
permission  to  lead  the  adventurers — a  task  which  he  had  demanded 
as  his  right.  But  when  all  the  troops  were  enlisted,  Alvarado  had 
not  yet  reached  Mexico  from  Guatemala,  and  accordingly  the  vice- 
roy dispatched  Vasquez  de  Coronado  at  the  head  of  the  enterprise. 
At  the  same  time  he  fitted  out  another  expedition,  with  two  ships, 
under  the  orders  of  Francisco  Alarcon,  who  was  to  make  a  recon- 
noissance  of  the  coast  as  far  as  the  thirty-sixth  degree,  and  after 
having  frequently  visited  the  shores  he  was  in  that  latitude  to  meet 
the  forces  sent  by  land. 

Coronado  set  forth  from  Culiacan,  with  350  Spaniards  and 
800  Indians,  and,  after  reaching  the  source  of  the  Gila,  passed  the 
mountains  to  the  Rio  del  Norte.  He  wintered  twice  in  the  region 
now  called  New  Mexico,  explored  it  thoroughly  from  north  to 
south,  and  then,  striking  off  to  the  northeast,  crossed  the  mountains 
and  wandered  eastward  as  far  north  as  the  fortieth  degree  of 
latitude,  but  lie  unfortunately  found  neither  Quivara  nor  gold.  A 
few  wretched  ruins  of  Indian  villages  were  all  the  discoveries 
made  by  these  hardy  pioneers,  and  thus  the  enchanted  kingdom 
eluded  the  grasp  of  Spain  forever.  The  troop  of  strangers  and 
Indians  soon  became  disorganized  and  disbanded ;  nor  was  Alarcon 
more  successful  by  sea  than  Coronado  by  land.  His  vessels  ex- 
plored the  shores  of  the  Pacific  carefully,  but  they  found  no  wealthy 
cities  to  plunder,  nor  could  the  sailors  hear  of  any  from  the  Indians 
with  whom  they  held  intercourse. 


ANTONIO     DE     MENDOZA  113 

1546-1547 

In  1546  a  desolating  pestilence  swept  over  the  land,  destroy- 
ing, according  to  some  writers,  eight  hundred  thousand  Indians, 
and,  according  to  others,  five-sixths  of  the  whole  population.  It 
lasted  for  about  six  months;  and  at  this  period  a  projected  insurrec- 
tion among  the  black  slaves  and  the  Tenochan  and  Tlatelolcan 
Indians  was  detected  through  a  negro.  This  menaced  outbreak 
was  soon  crushed  by  Mendoza,  who  seized  and  promptly  executed 
the  ring-leaders. 

A  portion  of  the  Visitador  Sandoval's  orders  related  to  the 
convocation  of  the  Mexican  bishops  with  a  view  to  the  spiritual 
welfare  of  the  natives,  and  the  prelates  were  accordingly  all  sum- 
moned to  the  capital,  with  the  exception  of  the  virtuous  Las  Casas, 
whose  humane  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  Indians  and  whose  efforts  to 
free  them  from  the  slavery  of  the  repartimientos  had  subjected  him 
to  the  mortal  hatred  of  the  planters.  The  council  of  ecclesiastics 
met ;  but  it  is  probable  that  their  efforts  were  quite  as  ineffectual 
as  the  humane  decrees  of  the  emperor,  and  that  even  in  the  church 
itself  there  may  have  been  persons  who  were  willing  to  tolerate  the 
involuntary  servitude  of  the  natives  rather  than  forego  the  practical 
and  beneficial  enjoyment  of  estates  which  were  beginning  to  fall 
into  the  possession  of  convents  and  monastaries  on  the  death  of 
pious  penitents. 

Meanwhile  the  population  of  New  Spain  increased  consider- 
ably, especially  toward  the  west.  It  was  soon  perceived  by  Men- 
doza that  a  single  audiencia  was  no  longer  sufficient  for  so 
extended  a  country.  He  therefore  recommended  the  appointment 
of  another,  in  Compostella  de  la  Nueva  Gallacia,  and  in  1547  the 
emperor  ordered  two  letrados  for  the  administration  of  justice  in 
that  quarter.  The  ultimate  reduction  of  the  province  of  Vera-Paz 
was  likewise  accomplished  at  this  period.  The  benignant  name  of 
"  True  Peace  "  was  bestowed  on  this  territory  from  the  fact  that 
the  inhabitants  yielded  gracefully  and  speedily  to  the  persuasive 
influence  and  spiritual  conquest  of  the  Dominican  monks,  and  that 
not  a  single  soldier  wras  needed  to  teach  them  the  religion  of  Christ 
at  the  point  of  the  sword. 

During  the  two  or  three  following  years  there  was  but  little 
to  disturb  the  quietness  of  the  colony,  save  in  brief  and  easily  sup- 
pressed outbreaks  among  the  Indians.  Royal  lands  were  divided 
among  poor  and  meritorious  Spaniards ;  property  which  was  found 
to  be  valueless  in  the  neighborhood  of  cities  was  allowed  to  be 


114  MEXICO 

1547-1550 

exchanged  for  mountain  tracts,  in  which  the  eager  adventurers 
supposed  they  might  discover  mineral  wealth;  and  the  valuable 
mines  of  Tasco,  Zultepec,  and  Temascaltepec,  together  with  others, 
probably  well  known  to  the  ancient  Mexicans,  were  once  more 
thrown  open  and  diligently  worked. 

The  wise  administration  of  the  Mexican  viceroyalty  by  Men- 
doza  had  been  often  acknowledged  by  the  emperor.  He  found  in 
this  distinguished  person  a  man  qualified  by  nature  to  deal  with  the 
elements  of  a  new  society  when  they  were  in  their  wildest  moments 
of  confusion  and  before  they  had  become  organized  into  the  order 
and  system  of  a  regular  state.  Mendoza,  by  nature  firm,  amiable, 
and  just,  seems  nevertheless  to  have  been  a  person  who  knew  when 
it  was  necessary  in  a  new  country  to  bend  before  the  storm  of 
popular  opinion  in  order  to  avoid  the  destruction,  not  only  of  his 
own  influence,  but  perhaps  of  society,  civilization,  and  the  Spanish 
authorities  themselves.  In  the  midst  of  all  the  fiery  and  unregu- 
lated spirit  of  a  colony  like  Mexico,  he  sustained  the  dignity  of  his 
office  unimpaired,  and  by  command,  diplomacy,  management,  and 
probably  sometimes  by  intrigue,  he  appears  to  have  insured  obe- 
dience to  the  laws  even  when  they  were  distasteful  to  the  masses. 
He  was  successful  upon  all  occasions  except  in  the  enforcement  of 
the  complete  emancipation  of  the  Indians ;  but  it  may  be  questioned 
whether  he  did  not  deem  it  needful,  in  the  infancy  of  the  viceroyalty 
at  least,  to  subject  the  Indians  to  labors  which  his  countrymen  were 
either  too  few  in  number  or  too  little  acclimated  in  Mexico  to  per- 
form successfully.  History  must  at  least  do  him  the  justice  to 
record  the  fact  that  his  administration  was  tempered  with  mercy, 
for  even  the  Indians  revered  him  as  a  man  who  was  their  signal 
protector  against  wanton  inhumanity. 

While  these  events  occurred  in  Mexico,  Pizarro  had  subju- 
gated Peru,  and  added  it  to  the  Spanish  crown.  But  there,  as  in 
Mexico,  an  able  man  was  needed  to  organize  the  fragmentary  so- 
ciety which  was  in  the  utmost  disorder  after  the  conquest.  No  one 
appeared  to  the  emperor  better  fitted  for  the  task  than  the  viceroy 
whose  administration  had  been  so  successful  in  Mexico.  Accord- 
ingly in  1550  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru  was  offered  to  him,  and  its 
acceptance  urged  by  the  emperor  at  a  moment  when  a  revolt  against 
the  Spaniards  occurred  among  the  Zapotecas,  instigated  by  their 
old  men  and  chiefs,  who,  availing  themselves  of  an  ancient  proph- 
ecy relative  to  the  return  of  Quetzalcoatl,  assured  the  youths  and 


ANTONIO     DE     MENDOZA  115 

1547-1550 

warriors  of  their  tribe  that  the  predicted  period  had  arrived  and 
that,  under  the  protection  of  their  restored  deity,  their  chains 
would  be  broken.  In  this,  as  in  all  other  endeavors  to  preserve 
order,  the  efforts  of  Mendoza  were  successful.  He  appeased  the 
Indians,  accepted  the  proffered  task  of  governing"  Peru,  and,  after 
meeting  and  conferring  with  his  successor,  Velasco,  in  Cholula, 
departed  from  Mexico  for  the  scene  of  his  new  labors  on  the  distant 
shores  of  the  Pacific. 


Chapter    XIV 

VELASCO    AND    PERALTA.       1551-1568 

THE  new  viceroy,  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  arrived  in  Mexico 
without  especial  orders  changing  the  character  of  the  gov- 
ernment. He  was  selected  by  the  emperor  as  a  person 
deemed  eminently  fitted  to  sustain  the  judicious  policy  of  his  prede- 
cessor, and  it  is  probable  that  he  had  secret  commands  from  the 
court  to  attempt  once  more  the  amelioration  of  the  Indian  popula- 
tion. There  is  no  doubt  that  Charles  V.  was  sincere  in  his  wish  to 
protect  the  natives;  and  if  he  yielded  at  all  to  the  demands  of  the 
owners  of  repartimientos,  it  was  probably  with  the  hope  that  a 
better  opportunity  of  sustaining  his  humane  desires  would  occur 
as  soon  as  the  conquerors  or  their  followers  were  glutted  by  the 
rich  harvests  they  might  reap  during  the  early  years  of  the 
settlement. 

Accordingly  we  find  as  soon  as  Velasco  had  been  received  in 
Mexico  with  all  suitable  ceremony  and  honor  that,  notwithstanding 
the  continued  opposition  of  the  proprietors  and  planters,  he  pro- 
claimed his  determination  to  carry  out  the  orders  that  had  been 
given  to  Mendoza  so  far  as  they  tended  to  relieve  the  Indians  from 
the  personal  labors,  tributes,  and  severe  service  in  the  mines  with 
which  they  had  been  burdened  by  the  conquerors.  This,  as  was 
expected,  created  extraordinary  discontent.  The  cupidity  of  the 
sovereign  and  of  his  representative  were  appealed  to.  It  was  al- 
leged that  not  only  would  the  Spanish  emigrants  suffer  for  the 
want  of  laborers,  but  that  the  royal  treasury  would  soon  be  emptied 
of  the  taxes  and  income  which  thus  far  had  regularly  flowed  into 
it.  But  Don  Luis  was  firm  in  his  resolution,  and  declared  that  "  the 
liberty  of  the  Indians  was  of  more  importance  than  all  the  mines  in 
the  world,  and  that  the  revenues  they  yielded  to  the  Spanish  crown 
were  not  of  such  a  character  that  all  divine  and  human  laws  should 
be  sacrificed  in  order  to  obtain  them." 

In  1553  the  attention  of  the  viceroy  was  especially  directed  to 
the  subject  of  education,  for  the  population  had  so  greatly  increased 

116 


VELASCO     AND     PER  ALT  A  117 

1553-1555 

in  the  few  years  of  stable  government  that  unless  the  best  means  of 
instructing  the  growing  generation  were  speedily  adopted  it  was 
probable  that  New  Spain  would  lose  many  of  the  descendants  of 
those  families  which  it  was  the  policy  of  the  crown  to  establish  per- 
manently in  America.  The  University  of  Mexico  was  therefore 
consecrated  and  opened  in  this  year,  and  in  1555  Paul  IV.  bestowed 
upon  it  the  same  privileges  and  rights  as  were  enjoyed  by  that  of 
Salamanca  in  Spain. 

But  this  was  a  sad  year  for  the  City  of  Mexico  in  other  re- 
spects. The  first  inundation  since  the  conquest  occurred  in  1553, 
and  for  three  days  the  capital  was  under  water  and  the  communica- 
tion kept  up  in  boats  and  canoes.  Every  effort  was  made  by  the 
viceroy  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  evil,  by  the  erection  of  a 
dike  to  dam  up  the  waters  of  the  lake ;  and  it  is  related  by  contem- 
porary historians  that  he  even  wrought  with  his  own  hands  at  the 
gigantic  work,  during  the  first  day,  in  order  to  show  a  good  ex- 
ample to  the  citizens  who  were  called  on  to  contribute  their  personal 
labor  for  their  future  protection  from  such  a  disaster. 

There  were  few  outbreaks  among  the  Indians  during  this  vice- 
royalty,  yet  there  were  troublesome  persons  among  the  original 
tribes  of  the  Chichimecas, — some  bands  of  whom  were  not  yet 
entirely  subjected  to  the  Spanish  government, — who  contrived  to 
keep  up  a  guerrilla  warfare  which  interrupted  the  free  circulation  of 
the  Spaniards  through  the  plains  and  mountain  passes  of  the  Bajio. 
These  were  in  all  probability  mere  predatory  attacks,  but  as  it  was 
impossible  for  the  viceroy  to  spare  sufficient  numbers  of  faithful 
soldiers  for  the  purpose  of  scouring  the  hiding  places  and  fastnesses 
of  these  robber  bands,  he  resolved  to  found  a  number  of  villages 
composed  of  natives  and  foreigners,  and  to  place  in  them,  per- 
manently, sufficient  numbers  of  troops  to  protect  the  adjacent  coun- 
try roads  and  to  form  the  nucleus  of  towns,  which  in  the  course  of 
time  would  grow  to  importance.  Such  was  the  origin,  by  military 
colonization,  of  San  Felipe  Yztlahuaca  and  of  San  Miguel  el 
Grande,  now  known  as  Allende,  from  the  hero  of  that  name,  to 
whom  it  gave  birth.  It  was  the  constant  policy  of  the  emperor  to 
extend  the  avenues  of  industry  for  his  emigrant  subjects  by  such  a 
system  of  security  and  protection,  and  accordingly  Don  Francisco 
Ibarra  was  dispatched  to  the  interior  with  orders  to  explore  the 
northern  and  western  regions,  but  on  no  account  to  use  arms 
against  the  natives  except  in  case  of  the  utmost  urgency.     Ibarra 


118  MEXICO 

1555-1558 

traversed  a  wide  and  nearly  unknown  region,  discovered  rich  mines 
of  gold  and  silver,  and  colonized  many  places'  of  considerable  im- 
portance in  the  subsequent  development  of  Mexico,  and,  among 
them,  the  city  of  Durango,  which  is  now  the  capital  of  the  State  of 
that  name. 

The  abdication  of  Charles  V.  was  unofficially  announced  in 
Mexico  in  1556,  but  it  was  not  until  June  6  of  the  following 
year  that  his  successor,  Philip  II.,  was  proclaimed  in  the  capital 
of  New  Spain.  The  policy  of  the  old  emperor  was  not  changed  by 
the  accession  of  the  new  king ;  nor  does  the  monarch  appear  to  have 
influenced  in  any  particular  manner  the  destiny  of  Mexico  during 
the  continuance  of  Velasco's  government,  except  by  the  fitting  out, 
at  his  special  command,  under  the  order  of  his  viceroy,  of  an  expe- 
dition for  the  conquest  of  Florida,  which  proved  disastrous  to  all 
concerned  in  it.  Crowds  flocked  in  the  year  1558  to  the  standard 
raised  for  this  adventure,  which  it  was  supposed  would  result  in 
gratifying  the  Spanish  thirst  for  gold.  In  the  following  year  the 
few  who  remained  of  the  untoward  enterprise  returned  with  their 
commanders  to  Havana  and  thence  to  New  Spain. 

Thus  far  Velasco's  administration  had  been  successful  in  pre- 
serving the  peace  in  Mexico,  in  opening  the  resources  of  the  coun- 
try in  mines,  agriculture,  and  pastoral  affairs,  and  in  alleviating  the 
condition  of  the  Indians  by  gradual  restraints  on  his  countrymen. 
His  power  was  unlimited,  but  he  had  in  no  instance  abused  it  or 
countenanced  its  abuse  in  others.  Anxious  not  to  rely  exclusively 
upon  his  own  resources,  but  to  take  council  from  the  best  authori- 
ties in  cases  of  difficulty  or  doubt,  he  invariably  consulted  the 
audiencia  in  all  emergencies.  But  just  and  loyal  as  had  been  his 
official  conduct,  it  had  not  saved  him  from  creating  enemies;  and 
these,  unfortunately,  were  not  only  found  among  the  rich  oppres- 
sors whose  shameless  conduct  he  strove  to  punish,  but  even  among 
the  members  of  the  audiencia  itself.  These  men  combined  secretly 
to  undermine  the  influence  of  the  viceroy,  and  dispatched  commis- 
sioners to  Spain,  who  represented  to  the  king  that  the  health  of  his 
representative  was  in  a  failing  state,  and  that  it  was  extremely 
needful  he  should  be  sustained  by  a  council  whose  duty  it  was  to 
direct  him  upon  all  questions  of  public  interest.  The  intriguers 
were  successful  in  their  appeal,  and  a  decree  soon  arrived  in  New 
Spain  announcing  that  the  viceroy  should  thenceforth  do  nothing 
without  the  previous  sanction  of  the  audiencia.     This  order  of  the 


VELASCO     AND     PERALTA  119 

1558-1564 

king  immediately  put  the  power  into  the  hands  of  individuals 
whose  object  was  rather  to  acquire  sudden  wealth  than  to  govern  a 
new  and  semi-civilized  nation  justly,  or  to  enact  laws  which  would 
develop  the  resources  of  the  country.  The  viceroy  had  been  im- 
partial. He  held  the  balance  between  the  Indian  laborer  and  the 
Spanish  extortioner.  His  office  and  emoluments  placed  him  at 
that  period  high  above  the  ordinary  temptations  of  avarice.  But 
the  audiencia,  composed  of  several  persons  whose  position  was  far 
inferior  to  the  viceroy's,  was  accessible  to  intrigue  and  corruption, 
and  the  unfortunate  Indians  soon  found  to  their  cost  that  the  royal 
limitation  on  Velasco's  power  had  lost  them  a  friend  and  staunch 
supporter.  The  audiencia  and  the  viceroy  were  soon  surrounded 
by  parties  who  advocated  their  different  causes  with  zeal,  but  the 
loyal  viceroy  did  not  murmur  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  and 
faithfully  followed  the  order  of  the  king  to  submit  his  judgment  to 
the  council.  Still  all  were  not  so  patient  as  Velasco.  Counter 
statements  were  sent  by  skillful  advocates  to  Spain,  and  Velasco 
himself  required  an  examination  to  be  made  into  his  official  conduct. 

Accordingly  Philip  II.  appointed  a  certain  licenciado,  Valder- 
rama,  as  visitador  of  New  Spain,  who  arrived  in  1563,  and  imme- 
diately began  the  discharge  of  his  functions  by  a  course  of  exaction, 
especially  from  the  Indians,  which  neither  the  appeals  nor  the  argu- 
ments of  the  viceroy  could  induce  him  to  abandon.  The  arrival  of 
this  harsh  and  cruel  personage  was  indeed  sad  for  Mexico,  and  in 
the  country's  history  he  still  retains  the  name  of  "  El  Molestador 
de  I os  Indios." 

Fortunately  for  Velasco  an  escape  from  the  double  tyranny  of 
the  audiencia  and  of  Valderrama  was  opened  to  him  in  an  expedi- 
tion to  the  Philippine  Islands,  which  the  king  had  ordered  him  to 
colonize.  But  while  he  was  engaged  in  organizing  his  forces  and 
preparing  for  the  voyage,  his  health  suddenly  gave  way,  and  on 
July  31,  1564,  he  expired,  amid  the  general  grief  of  all  the  worthier 
classes  of  Mexico,  and  especially  of  the  Indians  whom  he  had 
befriended.  Death  silenced  the  murmurs  of  the  intriguers.  When 
the  beneficent  viceroy  could  no  longer  interfere  with  the  selfish 
interests  of  the  multitude,  crowds  flocked  around  his  bier  to  honor 
his  harmless  remains. 

On  the  death  of  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment remained  in  the  hands  of  the  royal  audiencia  in  con- 
formity with  the  order  of  Philip  II.     Francisco  de  Zeinos,  Pedro 


120 


M  E  X  I  C  O 


1564-1566 


de  Villalobos,  and  Geronimo  de  Orozoco  were  then  the  oidores; 
while  Valderrama,  whose  visit  occurred  during  the  government  of 
Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  as  we  have  already  narrated,  had  departed 
for  Spain.  In  1564  the  expedition  which  was  planned  and  pre- 
pared under  the  last  viceroy  sailed  for  the  Philippine  Islands,  and 
founded  the  celebrated  city  of  Manila,  which  has  since  played  so 
distinguished  a  part  in  the  history  of  oriental  commerce. 

The  year  1566  was  an  important  one,  at  least  in  the  social 
history  of  Mexico,  for  it  was  fraught  with  danger  to  the  son  and 
representative  of  the  illustrious  conqueror.   The  Marques  del  Valle, 


heir  of  Hernando  Cortez,  had  been  for  some  time  established  in  the 
capital,  where  he  formed  the  nucleus  of  a  noble  circle,  and  was  ad- 
mired by  all  classes  for  the  splendor  with  which  he  maintained  the 
honor  of  his  house.  His  palace  was  constantly  filled  with  the  flower 
of  Mexican  aristocracy,  and  among  the  knightly  train  of  gallant 
men  few  were  more  distinguished  for  gentle  bearing  and  personal 
accomplishment  than  Alonso  de  Avila  and  his  brother  Gil  Gon- 
zalez. The  Marques  del  Valle  distinguished  the  former  by  his 
special  attentions,  and  this,  together  with  the  imprudent  con- 
duct or  expressions  of  Alonso,  made  him  suspected  by  persons 
who  simulated  an  extraordinary  zeal  for  the  Spanish  monarchy, 


VELASCO     AND     PERALTA  121 

1566 

while  in  fact  their  chief  object  was  to  ingratiate  themselves  with 
men  of  power  or  influence  in  order  to  further  their  private 
interests. 

On  June  30,  1566,  the  dean  of  the  cathedral,  Don  Juan  Chico 
de  Molina,  baptized  in  that  sacred  edifice  the  twin  daughters  of  the 
Marques  del  Valle,  whose  sponsors  were  Don  Lucas  de  Castilla 
and  Dona  Juana  de  Sosa.  The  festivities  of  the  gallant  marques 
upon  this  occasion  of  family  rejoicing  were,  as  usual  among  the 
rich  in  Spanish  countries,  attended  with  the  utmost  magnificence; 
and  in  order  to  present  a  picture  of  the  manners  of  the  period  we 
shall  describe  the  scene  as  it  is  related  by  those  who  witnessed  it. 

It  was  a  day  of  general  rejoicing  and  festivity  in  the  City  of 
Mexico.  From  the  palace  of  the  marques  to  the  door  of  the  cathe- 
dral a  passage  was  formed  under  lofty  and  splendid  canopies  com- 
posed of  the  richest  stuffs.  A  salute  of  artillery  announced  the 
entry  of  the  twins  into  the  church,  and  it  was  repeated  at  their 
departure.  At  the  moment  when  the  rites  of  religion  were  com- 
pleted and  the  infants  were  borne  back  to  their  home  through  the 
covered  way,  the  spectators  in  the  plaza  were  amused  by  a  chival- 
ric  tournament  between  twelve  knights  in  complete  steel.  Other 
rare  and  costly  diversions  succeeded  in  an  artificial  grove  which 
the  marques  had  caused  to  be  erected  in  the  plazuela,  or  lesser 
square,  intervening  between  his  palace  and  the  cathedral.  Nor 
were  these  amusements  designed  alone  for  persons  of  his  own  rank, 
for  the  masses  of  the  people  were  also  summoned  to  partake  of  his 
bountiful  hospitality.  At  the  doors  of  his  princely  dwelling  tables 
were  sumptuously  spread  with  roasted  oxen,  all  kinds  of  wild  fowl 
and  numberless  delicacies,  while  two  casks  of  white  and  red  wine — 
then  esteemed  in  Mexico  the  most  luxurious  rarities — were  set 
flowing  for  the  people. 

At  night  Alonso  de  Avila,  the  intimate  companion  of  the 
marques,  entertained  the  chief  personages  of  Mexico  with  a 
splendid  ball,  during  which  there  was  a  performance  or  symbol- 
ical masque  representing  the  reception  of  Hernando  Cortez  by  the 
Emperor  Montezuma.  Alonso,  splendidly  attired,  sustained  the 
part  of  the  Mexican  sovereign.  During  one  of  the  evolutions  of 
the  spectacle  Avila  threw  around  the  neck  of  the  young  marques  a 
collar  of  intermingled  flowers  and  jewels,  similar  to  the  one  with 
which  his  father  had  been  adorned  by  Montezuma ;  and  at  the  con- 
clusion of  the  scene  he  placed  on  the  heads  of  the  marques  and  his 


122  MEXICO 

1566 

wife  a  coronet  of  laurel,  with  the  exclamation,  "  How  well  these 
crowns  befit  your  noble  brows !  " 

These  simple  diversions  of  a  family  festival  were  doubtless 
altogether  innocent,  and  certainly  not  designed  to  prefigure  an  in- 
tention upon  the  part  of  the  marques  and  his  friends  to  usurp  the 
government  of  the  New  World.  But  it  is  probable  that  he  had 
unwisely  made  enemies  of  men  in  power  who  were  either  ridicu- 
lously suspicious  or  eagerly  sought  for  any  pretext,  no  matter  how 
silly,  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  the  son  of  Cortez.  It  is  probable, 
too,  that  the  prestige,  the  moral  power,  of  the  great  conqueror's 
name  had  not  yet  ceased  to  operate  in  Mexico;  and  in  those  days 
when  individuals  were  not  dainty  in  ridding  themselves  of  dan- 
gerous intruders,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  it  was  the  policy  of  the 
audiencia  and  its  coadjutors  to  drive  the  gallant  marques  from 
scenes  which  in  the  course  of  time  might  tempt  his  ambition.  The 
extreme  popularity  of  such  a  man  was  not  to  be  tolerated. 

However,  the  domestic  festival,  symbolical  as  it  was  deemed 
by  some  of  a  desire  to  foreshadow  the  destiny  of  the  son  of 
Cortez,  was  allowed  to  pass  over.  The  oidores  and  their  spies, 
meditating  in  secret  over  the  crowning  of  Cortez  and  his  wife  by 
Avila,  and  the  remarkable  words  by  which  the  graceful  act  was 
accompanied,  resolved  to  embrace  the  first  opportunity  to  detect 
what  they  declared  was  a  conspiracy  to  wrest  the  dominion  of  New 
Spain  from  Philip  II. 

When  men  are  anxious  to  commit  a  crime,  a  pretext  or  an 
occasion  is  not  generally  long  wanting  to  accomplish  the  wicked 
design.  Accordingly  we  find  that  on  August  13,  the  anniversary 
of  the  capture  of  the  capital,  the  alleged  conspiracy  was  to  break 
out.  A  national  procession  in  honor  of  the  day  was  to  pass  along 
the  street  of  San  Francisco  and  to  return  through  that  which  now 
bears  the  name  of  Tacuba.  Certain  armed  bands,  convened  under 
the  pretext  of  military  display,  were  to  be  stationed  in  the  way, 
while  from  a  small  turret  in  which  he  had  concealed  himself  Don 
Martin  Cortez,  the  son  of  the  conqueror  by  the  Indian  girl 
Mariana,  was  to  sally  forth  and  seize  the  royal  standard,  and,  being 
immediately  joined  by  the  armed  bands,  was  forthwith  to  proclaim 
the  Marques  del  Valle,  king  of  Mexico,  and  to  slay  the  oidores  as 
well  as  all  who  should  offer  the  least  resistance. 

Such  was  the  story  which  the  authorities  had  heard  or  feigned 
to  have  heard  through  their  trusty  spies.     Nearly  a  month  before 


VELA  SCO     AND     PERALTA  123 

1566 

the  dreaded  day,  however,  the  audiencia  assembled,  and  requested 
the  presence  of  the  Marques  del  Valle,  under  the  pretext  that  dis- 
patches had  been  received  from  the  King  of  Spain  which  by  his 
special  order  were  only  to  be  opened  in  presence  of  the  son  of 
Cortez.  The  marques,  who  imagined  no  evil,  immediately  re- 
sponded to  the  call  of  the  oidores,  and  the  moment  he  entered  the 
hall  the  doors  were  guarded  by  armed  men.  Cortez  was  ordered 
to  seat  himself  on  a  common  stool,  while  one  of  the  functionaries 
announced  to  him  that  he  wras  a  prisoner,  in  the  name  of  the  king. 
"For  what?"  eagerly  demanded  the  marques.  "As  a  traitor  to 
his  majesty!  "  was  the  foul  reply.  "  You  lie!  "  exclaimed  Cortez, 
springing  from  his  seat,  and  grasping  the  hilt  of  his  dagger;  "I 
am  no  traitor  to  my  king — nor  are  there  traitors  among  any  of  my 
lineage!  " 

The  natural  excitement  of  the  loyal  nobleman  subsided  after  a 
moment's  reflection.  He  had  been  entrapped  into  the  hands  of  the 
audiencia,  and  finding  himself  completely,  though  unjustly,  in  their 
power,  he  at  once  resolved  to  offer  no  childish  opposition,  when 
resistance  would  be  so  utterly  useless.  With  the  manly  dignity  of 
a  chivalrous  Spaniard  he  immediately  yielded  up  his  weapons  and 
was  taken  prisoner  to  the  apartments  that  had  been  prepared  for 
him.  His  half  brother,  Don  Martin,  was  also  apprehended,  and 
orders  were  sent  to  the  city  of  Tezcoco  for  the  seizure  of  Don 
Luis  Cortez,  who  resided  there  as  justice  or  governor.  In  Mexico 
Alonso  de  Avila  and  his  brother  Gil  Gonzalez,  with  many  other 
distinguished  men,  were  incarcerated,  and  the  papers  of  all  the 
prisoners  were,  of  course,  seized  and  eagerly  scrutinized  by  the 
satellites  who  hoped  to  find  in  them  a  confirmation  of  the  imaginary 
conspiracy. 

Among  the  documents  of  Alonso  de  Avila  a  large  number  of 
love  letters  were  found;  but  neither  in  his  papers  nor  in  those  of 
his  brother,  or  of  the  many  victims  of  these  foul  suspicions  who 
languished  in  prison,  did  they  discover  a  single  line  to  justify  their 
arrest.  Nevertheless,  Don  Alonso  and  his  brother  Don  Gil  Gon- 
zalez were  singled  out  as  victims  and  doomed  to  death.  The  au- 
thorities dared  not,  probably,  strike  at  a  person  so  illustrious  and 
so  popular  as  the  Marques  del  Valle;  but  they  resolved  to  justify 
in  the  public  eye  their  inquisitorial  investigation  by  the  sacrifice  of 
someone.  The  public  would  believe  that  there  was  in  reality  a 
crime  when  the  scaffold  reeked  with  blood;  and,  besides,  the  blow 


124.  MEXICO 

1566 

would  fall  heaviest  on  the  family  of  Cortez  when  it  struck  the 
cherished  companions  of  his  home  and  heart. 

On  August  7,  at  seven  in  the  evening,  Alonso  and  Gil  Gon- 
zalez were  led  forth  to  the  place  of  execution  in  front  of  the  Casa 
de  Cabildo.  Their  heads  were  struck  off  and  stuck  on  spears  on 
the  roof  of  the  edifice,  whence  they  were  finally  taken,  at  the  earnest 
remonstrance  of  the  ayuntamiento,  and  buried  with  the  bodies  of 
the  victims  in  the  church  of  San  Agustin.  Every  effort  had  been 
made  to  save  the  lives  of  these  truly  innocent  young  men.  But 
although  the  principal  persons  in  the  viceroyalty  united  in  the  ap- 
peal for  mercy,  if  not  for  justice,  the  inexorable  oidores  carried 
out  their  remorseless  and  bloody  decree.  It  is  even  asserted  that 
these  cruel  men  would  not  have  hesitated  to  inflict  capital  punish- 
ment upon  the  marques  himself  had  not  the  new  viceroy,  Don 
Gaston  de  Peralta,  Marques  de  Falces,  arrived  at  San  Juan  de 
Ulua,  on  September  17,  1566. 

As  soon  as  this  personage  reached  Mexico  he  began  to  inquire 
into  the  outrage.  He  was  quickly  satisfied  that  the  whole  pro- 
ceeding was  founded  in  malice.  The  oidores  were  removed,  and 
others  being  placed  in  their  posts,  the  viceroy  dispatched  a  missive 
to  the  court  of  Spain  containing  his  views  and  comments  upon  the 
conduct  of  the  late  officials.  But  the  document  was  sent  by  a  man 
who  was  secretly  a  warm  friend  of  the  brutal  oidores,  and  to  save 
them  from  the  condign  punishment  they  deserved  he  withheld  it 
from  the  king. 

Yet  these  functionaries,  still  fearing  that  their  crime  would  be 
finally  punished,  not  only  treacherously  intercepted  the  dispatch  of 
the  viceroy,  but  also  took  the  speediest  opportunity  to  send  to  the 
king  accusations  against  Don  Gaston  himself,  in  which  they 
charged  him  with  negligence  in  his  examination  of  the  conspiracy, 
with  treasonable  alliance  with  the  Marques  del  Valle,  and  with  a 
design  to  usurp  the  government  of  New  Spain.  They  founded 
their  allegations  upon  the  false  oaths  of  several  deponents,  who 
alleged  that  the  viceroy  had  already  prepared  and  held  at  his  orders 
thirty  thousand  armed  men.  This  base  imposture,  as  ridiculous  as 
it  was  false,  originated  in  an  act  of  Peralta  which  was  altogether 
innocent.  Being  a  man  of  fine  taste,  and  determining  that  the 
viceroyal  residence  should  be  worthy  the  abode  of  his  sovereign's 
representative,  he  caused  the  palace  to  be  refitted,  and  among  the 
adornments  of  the  various  saloons  he  ordered  a  large  painting  to 


VELASCO     AND     PERALTA  125 

1566 

be  placed  on  the  walls  of  one  of  the  chambers  in  which  a  battle  was 
represented  containing  an  immense  number  of  combatants.  This 
was  the  army  which  the  witnesses  upon  their  oaths  represented  to 
the  king  as  having  been  raised  and  commanded  by  the  viceroy !  It 
can  scarcely  be  supposed  possible  that  the  audiencia  of  Mexico 
would  have  resorted  to  such  flimsy  means  to  cover  their  infamy.  It 
seems  incredible  that  such  mingled  cruelty  and  childishness  could 
ever  have  proceeded  from  men  who  were  deputed  to  govern  the 
greatest  colony  of  Spain.  Yet  such  is  the  unquestionable  fact,  and 
it  indicates  at  once  the  character  of  the  age  and  of  the  men  who 
managed  through  the  intrigues  of  court  to  crawl  to  eminence  and 
power  which  they  only  used  to  gratify  vindictive  selfishness  or  to 
glut  their  inordinate  avarice. 

Philip  II.  could  not  at  first  believe  the  accusations  of  the 
oidores  against  the  family  of  Cortez  and  the  distinguished  noble- 
man whom  he  had  sent  to  represent  him  in  Mexico.  He  resolved, 
therefore,  to  wait  the  dispatches  of  the  viceroy.  But  the  oidores 
had  been  too  watchful  to  allow  those  documents  to  reach  the  court 
of  Spam ;  and  Philip  therefore,  construing  the  silence  of  Don  Gas- 
ton de  Peralta  into  a  tacit  confession  of  his  guilt,  sent  the  Licen- 
ciados  Jaraba,  Mufioz,  and  Carillo  to  New  Spain,  as  jueces 
pesquisidores,  with  letters  for  the  viceroy  commanding  him  to  yield 
up  the  government  and  to  return  to  Spain  in  order  to  account  for 
his  conduct 

These  men  immediately  departed  on  their  mission  and  arrived 
safely  in  America  without  accident,  save  in  the  death  of  Jaraba. 
As  soon  as  they  reached  Mexico  they  presented  their  dispatches  to 
the  viceroy,  and  Mufioz  took  possession  of  the  government  of  New 
Spain.  The  worthy  and  noble  Marques  de  Falces  was  naturally 
stunned  by  so  unprecedented  and  unexpected  a  proceeding;  but, 
satisfied  of  the  justice  of  his  cause  as  well  as  of  the  purity  of  his 
conduct,  he  left  the  capital  and  retired  to  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulua,  leaving  the  reins  of  power  in  the  hands  of  Mufioz,  whose 
tyrannical  conduct  soon  destroyed  all  the  confidence  which  hitherto 
had  always  existed,  at  least  between  the  audiencia  and  the  people 
of  the  metropolis.  It  was  probably  before  this  time  that  the  Mar- 
ques del  Valle  was  released,  and  deeming  the  new  empire  which 
his  father  had  given  to  Spain  no  safe  resting  place  for  his  descend- 
ants he  departed  for  the  Spanish  court.  The  viceroy  himself  had 
fallen  a  victim  to  deception  and  intrigue. 


126  MEXICO 

1566-1563 

It  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  weaknesses  of  Philip  II.'s 
character  to  have  but  little  confidence  in  men.  With  such  examples 
as  we  have  just  seen,  it  may  nevertheless  have  been  an  evidence  of 
his  wisdom  that  he  did  not  rely  upon  the  courtiers  who  usually 
surround  a  king.  He  had  doubted  in  reality  the  actual  guilt  of  the 
Marques  de  Falces,  and  was  therefore  not  surprised  when  he 
learned  the  truth  upon  these  weighty  matters  in  the  year  1568. 
The  government  of  Munoz,  his  visitador,  was,  moreover,,  repre- 
sented to  him  as  cruel  and  bloody.  The  conduct  of  the  previous 
audiencia  had  been  humane  when  compared  with-  the  acting 
governor's.  The  prisons  which  already  existed  in  Mexico  were  not 
adequate  to  contain  his  victims,  and  he  built  others  darker  and 
damper  yet. 

Don  Martin  Cortez,  the  half  brother  of  the  Marques  del  Valle, 
who  remained  in  the  metropolis  as  the  attorney  and  representative 
of  his  kinsman,  was  seized  and  put  to  torture  for  no  crime  save 
that  the  blood  of  the  conqueror  flowed  in  his  veins  and  that  he 
had  enjoyed  friendly  relations  with  the  suspected  conspirators. 
Torture,  it  was  imagined,  would  wring  from  him  a  confession 
which  might  justify  the  oidores.  The  situation  of  New  Spain 
could  not,  indeed,  be  worse  than  it  was,  for  no  man  felt  safe  in  the 
midst  of  such  unrestrained  power  and  relentless  cruelty;  and  we 
may  be  permitted  to  believe  that  outraged  humanity  would  soon 
have  risen  to  vindicate  itself  against  such  brutes  and  to  wrest  the 
fruits  of  the  conquest  from  a  government  that  sent  forth  such 
wicked  satellites.  Even  the  audiencia  itself — the  moving  cause  of 
this  new  and  bad  government — began  to  tremble  when  it  expe- 
rienced the  humiliating  contempt  with  which  it  was  invariably 
treated  by  the  monster  Munoz. 

But  all  these  acts  of  maladministration  were  more  safely  re- 
ported to  the  Spanish  court  by  the  nobles  and  oidores  of  Mexico 
than  the  dispatches  of  the  unfortunate  Marques  de  Falces.  Philip 
eagerly  responded  to  the  demand  for  the  removal  of  Munoz.  He 
dispatched  the  oidores  Villanueva  and  Vasco  de  Puga  to  Mexico, 
with  orders  to  Munoz  to  give  up  the  government  in  three  hours 
after  he  received  the  royal  dispatch,  and  to  return  immediately  to 
Spain  for  judgment  of  his  conduct.  The  envoys  lost  no  time  in 
reaching  their  destination,  where  they  found  that  Munoz  had  re- 
tired to  the  convent  of  San  Domingo,  probably  as  a  sanctuary,  in 
order  to  pass  Holy  Week.     But  the  impatient  emissaries,  respond- 


VELASCO     AND     PER  ALT  A  127 

1568-1974 

ing  to  the  joyful  impatience  of  the  people,  immediately  followed 
him  to  his  retreat,  and  after  waiting  a  considerable  time  in  the 
ante-chamber,  and  being  at  last  most  haughtily  received  by  Munoz, 
who  scarcely  saluted  them  with  a  nod,  Villanueva  drew  from  his 
breast  the  royal  cedula,  and  commanded  his  secretary  to  read  it 
in  a  loud  voice. 

For  a  while  the  foiled  visitador  sat  silent,  moody,  and  thought- 
ful, scarcely  believing  the  reality  of  what  he  heard.  After  a  pause, 
in  which  all  parties  preserved  silence,  he  rose  and  declared  his 
willingness  to  yield  to  the  king's  command;  and  this  brutal  chief, 
who  but  a  few  hours  before  believed  himself  a  sovereign  in  Mexico, 
was  indebted  to  the  charity  of  some  citizens  for  a  carriage  in  which 
he  traveled  to  Vera  Cruz.  Here  a  fleet  was  waiting  to  transport 
him  to  Spain.  The  late  viceroy,  the  Marques  de  Fakes,  departed 
in  a  ship  of  the  same  squadron,  and  upon  his  arrival  at  the  court 
soon  found  means  to  justify  himself  entirely  in  the  eyes  of  his 
sovereign.  But  it  went  harder  with  Muiioz.  He  vainly  tried  his 
skill  at  exculpation  with  the  king.  Philip  seems  to  have  despised 
him  too  much  to  enter  into  discussion  upon  the  merits  of  the 
accusations.  The  facts  were  too  flagrant.  The  king  returned  him 
his  sword,  declining  to  hear  any  argument  in  his  justification.  "  I 
sent  you  to  the  Indies  to  govern,  not  to  destroy !  "  said  Philip,  as 
he  departed  from  his  presence;  and  that  very  night  the  visitador 
suddenly  expired ! 

Whether  he  died  of  mortification  or  violence  is  one  of  those 
state  secrets  which,  like  many  others  of  a  similar  character,  the 
chronicles  of  Spain  do  not  reveal. 

Don  Martin  Cortez  and  his  family  took  refuge  in  Spain,  where 
his  case  was  fully  examined;  and  while  the  investigation  lasted, 
from  1567  to  1574,  his  estates  in  Mexico  were  confiscated.  He 
was  finally  declared  innocent  of  all  the  charges;  but  his  valuable 
property  had  been  seriously  injured  and  wasted  by  the  officers  of 
the  crown  to  whom  it  was  intrusted  during  the  long  period  of 
sequestration. 


Chapter  XV 

THE   GROWTH   OF   COMMERCE 
1568-1590 

THE  salutary  lesson  received  by  the  audiencia  in  the  events 
which  occurred  in  the  metropolis  during  these  years  in- 
duced its  members  to  conduct  themselves  with  less 
arrogance  during  the  short  time  they  held  supreme  power  after 
the  departure  of  the  visitadores.  In  October  of  1568  a  new  vice- 
roy, the  fourth  of  New  Spain,  Don  Martin  Enriquez  de  Almanza, 
arrived  at  Vera  Cruz,  whence  he  reached  the  capital  on  November 
5,  after  having  routed  the  English  whom  he  found  in  possession  of 
the  Isle  of  Sacrificios. 

Don  Martin  immediately  perceived,  upon  assuming  the  reins 
of  government,  that  it  was  necessary  to  calm  the  public  mind  in 
the  metropolis,  which  from  recent  occurrences  now  began  to  regard 
all  men  in  authority  with  jealousy  and  distrust.  He  let  the  people 
understand,  therefore,  from  the  first  that  he  did  not  design  to 
countenance  any  proceedings  similar  to  those  which  had  lately  al- 
most disorganized  and  revolutionized  the  colony.  An  occasion 
soon  presented  itself  in  which  his  prudence  and  discretion  were 
required  to  adjust  a  serious  dispute  concerning  the  Franciscan 
monks,  and  in  which  the  people  sympathized  with  the  brotherhood 
and  their  supposed  rights.  Any  act  of  rigor  or  harshness  would 
have  kindled  the  flame  of  sedition,  but  the  mild  diplomacy  of  the 
viceroy  sufficed  to  calm  the  litigants  and  to  restore  perfect  peace  to 
the  capital. 

But  the  attention  of  Don  Martin  was  soon  to  be  drawn  from 
the  capital  toward  the  frontiers  of  his  government,  where  he  found 
that  the  troublesome  bands  of  wandering  Chichimecas  had  been 
busy  in  their  old  work  of  robbery  and  spoliation  while  the  audi- 
encia was  engaged  in  its  intrigues  and  corruption  in  the  City  of 
Mexico.  The  impunity  with  which  these  martial  vagabonds  had 
been  allowed  to  proceed  increased  their  daring,  and  the  evils  they 
inflicted  on  the  country  were  becoming  continually  greater.     Not 

128 


GROWTH     OF     COMMERCE  129 

1572-1576 

satisfied  with  having  dispatched  the  chief  alcalde  of  the  hostile 
region  with  the  militia  to  punish  the  rebels,  he  joined  the  forces  of 
that  officer,  and  succeeded  after  great  slaughter  in  compelling  the 
Indians  to  quit  the  soil  they  had  hitherto  ravaged.  It  should  be 
recorded,  in  justice  to  the  viceroy,  that  he  ordered  the  Indian 
children  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  his  soldiery  to  be  spared,  and 
at  the  end  of  the  campaign  brought  them  all  to  the  metropolis, 
where  he  distributed  them  among  rich  families  so  that  they  might 
receive  a  Christian  education.  In  order  to  save  the  region  from 
further  devastation  he  established  therein  a  colony,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  San  Felipe,  perhaps  in  honor  of  his  king,  as  he 
bestowed  upon  it  the  title  of  "  city." 

Such  was  the  condition  of  things  when  Pedro  Moya  de 
Contreras  arrived  in  Mexico  as  inquisitor,  having  been  sent  by 
Philip  to  establish  the  tribunal  of  the  faith  in  that  capital. 
The  Spanish  king  feared  that  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformation, 
which  were  then  rife  in  Europe,  might  find  friends  among  his 
transatlantic  subjects,  and  he  resolved  to  give  them,  as  a  guardian 
of  their  consciences,  this  sad  and  dreadful  present.  In  1572  Doctor 
Pedro  Sanchez,  a  Jesuit,  with  various  brethren  of  the  same  order, 
came  to  the  City  of  Mexico  and  founded  a  college  in  certain  edi- 
fices which  were  ceded  to  them  for  that  purpose  by  Alonso 
Villaseca.  The  brethren  of  the  holy  office,  or  inquisition,  mean- 
while organized  for  future  operations,  and  settled  under  the  wings 
of  the  church  of  San  Domingo. 

It  was  at  this  period,  also,  that  Don  Martin  established  the 
alcabala;  and  although  the  merchants  opposed  the  measure,  which 
was  entirely  new  to  them,  and  alleged  that  it  was  a  mortal  blow  to 
their  business,  they  were  unable  to  force  the  viceroy  to  retract  his 
measure.  His  determination  was  founded  on  the  fact  that  trade 
had  now  become  established  on  a  firm  and  robust  basis,  and  that  it 
could  well  bear  without  injury  an  impost  of  this  character. 

In  the  years  1574  and  1575  there  were  serious  discussions 
between  the  temporal  and  spiritual  powers  of  Mexico,  growing  out 
of  a  royal  order  that  no  prelate  should  be  admitted  in  the  country 
unless  he  bore  a  suitable  license  from  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
In  1576  Mexico  was  again  visited  by  a  frightful  pestilence,  which 
spread  rapidly,  and  carried  off  large  numbers  of  victims.  The 
whole  of  New  Spain  was  ravaged  by  it,  and  neither  care  nor 
medical  science  seems  to  have  had  the  least  effect  either  in  curing 


130  MEXICO 

1976*1980 

or  in  relieving  the  sufferers.  The  symptoms  of  this  malady  were 
a  violent  pain  in  the  head,  which  was  succeeded  by  a  burning-  fever, 
under  which  the  patient  sank.  None  survived  the  seventh  day,  and 
it  is  reported  that  nearly  two  millions  perished  under  the  dreadful 
scourge.  The  malady  abated  at  the  close  of  the  rainy  season,  and 
disappeared  entirely  at  the  beginning  of  1577. 

In  the  two  succeeding-  years  Don  Martin  commanded  that  the 
usual  annual  tribute  should  not  be  collected  from  the  Indians.  This 
measure  was  designed  to  alleviate  the  lot  of  these  suffering  sub- 
jects of  the  king  and  to  testify  the  paternal  regard  which  he  cher- 
ished for  a  race  that  served  him  and  his  subjects  so  beneficially  in 
the  mines.  It  was  in  the  mineral  districts  that  the  Indians  were 
in  reality  the  greatest  sufferers  and  laborers  in  New  Spain.  Their 
toil  was  incessant.  Their  task-masters  gave  them  no  respite  in  the 
bowels  of  the  earth,  for  they  wrought  as  if  they  designed  to  scrape 
every  vein  and  artery  of  the  colony's  soil.  Silver  and  labor  were 
calculated  with  exactness,  and  no  limit  to  the  Indian's  industry 
was  prescribed  save  that  which  was  imposed  by  his  capacity  for 
work  and  his  power  of  endurance.  The  viceroy,  seeking  to  allevi- 
ate this,  introduced  a  milder  system,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  among 
the  leading  miners  of  the  colony.  He  insisted  upon  permitting 
the  Indians  regular  repose,  and  he  forbade  their  entire  confinement 
within  the  mines,  but  commanded  that  they  should  be  allowed  time 
to  breathe  the  fresh  air  on  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  suffered 
to  attend  to  their  own  domestic  labors,  or  to  toil  on  public  works 
for  a  competent  recompense. 

The  government  of  Don  Martin  had  thus  far  been  unusually 
calm,  but  his  last  moments  in  Mexico  were  to  be  disturbed  by  a 
quarrel  with  a  Franciscan  monk,  named  Rivera,  who  had  called  at 
the  palace  'to  see  the  viceroy  on  a  matter  of  business  for  his  con- 
vent, and  had  been  forced  to  wait  a  considerable  time  without 
being  finally  honored  with  an  audience.  The  petulant  friar  re- 
garded this  as  a  slight  upon  the  brotherhood,  and  shortly  afterward, 
while  preaching  in  the  cathedral,  declared,  with  a  sneering  and 
offensive  purpose  against  the  viceroy,  that  "  in  the  palace  all  became 
equal,  and  that  no  difference  was  made  between  ecclesiastics  and 
secular  folks! " 

The  viceroy  could  not  permit  so  flagrant  a  breach  of  decorum 
and  so  dangerous  a  taunt  in  a  popular  appeal  to  rest  unrebuked. 
He,  therefore,  demanded  the  punishment  of  the  public  critic  and 


GROWTH     OF     COMMERCE  1*1 

1580-1681 

the  audiencia  ordered  Rivera  to  depart  forthwith  for  Spain.  But 
the  haughty  monk  in  order  to  avoid  the  disgrace  of  expulsion 
united  the  whole  body  of  his  fraternity  in  the  quarrel,  and  singing 
the  psalm,  "  In  exitu  Israel  dc  sEgipto,"  they  departed  from  the 
city  by  the  road  leading  to  Vera  Cruz.  The  viceroy  seems  to  have 
been  moved  by  this  act  of  the  brotherhood,  and  immediately  wrote 
to  Rivera  in  soothing  terms  requesting  him  to  return  to  Mexico, 
where  justice  should  be  done  him.  The  Franciscan  returned,  but 
soon  after  received  a  royal  order  to  depart  for  Spain. 

In  1580  the  abundant  rain  again  caused  an  inundation  of  the 
capital,  and  Don  Martin  Enriquez  was  about  to  engage  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  celebrated  canal  of  Huehuetoca  when  he  was 
removed  to  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru. 

As  successor  of  Almanza,  Don  Lorenzo  Xuares,  Conde  de  la 
Coruna,  was  appointed  by  the  king,  and  made  his  triumphal  entry 
into  the  City  of  Mexico  on  the  evening  of  October  4,  1580.  The 
gay  and  affable  character  of  this  personage  at  once  attracted  the 
people  and  the  colonial  court;  and  in  consequence  of  the  rapidly 
increasing  population,  wealth,  and  luxury  of  New  Spain,  as  well 
as  from  the  unreserved  demeanor  of  the  viceroy,  it  was  supposed 
that  a  golden  age  had  arrived  in  the  history  of  Mexico,  which 
would  forever  signalize  the  administration  of  Xuares. 

Perhaps  the  viceroy  was  too  lenient  and  amiable  for  the  task 
that  had  been  imposed  on  him  in  America.  The  epoch  of  specula- 
tion and  adventure  had  not  yet  passed  by,  and  of  course  the  cor- 
ruption which  ever  follows  in  their  train  required  still  to  be  closely 
watched  and  quickly  checked.  To  this  duty  Xuares  did  not  imme- 
diately address  himself,  and  the  result  was  that  the  oidores,  the 
alcaldes,  and  all  who  administered  justice  at  once  put  themselves 
up  to  auction  and  sold  their  services,  their  favors,  or  their  decisions 
to  the  highest  bidder.  Disorder  reigned  in  every  department  in 
the  year  following  the  arrival  of  Xuares;  and  even  the  royal 
revenues,  which  hitherto  had  generally  remained  sacred,  were 
squandered  or  secreted  by  the  persons  to  whose  care  and  fidelity 
their  collection  was  intrusted.  The  limitations  which  we  have 
already  seen  were  placed  upon  a  viceroy's  power  in  the  time  of 
Velasco,  now  tied  the  hands  of  Xuares.  He  could  not  dismiss  or 
even  suspend  the  defrauders  of  the  revenue  or  the  public  wretches 
who  prostituted  their  official  power  for  gold.  Nor  was  he,  prob- 
ably, unwilling  to  be  deprived  of  a  dangerous  right  which  would 


132  MEXICO 

1581-1584 

have  placed  him  in  direct  hostility  to  the  army  of  speculators  and 
jobbers.  And  yet  it  was  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  col- 
ony that  these  evils  should  be  quickly  abated.  In  this  political 
strait,  concealing  his  intentions  from  the  viceroyal  court,  he  applied 
to  Philip  to  send  a  visitador  with  ample  oowers  to  readjust  the  dis- 
organized realm. 

The  commerce  of  New  Spain  had  augmented  astonishingly 
within  a  few  years.  Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco  had  become  splendid 
emporiums  of  wealth  and  trade.  The  East  and  the  West  poured 
their  people  into  Mexico  through  these  cities,  and  in  the  capital 
some  of  the  most  distinguished  merchants  of  Europe,  Asia,  and 
Africa  met  every  year,  midway  between  Spain  and  China,  to  trans- 
act business  and  exchange  opinions  upon  the  growing  facilities  of 
an  extended  commerce.  Peru  and  Mexico  furnished  the  precious 
metals  which  were  always  so  greedily  demanded  by  the  East.  In 
1 58 1  Philip  II.,  in  view  of  this  state  of  things  in  his  colony,  issued 
a  royal  order  for  the  establishment  in  Mexico  for  a  Mercantile 
Tribunal  de  Consulado2  though  it  was  not  in  fact  actually  put  in 
effective  operation  until  the  year  1593,  under  the  administration 
of  the  second  Velasco.  In  the  midsummer  of  1582  the  viceroy  ex- 
pired, probably  of  mingled  anxiety  and  old  age ;  and  it  was  well  for 
Mexico  that  he  passed  so  rapidly  from  a  stage  in  whose  delicate 
drama  his  years  and  his  abilities  altogether  unfitted  him  to  play  so 
conspicuous  a  part. 

Upon  the  death  of  Xuares  the  audiencia  immediately  assumed 
the  direction  of  the  state;  but  the  members  of  this  august  tribunal 
were  altogether  ignorant  of  the  demand  made  by  the  late  viceroy 
for  a  visitador  until  Don  Pedro  de  Contreras,  Archbishop  of  Mex- 
ico, placed  in  their  hands  the  dispatch  from  Philip,  naming  him 
for  this  important  service. 

The  archbishop  was  a  man  well  known  in  Mexico.  Cold,  aus- 
tere, rigid  in  his  demeanor  and  principles,  he  was  the  very  man  to 
be  chosen  for  the  dangerous  duty  of  contending  with  a  band  of 
rich,  proud,  and  unscrupulous  officials.  His  sacred  character  as 
arch-prelate  of  Mexico  was  of  no  little  use  in  such  an  exigency, 
for  it  gave  him  spiritual  as  well  as  temporal  power  over  masses 
which  might  sometimes  be  swayed  by  their  conscientious  dread  of 
the  church,  even  when  they  could  not  be  controlled  by  the  arm  of 
law.  Besides  this,  he  was  the  first  inquisitor  of  Mexico,  and  in 
the  dreaded  mysteries  of  the  holy  office  there  was  an  overwhelm- 


GROWTH     OF     COMMERCE  133 

1584-1585 

ing  power  before  which  the  most  daring  offenders  would  not 
venture  to  rebel  or  intrigue. 

It  may  be  well  imagined  that  the  unexpected  appearance  of  so 
formidable  an  ecclesiastic  upon  the  scene,  armed  with  the  sword 
as  well  as  the  cross,  was  well  calculated  to  awe  the  profligate  offi- 
cials. The  members  of  the  audiencia  trembled  when  they  read  the 
royal  order,  for  the  archbishop  knew  them  well,  and  had  been  long 
cognizant,  not  only  of  their  own  maladministration,  but  of  the 
irregularities  they  countenanced  in  others. 

Don  Pedro  immediately  undertook  the  discharge  of  his  office 
and  in  a  few  days  heard  a  great  number  of  complaints  against 
various  individuals;  but  as  he  did  not  design  proceeding  with 
revengeful  severity  against  even  the  most  culpable,  he  resolved  to 
report  his  proceedings  to  the  king,  and  in  the  meanwhile  to  retain 
in  office  all  persons  who  performed  their  duties  faithfully,  while  he 
put  an  end  to  the  most  flagrant  abuses. 

As  soon  as  Philip  II.  heard,  in  1584,  of  the  death  of  Mendoza, 
he  added  the  title  and  powers  of  viceroy  to  those  already  possessed 
by  the  archbishop,  and,  with  his  commission  as  royal  representative, 
he  sent  him  additional  authority  which  had  never  been  enjoyed  by 
any  of  his  predecessors.  He  was  thus  empowered  to  remove  at 
will  all  persons  from  public  employment,  and  even  to  expel  minis- 
ters and  oidores,  as  well  as  to  visit  with  severe  punishments  all  who 
deserved  them.  Under  this  ample  discretion  the  viceroy  removed 
some  of  the  oidores,  suspended  others,  hanged  certain  royal  officers 
who  had  disgraced  their  trusts,  and  brought  the  tribunals  of  justice 
into  perfect  order.  The  king  had  proposed  to  bring  the  dispersed 
Indians  into  towns  and  villages  so  as  to  control  them  more  effec- 
tually, but  the  viceroy,  after  consulting  the  priests  who  were  best 
acquainted  with  that  population,  deemed  it  best  to  defer  the  execu- 
tion of  the  royal  order  until  he  laid  the  objections  to  it  before 
Philip.1  In  1585  a  seminary  for  the  Indians  was  established,  in 
which  they  were  taught  to  read,  write,  and  comprehend  the  rudi- 
ments of  the  Catholic  faith.  This  institution  was  under  the  charge 
of  the  Jesuits,  whose  zeal  for  education  has  been  celebrated  in  the 
history  of  all  countries  into  which  this  powerful  order  of  the  priest- 
hood has  penetrated.     A  provincial  council  of  American  bishops 

1  The  Indians  alluded  to  in  this  passage  were  vaguely  designated  as  Chichi- 
mecas,  Otomies,  and  Mexican.  They  probably  inhabited  a  tract  of  country 
lying  northwest  of  the  kingdom  of  Michoacan. 


134  MEXICO 

1585-1587 

was,  moreover,  convened  this  year  in  Mexico  under  the  auspices  of 
Contreras. 

Nor  was  the  viceroy  eager  only  to  correct  the  civil  and  re- 
ligious abuses  of  the  country  without  attending  to  the  fiscal 
advantages  which  he  knew  the  king  was  always  eager  to  secure 
from  his  colonies.  In  testimony  of  his  zeal  he  dispatched  at  this 
period  a  rich  fleet  for  Spain.  It  bore  3,300,000  ducats  in  coined 
silver,  and  1100  marks  in  gold,  together  with  a  variety  of  other 
valuable  products,  all  of  which  arrived  safely  in  port. 

The  power  of  this  vigorous  ruler  as  viceroy  continued,  how- 
ever, but  for  a  single  year.  He  was  the  scourge  of  officials  in  all 
classes,  while  the  good  men  of  the  colony  prayed  heartily  for  the 
continuance  of  his  authority;  but  it  is  probable  that  his  rigor  had 
excited  against  him  the  talents  for  intrigue  which  we  have  hereto- 
fore seen  were  sometimes  so  actively  and  successfully  employed 
both  in  Mexico  and  Spain.  In  October  of  1585  his  successor 
arrived  in  the  capital. 

This  successor  was  Don  Alvaro  Enrique  de  Zufiiga,  Marques 
de  Villa  Manrique.  The  arrival  of  the  Marques  de  Villa  Manrique 
was  not  designed  to  interfere  with  the  functions  of  the  archbishop 
and  former  viceroy  Contreras  as  visitador,  who  was  solicited  to 
continue  his  plenary  examination  into  the  abuses  of  government 
in  New  Spain,  and  to  clear  the  country  of  all  malefactors  before  he 
retired  once  more  to  the  cloisters.  Accordingly  Don  Pedro  re- 
mained in  Mexico  some  time  discharging  his  duties,  and  it  is 
probably  owing  to  his  presence  that  the  first  year  of  the  new  vice- 
roy passed  off  in  perfect  peace.  But  in  the  succeeding  year,  in 
which  the  archbishop  departed  for  Spain,  his  troubles  began  by  a 
serious  discussion  with  the  Franciscans,  Agustins,  and  Dominicans, 
in  which  the  monks  at  last  appealed  from  the  viceroy  to  the  king. 
Before  Contreras,  the  visitador,  left  Mexico  he  had  managed  to 
change  all  the  judges  composing  the  tribunals  of  the  colony.  The 
men  he  selected  in  their  stead  were  all  personally  known  to  him  or 
were  appointed  upon  the  recommendation  of  persons  whose 
integrity  and  capacity  for  judgment  were  unquestionable. 

This  remarkable  man  died  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Madrid, 
where  he  had  been  appointed  president  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
Like  all  reformers,  he  went  to  his  grave  poor;  but  when  the  king 
learned  his  indigence  he  took  upon  himself  the  costs  of  sepulture, 
and  laid  his  colonial  representative  and  bishop  in  the  tomb  in  a 


=>  3 

y  ~ 

?  <-< 

J  -y.       "S 

7.  r.       ^ 


y,      -- 


GROWTH     OF     COMMERCE  135 

1587-1589 

manner  befitting  one  who  had  exercised  so  great  and  beneficial  an 
influence  in  the  temporary  reform  of  the  New  World. 

In  1587  the  viceroy  Zuniga  dispatched  a  large  amount  of 
treasure  to  Spain.  Enormous  sums  were  drained  annually  from 
the  colonies  for  the  royal  metropolis ;  but  in  this  year  the  fleet  from 
Vera  Cruz  sailed  with  11 56  marks  of  gold,  in  addition  to  an  im- 
mense amount  of  coined  silver  and  merchandise  of  great  value. 
These  sums  passed  safely  to  the  hands  of  the  court;  but  such  was 
not  the  case  with  all  the  precious  freights  that  left  the  American 
coasts,  for  at  this  period  the  shores  of  the  continent  on  both  oceans 
began  to  swarm  with  pirates.  The  subjects  of  various  European 
nations,  but  especially  the  English,  were  most  active  in  enterprises 
which,  in  those  days,  were  probably  regarded  more  as  privateering 
than  as  the  bandit  expeditions  they  have  since  been  considered  not 
only  in  morals  but  in  law.  In  the  year  before,  Cavendish  had  taken 
in  the  Pacific  a  Spanish  ship  which  was  bound  from  Manila  to 
Acapulco  with  a  rich  cargo  of  wares  from  China ;  and  in  this  year 
it  was  known  that  Drake,  another  noted  adventurer,  after  making 
himself  celebrated  by  the  capture  of  San  Agustin,  in  Florida,  had 
sailed  for  the  Pacific  ocean,  whose  rich  coasts,  as  well  as  the 
oriental  traders,  formed  a  tempting  booty  for  the  buccaneers  who 
then  infested  these  seas. 

As  soon  as  the  viceroy  heard  of  this  piratical  sailor's  approach 
to  the  western  boundary  of  his  colony,  he  commanded  the  troops 
in  Guadalajara  to  embark  at  Acapulco,  under  the  orders  of  Doctor 
Palacios,  in  all  the  vessels  which  were  then  in  port,  and  to  scour  the 
shores  of  America  until  the  British  marauder  was  captured.  But 
upon  the  commander's  arrival  at  Acapulco  he  was  informed  that 
the  freebooter  had  already  abandoned  the  west  coast  after  sacking 
several  towns,  and  that  he  had  not  been  seen  or  heard  of  anywhere 
for  a  long  period.  Drake  meanwhile  was  in  concealment  among 
the  distant  and  unfrequented  coves  of  California,  in  such  a  situa- 
tion, however,  that  he  could  easily  intercept  the  galleon  which 
passed  every  year  from  the  Philippines  to  Mexico  laden  with  goods 
and  metals  of  considerable  value.  In  due  time  he  pounced  upon 
his  unsuspecting  prey,  and,  carrying  her  into  a  bay  near  the  Cape 
of  San  Lucas,  plundered  her  valuable  cargo  and  set  fire  to  the 
deserted  hull.  The  news  of  this  mishap  soon  reached  the  ears  of 
Palacios,  who  of  course  immediately  set  sail  after  the  corsair.  But 
Drake  was  already  far  on  his  way  to  a  spot  of  safety  in  which  he 


136  MEXICO. 

1589-1590 

and  his  companions  might  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  piratical 
adventure. 

This  successful  attack  upon  a  vessel  of  so  much  importance  to 
the  colony — for  only  one  was  annually  permitted  to  cross  the  Pa- 
cific— greatly  troubled  the  people  who  depended  upon  its  arrival 
for  their  yearly  supply  of  oriental  wares.  But  as  soon  as  the  gen- 
eral calm  was  gradually  restored,  an  internal  trouble  arose  which 
was  well-nigh  proving  of  serious  import  to  the  viceroyalty. 
Zuriiga  does  not  seem  to  have  been  contented  with  the  jurisdiction 
which  had  hitherto  been  conceded  to  the  viceroy,  but,  being  anxious 
to  extend  his  authority  over  certain  towns  and  villages  under  the 
control  of  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  he  demanded  of  that  body 
the  surrender  of  their  dominion.  The  audiencia,  however,  was 
jealous  of  its  rights,  and  would  not  yield  to  the  viceroy,  who  was 
equally  pertinacious.  The  dispute  ran  high  between  the  parties. 
Threats  were  used  when  diplomacy  failed,  and  at  length  the  dis- 
putants reached,  but  did  not  pass,  the  verge  of  civil  war,  for  on 
both  sides  they  seem  to  have  ordered  out  troops,  who  fortunately 
never  actually  engaged  in  combat. 

This  ill-judged  act  of  the  viceroy  was  fatal  to  his  power.  Let- 
ters and  petitions  were  forthwith  dispatched  to  Madrid  requiring 
and  begging  the  removal  of  a  man  whose  rashness  was  near  pro- 
ducing a  civil  war.  This  was  a  charge  not  to  be  disregarded  by  the 
king,  and  accordingly  we  find  that  a  successor  to  Zuniga  was  im- 
mediately named,  and  that  the  Bishop  of  Tlascala  was  appointed 
visitador  to  examine  the  conduct  of  the  deposed  viceroy. 

On  January  17,  1590,  this  prelate,  who  seems  to  have  been 
originally  inimical  to  Zuniga,  and  who  should  therefore  have  dis- 
dained the  office  of  his  judge,  ordered  him  to  depart  from  Mexico. 
All  the  property  of  the  late  viceroy — even  the  linen  of  his  wife — 
was  sequestrated;  the  most  harassing  annoyances  were  constantly 
inflicted  upon  him,  and  after  six  years,  poor  and  worn  down  by 
unceasing  trials,  he  returned  to  Spain,  where  the  influence  of  his 
friends  at  court  procured  the  restoration  of  his  property. 


Chapter    XVI 

THE    EXPLORATION    OF   THE    CALIFORMAS 

1 590-1 607 

LUIS  DE  VELASCO,  Count  de  Santiago,  was  the  son  of 
the  second  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  and  during-  the  adminis- 
-#  tration  of  his  father,  as  well  as  for  some  years  afterward, 
had  resided  in  Mexico,  where  he  filled  several  offices,  and  especially 
that  of  corregidor  of  Cempoalla.  He  was  not  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  last  viceroy,  Zufiiga,  for  he  had  suddenly  quitted  New 
Spain  in  the  same  vessel  that  brought  his  predecessor  to  America. 
Upon  his  arrival  at  the  Spanish  court  he  was  sent  as  ambassador 
to  Florence,  and,  the  exaggerated  news  of  the  supposed  civil  war 
in  Mexico  having  been  received  just  as  he  returned  from  his  mis- 
sion, Philip  determined  to  send  him  back  to  New  Spain.  This  de- 
cision was  no  doubt  founded  upon  Velasco's  intimate  acquaintance 
with  Mexico  and  its  people,  with  whom  his  interests  had  been  so 
long  bound  up  that  he  might  almost  be  regarded  as  a  native  of  the 
country. 

On  January  25,  1590,  Velasco  entered  the  capital  with  more 
pomp  and  rejoicing  than  had  ever  attended  the  advent  of  previous 
viceroys,  for  the  Mexicans  looked  upon  him  as  a  countryman.  As 
soon  as  he  was  seated  in  power  his  first  acts  demonstrated  his  good 
sense  and  mature  judgment.  His  wish  was  to  develop  the  country, 
to  make  not  only  its  mineral  and  agricultural  resources  available  to 
Spain,  but  to  open  the  channels  through  which  labor  could  obtain 
its  best  rewards.  He  therefore  ordered  the  manufactories  of  coarse 
stuffs  and  cloths  which  had  been  established  by  Mendoza  to  be  once 
more  opened,  after  the  long  period  in  which  the  Spanish  mercantile 
influence  had  kept  them  shut.  This  naturally  produced  an  excite- 
ment among  the  interested  foreign  traders,  but  the  viceroy  firmly 
maintained  his  determination  to  punish  severely  anyone  who  should 
oppose  his  decree. 

In  1 59 1  the  troublesome  Chichimecas  again  manifested  a  de- 
sire to  attack  the  Spaniards.     They  were  congregated  in  strongly 

137 


ViH  MEXICO 

1591-1593 

armed  bands  in  the  neighborhood  of  Zacatecas,  and  menaced  the 
Spanish  population  living  in  the  vicinity  of  the  rich  mines.  Trav- 
elers could  not  pass  through  the  country  without  a  military  escort. 
Strong  garrisons  had  been  placed  by  the  government  on  the 
frontiers,  and  merciless  war  declared  against  them,  but  all  was 
unavailing  to  stop  their  marauding  expeditions  among  the  whites. 
In  this  year,  however,  they  sent  commissioners  to  treat  with  the 
Spaniards  in  Mexico,  and  after  confessing  that  they  were  tired  of 
a  war  which  they  found  useless,  they  consented  to  abstain  from 
further  molestation  of  the  district  provided  the  viceroy  would  agree 
to  furnish  them  with  a  sufficiency  of  meat  for  their  support.  Ve- 
lasco  of  course  consented  to  this  demand  of  the  cattle  stealers,  and, 
moreover,  obtained  their  consent  to  the  admission  among  them  of 
a  body  of  Tlascalans  who  would  instruct  them  in  a  civil  and  Chris- 
tian mode  of  life.  Four  hundred  families  of  these  faithful  friends 
of  the  Spaniards  were  selected  for  this  colony ;  and,  together  with 
some  Franciscan  friars,  they  settled  in  four  bodies  so  as  to  form  an 
equal  number  of  colonies.  One  of  these  settlements  was  made  on 
the  side  of  a  rich  mineral  hill  and  took  the  name  of  San  Luis 
Potosi,  the  second  formed  San  Miguel  Mesqitic,  the  third  San 
Andres,  and  the  fourth  Colotlan.  Such  was  the  origin  of  these 
towns,  in  which  the  two  tribes  lived  for  many  years  in  perfect 
harmony,  but  without  intermingling  or  losing  their  individuality. 

Another  attempt  was  also  made,  as  had  been  done  previously, 
to  gather  the  dispersed  bands  of  Mexican  and  Otomi  Indians  into 
villages  and  settlements,  where  they  would  gradually  become  ac- 
customed to  civilized  life.  Velasco,  like  his  predecessor  Contreras, 
consulted  with  the  curas  and  the  people  who  were  best  acquainted 
with  the  temper  of  these  races,  and  learned  that  they  still  opposed 
humane  efforts  for  civilization,  preferring  the  vagabond  life  they 
had  so  long  led  and  which  had  now  become  necessary  and  natural. 
Nevertheless  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  try  the  experiment.  But 
the  first  Otomi  who  was  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  abandoning 
his  nomadic  habits  and  building  for  himself  a  regular  habitation, 
not  only  destroyed  his  wife  and  children,  but  terminated  his  own 
existence  by  hanging.  The  viceroy  then  suspended  his  operations 
and  reported  the  untoward  result,  together  with  the  opinion  of  his 
advisers,  to  the  court  of  Spain. 

Velasco,  ever  anxious  not  only  for  the  amelioration  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  Indians,  but  for  the  embellishment  of  the  capital  which 


EXPLORATION     OF     (' ALIFORNIAS      139 

1593-1594 

was  now  growing-  into  considerable  importance,  caused  the  Ala- 
meda of  Mexico  to  be  laid  out  and  planted  in  1593,  for  the  recrea- 
tion of  the  citizens.  This  magnificent  grove,  with  its  beautifully 
shaded  avenues  and  walks,  embellished  by  fountains  and  rilled  with 
everything  that  can  give  repose  or  comfort  to  the  fatigued  people 
who  are  anxious  to  steal  off  awhile  from  the  toil  and  bustle  of  a 
large  city,  still  exists  in  Mexico  as  an  evidence  of  the  taste  and 
liberality  of  the  viceroy. 

In  1594  Philip  II.  finding  himself  straitened  for  means  to 
carry  on  the  European  wars  in  which  he  was  engaged,  recurred  to 
the  unfortunate  and  unjust  system  of  forced  loans  to  increase  his 
revenue.  He  did  not  confine  himself  in  this  odious  compulsory  tax 
to  the  Old  World,  which  was  most  concerned  in  the  result  of  his 
wars,  but  instructed  Velasco  to  impose  a  tribute  of  four  reales,  or 
fifty  cents  upon  Indians,  in  addition  to  the  sum  they  already  paid 
his  majesty.  Velasco  reluctantly  undertook  the  unwelcome  task; 
but  anxious  to  lighten  the  burden  upon  the  natives  as  much  as 
possible,  and  at  the  same  time  to  foster  the  raising  of  poultry  and 
cattle  among  these  people,  he  compounded  the  whole  tax  of  a  dol- 
lar, which  they  were  obliged  to  pay,  for  seven  reales,  or  eighty- 
seven  and  a  half  cents,  and  one  fowl,  which  at  that  time  was  valued 
at  a  single  real,  or  twelve  and  a  half  cents.  This,  it  will  be  per- 
ceived, was  amiably  designed  by  the  viceroy,  but  became  imme- 
diately the  subject  of  gross  abuse.  The  Indians  are  slowly  moved 
either  to  new  modes  of  cultivation  or  to  new  objects  of  care,  even 
of  the  most  domestic  and  useful  character.  Instead  of  devoting 
themselves  to  the  raising  of  poultry  with  the  industrious  thrift  that 
would  have  saved  one-eighth  of  their  taxation,  or  twelve  and  a 
half  per  cent.,  they  allowed  the  time  to  pass  without  providing  the 
required  bird  in  their  homesteads,  so  that  when  the  tax  gatherer 
arrived  they  were  forced  to  buy  the  fowl  instead  of  selling  it.  This 
of  course  raised  the  price,  and  the  consequence  was  that  the  Indian 
was  obliged  often  to  pay  two  or  three  reales  more  than  the  original 
amount  of  the  whole  taxation  of  one  dollar !  It  is  related  that  one 
of  the  oidores  who  had  taken  eight  hundred  fowls  reserved  two 
hundred  for  the  consumption  of  his  house,  and  through  an  agent 
sold  the  rest  at  three  reales,  or  thirty-seven  and  a  half  cents  each, 
by  which  he  contrived  to  make  a  profit  of  two  hundred  per  cent. 
Various  efforts  were  made  to  remedy  this  shameful  abuse  or  to 
revoke  the  decree,  but  the  system  was  found   to   be   too  profitable 


140  MEXICO 

1594-1596 

among  the  officials  to  be  abandoned  without  a  severe  struggle.  We 
are  unable  to  discover  that  the  viceroy  in  this  instance  used  his 
authority  to  restore  the  Indians  to  their  original  rights. 

In  1595  it  was  determined  to  colonize  the  supposed  kingdom 
of  Quivara,  which  now  received  the  name  of  New  Mexico,  but  be- 
fore the  expedition  could  set  forth  under  the  command  of  Juan  de 
Onate,  Velasco  received  a  dispatch  informing  him  that  he  had  been 
named  viceroy  of  Peru,  and  that  his  successor,  Don  Gaspar  de 
Zufiiga  Acebedo,  Count  of  Monterey,  would  soon  appear  in  the 
colonial  metropolis. 

The  Count  of  Monterey,  the  ninth  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ar- 
rived at  San  Juan  de  Ulua  on  September  18,  1595,  and  on  Novem- 
ber 5  entered  the  capital.  At  first  he  exhibited  a  cold  and  apathetic 
temper,  and  appeared  to  take  but  little  interest  in  the  affairs  of 
the  government;  but  it  is  supposed  that,  being  a  prudent  and 
cautious  man,  he  was  in  no  haste  to  undertake  the  direction  of 
affairs  while  he  was  altogether  unacquainted  both  with  the  tem- 
per of  the  people  and  the  nature  of  their  institutions.  An  early 
measure,  however,  of  his  administration  deserves  to  be  recorded 
and  remembered.  He  found  the  Indians  still  suffering  and  com- 
plaining under  the  odious  fowl  tax  created  by  his  predecessor 
for  the  protection  of  domestic  industry,  but  which  had  been  per- 
verted for  the  selfish  and  avaricious  purposes  of  the  receivers.  He 
immediately  abolished  this  impost,  and  diminished  the  whole 
amount  of  taxation  upon  the  Indians. 

In  consequence  of  the  loss  of  the  galleon  from  the  Philippines, 
which  we  have  related,  the  king  ordered  an  expedition  under  the 
command  of  General  Sebastian  Viscaino  to  examine  and  scour  the 
coasts  of  the  Californias,  where  it  was  alleged  the  precious  metals, 
and,  especially,  the  most  valuable  pearls,  would  be  found  in 
abundance.  Viscaino  recruited  a  large  number  of  followers  in 
Mexico  for  this  enterprise,  and  set  sail  with  three  vessels,  in  1596, 
from  Acapulco.  The  adventurers  coasted  the  territory  for  a  con- 
siderable time  without  finding  a  suitable  location  in  which  they 
might  settle  advantageously,  until  at  length  they  disembarked  in 
the  port  of  La  Paz,  whence,  however,  they  soon  departed  for  want 
of  provisions  and  supplies  of  every  kind. 

Meanwhile  the  Count  of  Monterey  examined  into  the  state  of 
the  expedition  to  New  Mexico,  which  he  found  had  been  projected 
and  partly  prepared  by  his  predecessor.     He  made  some  changes 


EXPLORATION     OF     CALIFORNIAS      141 

1596-1598 

in  the  plan  agreed  on  between  Velasco  and  Oriate,  and  in  order  to 
exhibit  his  good  will  to  the  latter  personage  he  joined  with  him  in 
the  enterprise  his  relation,  Vicente  Saldivar,  who  had  gathered  a 
number  of  emigrants  for  these  remote  and  northern  regions. 
People  were  tempted  to  abandon  their  homes  by  the  reports  of 
extraordinary  mineral  wealth  which  was  to  be  obtained  in  these 
unexplored  portions  of  New  Spain ;  and  accordingly,  when  the 
standard  of  the  expedition  was  raised  in  the  great  square  of  the 
capital,  crowds  of  men  with  their  families  flocked  around  it  to 
enlist  for  the  hazardous  and  toilsome  service. 

The  first  news  received  from  the  emigrant  colonists,  when  they 
reached  Caxco,  two  hundred  leagues  from  the  capital,  was  disas- 
trous. Quarrels  had  originated  among  the  adventurers,  who  as- 
serted that  the  terms  of  the  expedition  had  not  been  complied  with 
faithfully.  As  soon  as  the  viceroy  heard  of  the  discontent  he  dis- 
patched Don  Lope  de  Ulloa  as  a  pacificator  to  the  inflamed  band, 
which  was  quickly  reduced  to  harmony  and  persuaded  to  continue 
its  journey  to  the  promised  land.  At  length  the  weary  emigrants 
reached  the  boasted  El  Dorado;  but  finding  the  reports  of  mineral 
wealth  altogether  exaggerated,  and,  doubting  the  advantage  of 
residing  with  their  families  permanently  in  such  distant  outposts, 
many  of  them  retraced  their  way  southward  to  regions  that  were 
more  densely  populated. 

In  1598  another  effort  was  resolved  on  to  gather  the  dispersed 
and  refractory  vagabond  Indians  who  wandered  about  the  territory 
under  the  name  of  Mexicans  and  Otomies.  While  they  maintained 
their  perfectly  nomadic  state  it  was  evident  that  they  were  useless 
either  as  productive  laborers  for  the  Spaniards  or  as  objects  of 
taxation  for  the  sovereign.  It  was  a  wise  policy,  therefore,  to 
attempt  what  was  philanthropically  called  their  civilization;  but 
upon  this  occasion,  as  upon  all  the  others  that  preceded  it,  the  fail- 
ure was  signal.  Commissioners  and  notaries  were  selected  and 
large  salaries  paid  these  officials  to  insure  their  faithful  services  in 
congregating  the  dispersed  natives.  But  the  government  agents, 
who  well  knew  the  difficulty  if  not  the  absolute  impossibility  of 
achieving  the  desired  object,  amused  themselves  by  receiving  and 
spending  the  liberal  salaries  disbursed  by  the  government,  while 
the  Indians  still  continued  as  uncontrolled  as  ever.  The  Count 
of  Monterey  was  nevertheless  obstinately  bent  on  the  prosecution 
of  this  favorite  policy  of  the  king,  and  squandered  upon  these  vile 


14*  MEXICO 

1998*1602 

ministerial  agents  upward  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  with- 
out producing  the  least  beneficial  result.  In  the  following  viceroy's 
reign  he  was  sentenced  to  pay  the  government  this  large  sum  as 
having  been  unwisely  spent;  but  was  finally  absolved  from  its  dis- 
charge by  the  court  to  which  he  appealed  from  the  decision  of  his 
successor. 

In  the  beginning  of  1599  the  news  was  received  in  Mexico  of 
the  death  of  Philip  II.  and  of  the  accession  of  Philip  III.  This 
event  was  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  in  the  annals  of  the  colony 
during  the  last  year  of  the  sixteenth  century,  except  that  the  town 
of  Monterey  in  New  Leon  was  founded,  and  that  a  change  was 
made  by  the  viceroy  of  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz,  from  its  former 
sickly  site  at  La  Antigua,  to  one  which  has  since  become  equally 
unhealthful. 

The  first  three  years  of  the  seventeenth  century  were  chiefly 
characterized  by  renewed  viceroyal  efforts  among  the  Indians.  The 
project  of  congregating  the  nomadic  natives  was  abandoned,  and 
various  attempts  were  made  to  break  up  the  system  of  reparti- 
mientos,  which  had  been,  as  we  have  seen,  the  established  policy 
of  the  colony,  if  not  of  the  king,  ever  since  the  conquest.  If  the 
Indians  were  abandoned  to  their  own  free  will,  it  was  supposed 
that  their  habits  were  naturally  so  thriftless  that  they  would  be- 
come burdensome  instead  of  beneficial  to  the  Spanish  colonists,  and 
ultimately  might  resolve  themselves  into  mere  wanderers  like  the 
Otomies  and  their  vagabond  companions.  Yet  it  was  acknowl- 
edged that  their  involuntary  servitude,  and  the  disastrous  train  of 
impositions  it  entailed,  were  unchristian  and  unjust.  There  was  a 
dilemma,  in  fact,  between  idleness  and  tyranny;  but  the  viceroy 
conceived  it  his  duty  to  endeavor  once  more  with  an  honest  zeal  to 
sustain  the  humane  policy  of  freedom  which  was  recommended, 
not  only  by  the  sovereign,  but  by  the  religious  orders  who  were 
supposed  to  know  the  natives  best.  Various  projects  were  adopted 
to  harmonize  their  freedom  with  a  necessary  degree  of  labor,  in 
order  to  insure  them  wages  and  support,  while  they  were  preserved 
together  in  organized  societies.  After  the  repartimientos  were 
abrogated,  the  Indians  were  compelled  to  assemble  on  every  Sab- 
bath in  the  public  squares  of  the  villages  and  towns,  where  they 
made  their  contracts  of  service  by  the  day.  The  viceroy  himself, 
anxious  to  prevent  fraud,  assisted  personally  in  the  reunions  at 
the  plazas  or  squares  of  San  Juan  and  Santiago.   But  it  was  all  in 


EXPLORATION     OF     C  ALIFORM  AS      148 

1602-1604 

vain.  The  proprietors,  landowners,  and  agents  were  opposed  to  the 
scheme.  Brokers  interposed,  and,  after  hiring  the  Indians  at  mod- 
erate rates  in  contracts  made  with  themselves,  sublet  them  to 
others  on  higher  terms.  And  at  last  it  is  alleged  that  the  unfortu- 
nate natives,  seeing  the  bad  operation  of  the  viceroy's  kind  in- 
tentions in  their  behalf,  and  finding  their  condition  less  happy  when 
they  had  to  take  care  of  themselves  than  when  they  were  taken  care 
of,  appealed  to  the  Count  of  Monterey  to  restore  the  old  system  of 
repartimientos,  under  which  they  were  at  least  spared  the  trouble 
of  seeking  for  task-masters  and  support.  Indolent  by  nature, 
creatures  of  habit,  and  living  in  a  country  whose  bosom  afforded 
them  spontaneously  most  of  the  luxuries  required  by  such  a  class, 
they  submitted  to  what  in  fact  was  the  greatest  evil  of  their  lot, 
because  it  relieved  them  of  the  trouble  of  individual  effort ! 

In  1602  Philip  III.  ordered  another  expedition  for  the  coloni- 
zation and  exploration  of  the  Californias.  It  departed  in  three 
ships  and  a  bark  from  Acapulco.  on  May  5,  under  the  command 
of  Viscanio.  Torribio  Gomez  Corban  was  the  admiral  of  the  little 
fleet,  and  Antonio  Flores,  pilot.  From  the  day  of  its  departure 
it  was  driven  by  severe  gales,  but  at  length  the  port  of  Monterey 
was  reached  by  the  weary  crews,  who  continued  along  the  coast 
until  they  arrived  at  Cape  Blanco  de  San  Sabastian,  somewhat 
beyond  Cape  Mendozino.  There  the  voyagers  were  sorely  at- 
tacked with  scurvy,  which  thinned  their  numbers  to  such  an  extent 
that,  of  the  whole,  only  six  were  able  to  do  duty.  With  this  scant 
equipment  of  men  the  vessels  reached  Mazatlan,  where  the  crews 
recruited  their  health ;  and,  passing  thence  to  Acapulco,  the  expedi- 
tion once  more  landed  in  the  midst  of  civilization  and  hastened  back 
to  the  capital  to  give  a  bad  report  of  the  country  which  has  since 
become  the  El  Dorado  of  the  world. 

The  Count  of  Monterey  was  transferred  to  the  viceroyalty  of 
Peru  in  1603,  and  left  the  capital  amid  the  general  grief  of  a 
society  whose  cordial  esteem  he  seems  to  have  won  and  retained 
during  his  whole  administration. 

The  advent  of  his  successor,  Don  Juan  de  Mendoza  y  Luna. 
Marques  de  Montesclaros,  to  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain  was 
distinguished  by  an  unusual  degree  of  tranquillity  throughout  the 
colony.  During  the  preceding  administrations  most  of  the  sub- 
jects of  internal  discontent  were  set  at  rest,  and  the  aborigines 
who  had  been  subjected  to  the  yoke  were  now  becoming  accus- 


144?  MEXICO 

1604-1607 

tomed  to  bear  it.  In  1604  the  abundant  rains  in  the  valley 
of  Mexico  during  the  month  of  August  caused  an  inundation 
which  greatly  alarmed  the  population.  The  city  and  adjacent 
country  were  laid  under  water,  and  such  was  the  general  dis- 
tress that  the  marques  solicited  the  opinions  of  skillful  persons 
in  regard  to  the  canal  of  Huehuetoca,  which  had  heretofore  been 
spoken  of  as  the  only  means  of  freeing  the  capital  from  destruction 
by  the  swollen  flood  of  the  lakes.  The  reports  made  to  him,  how- 
ever, represented  the  enterprise  as  one  of  immense  labor  and 
expense,  as  well  as  requiring  a  great  length  of  time  for  its  comple- 
tion. He  therefore  abandoned  the  project  for  the  present,  and 
merely  repaired  the  albarrada  or  dyke  which  Velasco  had  already 
constructed.  In  addition  to  this  precautionary  measure  he  caused 
the  calzadas,  or  raised  turnpikes,  of  Guadalupe  and  San  Cristoval 
to  be  constructed,  which,  while  they  led  to  the  open  country  beyond 
the  city,  served  also  as  additional  barriers  against  the  waters. 
After  the  completion  of  these  highways,  he  next  directed  his  atten- 
tion to  those  of  San  Antonio  and  Chapultepec,  which  were  quickly 
finished,  and  merited  the  name  of  "  Roman  works,"  for  the  massive 
strength  and  durability  of  their  construction.  Various  other  useful 
municipal  works,  such  as  aqueducts  and  sewers,  engaged  the  notice 
of  the  viceroy  until  1607;  and  after  the  proclamation  of  the  Prince 
of  Asturias  (Philip  IV.)  by  order  of  the  king  he  was  ordered  to 
pass  from  Mexico  to  Peru,  where  he  was  charged  with  the  duties 
of  the  viceroyalty. 


Chapter     XVII 

THE    CANAL    OF    HUEHUETOCA.     1607-1896 

DON  LUIS  VELASCO,  the  second  Count  de  Santiago  and 
the  first  Marques  de  Salinas,  had  been  seven  years 
viceroy  of  Peru  since  he  left  the  government  of  Mexico, 
when  he  was  summoned  once  more  to  rule  a  country  of  which  he 
felt  himself  almost  a  native.  He  was  tired  of  public  life,  and 
being  advanced  in  years  would  gladly  have  devoted  the  rest  of  his 
existence  to  the  care  of  his  family  and  the  management  of  his 
valuable  estates  in  the  colony.  But  he  could  not  refuse  the  nomina- 
tion of  the  king,  and  at  the  age  of  seventy  once  more  found  himself 
at  the  head  of  affairs  in  New  Spain. 

The  government  of  this  excellent  nobleman  has  been  signalized 
in  history  by  the  erection  of  the  magnificent  public  work  designed 
for  the  drainage  of  the  valley.  The  results  of  Velasco's  labors 
were  permanent,  and  as  his  work,  or  at  least  a  large  portion  of  it, 
remains  to  the  present  day,  and  serves  to  secure  the  capital  from  the 
floods  with  which  it  is  constantly  menaced,  we  shall  describe  the 
whole  of  this  magnificent  enterprise  at  present,  though  our 
description  will  carry  us,  chronologically,  out  of  the  period  under 
consideration,  and  lead  us  from  the  seventeenth  to  the  nineteenth 
century. 

The  valley  of  Mexico  is  a  great  basin,  which,  although  7500 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  of  course  subject  to  constant  and 
rapid  evaporation,  is  yet  exceedingly  humid  for  so  elevated  a  re- 
gion. No  stream  except  the  small  arroyo  or  rivulet  of  Tequisquiac 
issues  from  the  valley,  while  the  rivers  Papalotla,  Tezcoco,  Teoti- 
huacan,  Guadalupe,  Pachuca,  and  Guautitlan  pour  into  it  and  form 
the  five  lakes  of  Chalco,  Xochimilco,  Tezcoco,  San  Cristoval,  and 
Zumpango.  "  These  lakes  rise  by  stages  as  they  approach  the 
northern  extremity  of  the  valley;  the  waters  of  Tezcoco  being  in 
their  ordinary  state  four  Mexican  varas  and  eight  inches  lower 
than  the  waters  of  the  lake  of  San  Cristoval,  which  again  are  six 
varas  lower  than  the  waters  of  the  lake  Zumpango,  which  forms 

145 


146  MEXICO 

1604-1607 

the  northernmost  link  of  this  dangerous  chain.  The  level  of  Mex- 
ico in  1803  was  exactly  one  vara,  one  foot,  and  one  inch  above  that 
of  the  lake  of  Tezcoco,  and  consequently  was  nine  varas  and  five 
inches  lower  than  that  of  the  lake  of  Zumpango ;  a  disproportion 
the  effects  of  which  have  been  more  severely  felt  because  the  lake  of 
Zumpango  receives  the  tributary  streams  of  the  River  Guautitlan, 
whose  volume  is  more  considerable  than  that  of  all  the  other  rivers 
which  enter  the  valley  combined. 

"  In  the  inundations  to  which  this  peculiarity  in  the  formation 
of  the  valley  of  Mexico  has  given  rise  a  similar  succession  of  events 
has  been  always  observed.  The  lake  of  Zumpango,  swollen  by  the 
rapid  increase  of  the  River  Guautitlan  during  the  rainy  season, 
forms  a  junction  with  that  of  San  Cristoval,  and  the  waters  of  the 
two  combined  burst  the  dykes  which  separate  them  from  the  lake 
of  Tezcoco.  The  waters  of  this  last  again,  raised  suddenly  more 
than  a  vara  above  their  usual  level,  and  prevented  from  extending 
themselves  to  the  east  and  southeast  by  the  rapid  rise  of  the  ground 
in  that  direction,  rush  back  toward  the  capital  and  fill  the  streets 
which  approach  nearest  to  their  own  level.  This  was  the  case  in 
the  years  1553,  1580,  1604,  and  1607,  in  each  of  which  years  the 
capital  was  entirely  under  water,  and  the  dykes  which  had  been 
constructed  for  its  protection  destroyed." 

Such  is  a  topographical  sketch  of  the  country  accurately  given 
by  a  careful  writer  1 ;  and  to  protect  an  important  region  so  con- 
stantly menaced  with  inundation  the  viceroy  now  addressed  him- 
self. Accordingly  he  commissioned  the  engineer,  Enrique  Mar- 
tinez, in  1607  to  attempt  the  drainage  of  the  lake  of  Zumpango  by 
the  stupendous  canal  known  under  the  name  of  the  Desague  de 
Huehuetoca. 

'  The  plan  of  Martinez  appears  to  have  embraced  two  distinct 
objects,  the  first  of  which  extended  to  the  lakes  of  Tezcoco  and  San 
Cristoval.  while  the  second  was  confined  to  the  lake  of  Zumpango, 
whose  superfluous  waters  were  to  be  carried  into  the  valley  of  Tula 
by  a  subterraneous  canal,  into  which  the  River  Guautitlan  was  like- 
wise compelled  to  flow.  The  second  of  these  projects  only  was 
approved  by  the  government ;  and  the  line  of  the  canal  having  been 
traced  by  Martinez  between  the  cerro  or  hill  of  Sincoque  and  the 
hill  of  Nochistongo  to  the  northwest  of  Huehuetoca,  where  the 
mountains  that  surrounded  the  valley  are  less  elevated  than  in  any 
other  spot,  the  great  subterraneous  gallery  of  Nochistongo  was 
'Ward,  "Mexico  in  1827.'*  vol.  II.  p.  282ft. 


CANAL     OF     HUEHUETOCA  147 

1607*1629 

commenced  on  November  28,  1607.  Fifteen  thousand  Indians 
were  employed  in  this  work,  and  as  a  number  of  air-shafts  were 
sunk,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  work  upon  the  different  points  at 
once,  in  eleven  months  a  tunnel  of  six  thousand  six  hundred  meters 
in  length,  three  meters  five  in  breadth  and  four  meters  two  in 
height,  was  concluded. 

"  From  the  northern  extremity  of  this  tunnel,  called  la  boca 
de  San  Gregorio,  an  open  cut  of  eight  thousand  six  hundred  meters 
conducted  the  waters  to  the  salto  or  fall  of  the  River  Tula,  where, 
quitting  the  valley  of  Mexico,  they  precipitate  themselves  into  that 
of  Tula  from  a  natural  terrace  of  twenty  Mexican  varas  in  height 
and  take  their  course  toward  the  bar  of  Tampico,  where  they  enter 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  An  enterprise  of  such  magnitude  could 
hardly  be  free  from  defects,  and  Martinez  soon  discovered  that  the 
unbaked  bricks  of  which  the  interior  of  the  tunnel  was  composed 
were  unable  to  resist  the  action  of  water,  which,  being  confined 
within  narrow  limits,  was  at  times  impelled  through  the  tunnel  with 
irresistible  violence.  A  facing  of  wood  proved  equally  ineffectual, 
and  masonry  was  at  last  resorted  to ;  but  even  this,  though  success- 
ful for  a  time,  did  not  answer  permanently,  because  the  engineer, 
instead  of  an  elliptical  arch,  constructed  nothing  but  a  sort  of  vault, 
the  sides  of  which  rested  upon  a  foundation  of  no  solidity.  The 
consequence  was  that  the  walls  were  gradually  undermined  by  the 
water,  and  that  the  vault  itself  in  many  parts  fell  in. 

"  This  accident  rendered  the  government  indifferent  to  the  fate 
of  the  gallery,  which  was  neglected,  and  finally  abandoned  in  the 
year  1623,  when  a  Dutch  engineer,  named  Adrian  Boot,  induced 
the  viceroy  to  resume  the  old  system  of  dyke  and  embankments, 
and  to  give  orders  for  closing  the  tunnel  of  Nochistongo.  A  sud- 
den rise  in  the  lake  of  Tezcoco  caused  these  orders  to  be  revoked, 
and  Martinez  was  again  allowed  to  proceed  with  his  works,  which 
he  continued  until  June  20,  1629,  when  an  event  took  place  the  real 
causes  of  which  have  never  been  ascertained. 

"  The  rainy  season  having  set  in  with  unusual  violence. 
Martinez,  either  desirous  to  convince  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital 
of  the  utility  of  his  gallery,  or  fearful,  as  he  himself  stated,  that  the 
fruits  of  his  labor  would  be  destroyed  by  the  entrance  of  too  great 
a  volume  of  water,  closed  the  mouth  of  the  tunnel  without  com- 
municating to  anyone  his  intention  to  do  so.  The  effect  was  in- 
stantaneous; and  in  one  night  the  whole  town  of  Mexico  was  laid 


148  MEXICO 

1629-1634 

under  water,  with  the  exception  of  the  great  square  and  one  of  the 
suburbs.  In  all  the  other  streets  the  water  rose  upwards  of  three 
feet,  and  during  five  years,  from  1629  to  1634,  canoes  formed  the 
only  medium  of  communication  between  them.  The  foundations 
of  many  of  the  principal  houses  were  destroyed,  trade  was  para- 
lyzed, the  lower  classes  reduced  to  the  lowest  state  of  misery,  and 
orders  were  actually  given  by  the  court  of  Madrid  to  abandon  the 
town  and  build  a  new  capital  in  the  elevated  plains  between  Tacuba 
and  Tacubaya,  to  which  the  waters  of  the  lakes,  even  before  the 
conquest,  had  never  been  known  to  extend. 

"  The  necessity  of  this  measure  was  obviated  by  a  succession 
of  earthquakes  in  the  dry  year  of  1634,  when  the  valley  was  cracked 
and  rent  in  various  directions,  and  the  waters  gradually  disap- 
peared ;  a  miracle  for  which  due  credit  should  be  given  to  the 
Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  by  whose  powerful  intercession  it  is  said  to 
have  been  effected. 

"  Martinez,  who  had  been  thrown  into  confinement  in  1629, 
was  released  upon  the  termination  of  the  evils  which  his  impru- 
dence was  said  to  have  occasioned,  and  was  again  placed  by  a  new 
viceroy,  the  Marques  de  Cerralvo,  at  the  head  of  the  works  by  which 
similar  visitations  were  to  be  averted  in  future.  Under  his  super- 
intendence the  great  dyke  or  calzada  of  San  Cristoval  was  put  in 
order,2  by  which  the  lake  of  that  name  is  divided  from  that  of 
Tezcoco.  This  gigantic  work,  which  consists  of  two  distinct 
masses,  the  first,  one  league,  and  the  second,  one  thousand  five  hun- 
dred varas  in  length,  is  ten  varas  in  width  or  thickness  throughout, 
and  from  three  and  a  half  to  four  varas  in  height.  It  is  composed 
entirely  of  stone,  with  buttresses  of  solid  masonry  on  both  sides, 
and  three  sluices  by  which  in  any  emergency  a  communication  be- 
tween the  lakes  can  be  effected  and  regulated  at  the  same  time. 
The  whole  was  concluded,  like  the  gallery  of  Nochistongo,  in  eleven 
months,  although  as  many  years  would  now  be  required  for  such  an 
undertaking.  But  in  those  days  the  sacrifice  of  life,  and  particularly 
of  Indian  life,  in  public  works  was  not  regarded.  Many  thousands 
of  the  natives  perished  before  the  desague  was  completed ;  and  to 
their  loss,  as  well  as  to  the  hardships  endured  by  the  survivors,  may 
be  ascribed  the  horror  with  which  the  name  of  Huehuetoca  is  pro- 
nounced by  their  descendants. 

2  The  calzada  of  San  Cristoval  was  originally  erected,  according  to  good  au- 
thority, in  the  year  1605. 


CANAL     OF     HUEHUETOCA  149 

1708-1896 

The  " Guia  General  Descriptiva  de  la  Repitblica  Mexicana" 3 
divides  the  work  undertaken  for  the  proper  drainage  of  the  valley 
of  Mexico  into  four  epochs.  In  the  year  1449,  during-  the  rule  of 
Montezuma,  the  first  dams  connecting  Tenochtitlan  (Mexico)  with 
Tepeyac  (Guadalupe)  and  Xochimilco  were  constructed.  During 
the  colonial  empire  (1553)  a  curved  dam  was  built  to  replace  those 
destroyed  by  Cortez  during  the  war,  others  being  built  in  1604 
and  1708.  During  the  republican  regime  President  Comonfort,  in 
1856,  invited  the  competition  of  experts,  both  native  and  foreign, 
whose  plans  for  the  drainage  works  should  fulfill  certain  condi- 
tions, among  them  being  the  stipulation  that  the  waste  waters  be 
always  used  for  irrigation  purposes.  Of  the  seven  projects  pre- 
sented, that  of  engineer  Francisco  Garay  was  selected,  and  the 
work  has  lately  been  finished  in  accordance  with  his  plans.  The 
delay  in  the  completion  of  the  work  was  due  to  several  disturbances 
in  the  country,  until,  in  1885,  President  Diaz  approved  an  appro- 
priation of  $400,000  a  year  for  the  continuance  of  the  work  until 
it  should  be  finished,  which  was  successfully  effected  in  1896  at  a 
cost  of  $13,000,000.  The  work  on  the  main  canal,  which  necessi- 
tated the  removal  of  10,215,000  cubic  meters  of  earth,  kept  3000 
men  and  5  dredging  machines  constantly  employed.  During  the 
progress  of  the  work  upheavals  of  the  soft  bed  of  the  canal  oc- 
curred several  times,  thus  rendering  it  necessary  to  commence  the 
work  anew.  The  canal  starts  at  a  point  east  of  the  city  about  on  a 
level  with  the  lake  of  Tezcoco,  1.30  meters  below  the  mean  level  of 
Mexico,  crosses  the  River  Guadalupe  by  means  of  an  aqueduct  50 
centimeters  above  the  mean  level  of  the  river,  extends  for  a  dis- 
tance of  48  kilometers,  penetrating  deeper  and  deeper  into  the 
earth  until  it  enters  a  tunnel  10  kilometers  in  length,  constructed  at 
a  slight  incline  and  furnished  with  vent  holes  to  a  depth  of  94 
meters. 

The  valley  of  Mexico  has  undergone  a  great  modification 
with  the  opening  of  the  main  canal.  The  waters,  which  formerly 
emptied  into  the  small  lakes,  and  owing  to  the  configuration  of  the 
land  had  no  natural  outlets,  thus  constituting  at  times  centers  of 
infectious  diseases,  are  now  drained  into  the  lake  of  Tezcoco  and 
can  be  controlled  at  will,  either  allowed  to  flow  out  when  too 
abundant,  or  retained  for  irrigation  purposes  in  case  of  need.  As 
the  valley  is  situated  within  the  torrid  zone,  its  climate  might  nat- 
3  Compiled  by  J.  Figueroa  Domenech-Araluce,  publisher,  Mexico,  1899. 


150  MEXICO 

1609-1611 

turally  be  expected  to  be  exceedingly  hot,  but  as  its  altitude  above 
sea  level  is  2280  meters,  the  mean  temperature  is  that  of  the  tem- 
perate zone.  During  the  summer  the  maximum  temperature  is 
reached  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  in  the  months  of  April  and 
May,  and  does  not  exceed  260  C.  (78.80°  F.),  while  the  lowest 
temperature  in  the  morning  during  the  same  months  is  about 
io°  C.  (500  F.),  the  mean  temperature  being  from  18°  to  190  C. 
(640  to  66°  F.).  During  the  winter  the  minimum  temperature 
recorded  in  the  mornings  of  November,  December,  and  January 
is  about  20  C.  (350  F.),  while  the  maximum  experienced  during 
the  same  months  is  from  190  to  200  C.  (66°  to  68°  F.),  the  mean 
temperature  being,  therefore,  about  120  C.  (53.60°  F.).  As  in- 
dicated by  these  figures,  the  mornings  are  cool  and  pleasant  all 
the  year  and  the  afternoons  temperate.  There  are  only  two  sea- 
sons— the  dry  season  from  October  to  March,  and  the  rainy  season 
from  April  to  September.  The  rainfall  throughout  the  year  is  not 
very  heavy,  but  as  it  is  all  utilized  in  the  valley  for  irrigation  pur- 
poses, it  equals  in  its  effect  a  much  larger  quantity.  The  winds 
blow  from  the  northeast,  but  are  never  so  strong  as  to  become 
hurricanes. 

In  the  year  1609  a  large  number  of  negroes  rebelled  against 
the  Spaniards.  It  seems  that  the  blacks  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Cordova,  who  were  in  fact  slaves  on  many  of  the  haciendas  or  plan- 
tations, having  been  treated  in  an  inhuman  manner  by  their  owners, 
rose  against  them  in  great  force,  and  gathering  together  in  the 
adjacent  mountains  menaced  their  tyrannical  taskmasters  with 
death  and  their  property  with  ruin.  Velasco  sent  one  hundred 
soldiers,  one  hundred  volunteers,  one  hundred  Indian  archers, 
together  with  two  hundred  Spaniards  and  Mestizos,  to  attack 
them  in  their  fastnesses.  Several  skirmishes  took  place  between 
the  slaves  and  these  forces,  and  at  length  the  negroes  yielded  to 
the  Spaniards,  craving  their  pardon,  inasmuch  as  their  "  insur- 
rection was  not  against  the  king,"  and  promising  that  they  would 
no  longer  afford  a  refuge  to  the  blacks  who  absconded  from  the 
plantations.  Velasco  at  once  granted  their  request,  and  permitted 
them  to  settle  in  the  town  of  San  Lorenzo. 

In  1610  and  161 1  there  were  but  few  important  incidents  in 
the  history  of  New  Spain,  which  was  now  gradually  forming  itself 
into  a  regularly  organized  state,  free  from  all  those  violent  internal 
commotions  which  nations,  like  men.  are  forced  to  undergo  in  their 


C  A  N  A  L     O  F     H  U  E  H  I T  E  T  O  C  A  1 51 

1611-1612 

infancy.  The  viceroy  still  endeavored  to  ameliorate  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Indians,  and  dispatched  a  mission  to  Japan  in  order 
to  extend  the  oriental  commerce  of  Spain.  The  true  policy  of 
Castile  would  have  been,  instead  of  crushing-  Mexico  by  colonial 
restrictions,  to  have  raised  her  gradually  into  a  gigantic  state, 
which,  situated  in  the  center  of  America,  on  the  narrowest  part  of 
the  continent  between  the  two  oceans,  and  holding  in  her  veins  the 
precious  metals  in  exhaustless  quantities,  might  reasonably  have 
been  expected  to  grasp  and  hold  the  commerce  of  the  East  and  of 
Europe,  for  such  would  seem  the  natural  destiny  of  Mexico  if  we 
examine  her  geographical  features  carefully. 

Velasco  was  now  well-stricken  in  years  and  required  repose. 
His  master,  appreciating  his  faithful  services  and  his  unquestion- 
able loyalty,  added  to  his  already  well-earned  titles  that  of  Marques 
de  Salinas,  and  creating  him  president  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies 
recalled  him  to  Spain,  where  he  could  pass  in  quiet  the  evening  of 
his  days,  while  he  was  also  enabled  to  impart  the  results  of  his 
vast  American  experience  to  the  king  and  court. 

Velasco,  as  an  especial  mark  of  royal  favor,  was  desired  to 
retain  his  power  as  viceroy  until  the  moment  of  embarkation  for 
Spain,  and  then  to  depose  it  in  favor  of  the  monk  Garcia  Guerra, 
who  had  been  the  worthy  prior  of  a  Dominican  convent  at  Burgos 
in  Spain  until  he  was  nominated  to  the  archepiscopal  see  of  Mexico. 
His  government  was  brief  and  altogether  eventless.  He  became 
viceroy  on  June  17,  161 1,  and  died  on  February  22,  in  the  following 
year,  of  a  wound  he  received  in  falling  as  he  descended  from 
his  coach. 

Upon  his  death  the  audiencia  of  course  took  possession  of 
the  government  during  the  interregnum ;  and,  as  it  seems  that  this 
body  of  men  was  always  doomed  to  celebrate  its  authority  by  acts 
of  folly  or  cruelty,  we  find  that  soon  after  its  accession  to  power 
the  city  was  alarmed  by  the  news  of  another  outbreak  among  the 
negroes.  The  people  were  panic-stricken.  A  terrible  noise  had 
been  heard  in  the  streets  of  the  metropolis  during  the  night,  and 
although  it  was  proved  that  the  disturbance  was  entirely  caused  by 
the  entrance  during  the  darkness  of  a  large  drove  of  hogs,  the 
audiencia  determined  nevertheless  to  appease  public  opinion  by  the 
execution  of  twenty-nine  male  negroes  and  four  negro  women ! 
Their  withered  and  fetid  bodies  were  left  to  hang  on  the  gallows, 
tainting  the  air  and  shocking  the  eyes  of  every  passer,  until  the 


152  MEXICO 

1612-1621 

neighborhood  could  no  longer  bear  the  sickly  stench  and  impe- 
riously demanded  their  removal. 

The  Marques  de  Guadalcazar,  Don  Diego  Fernandez  de  Cor- 
dova, entered  upon  the  viceroyalty  on  October  28,  1612,  and  his 
government  passed  in  quiet,  engaged  in  the  mere  ordinary  discharge 
of  executive  duties  during  the  first  four  years,  subsequent  to  which 
an  Indian  insurrection  of  a  formidable  character  broke  out  in  one 
of  the  departments,  under  a  chief  who  styled  himself  "  Son  of  the 
Sun  and  God  of  Heaven  and  Earth."  This  assault  was  fatal  to 
every  Spaniard  within  reach  of  the  infuriated  natives,  who  broke 
into  the  churches,  murdered  the  whites  seeking  sanctuary  at  their 
altars,  and  spared  not  even  the  ecclesiastics,  who  in  all  times  have 
so  zealously  proved  themselves  to  be  the  defenders  of  their  race. 
Don  Gaspar  Alvear,  Governor  of  Durango,  assembled  a  large  force 
as  soon  as  the  viceroy  informed  him  of  the  insurrection,  and  marched 
against  the  savages.  After  three  months  of  fighting,  executions, 
and  diplomacy,  this  functionary  succeeded  in  suffocating  the  re- 
bellion ;  but  he  was  probably  more  indebted  for  the  final  reconcilia- 
tion of  the  Indians  to  the  persuasive  talents  of  the  Jesuits  who 
accompanied  the  expedition  than  to  the  arms  of  his  soldiers. 

The  remaining  years  of  this  viceroyalty  are  only  signalized  by 
the  founding  of  the  city  of  Cordova,  whose  neighborhood  is  re- 
nowned for  the  excellent  tobacco  and  coffee  it  produces,  and  for  the 
construction  of  the  beautiful  aqueduct  of  San  Cosme,  which  brings 
the  sweet  waters  of  Santa  Fe  to  the  capital.  This  monument  to  the 
intelligence  and  memory  of  Guadalcazar  was  completed  in  1620; 
and  in  March,  1621,  the  viceroy  was  removed  to  the  government 
of  Peru. 


Chapter  XVIII 

THE   RISING   AGAINST   GELVES.     1621-1624 

UPON  the  removal  of  the  Marques  de  Guadalcazar,  and 
until  September  21,  1621,  the  audencia  again  ruled  in 
Mexico,  without  any  interruption,  however,  upon  this  oc- 
casion, of  the  public  peace.  The  six  months  of  the  interregnum 
might,  indeed,  have  been  altogether  forgotten  in  the  history  of  the 
country  had  not  the  audiencia  been  obliged  to  announce  the  recep- 
tion of  a  royal  cedula  from  Philip  IV.,  communicating  the  news  of 
his  father's  death  and  commanding  a  national  mourning  for  his 
memory.  In  September  a  new  viceroy  arrived  in  the  capital,  and 
immediately  caused  the  royal  order  to  be  carried  into  effect  and 
allegiance  to  be  sworn  solemnly  to  Philip  IV.  as  king  and  lord  of 
Old  and  New  Spain. 

The  Marques  de  Gelves  was  selected  by  the  sovereign  as  four- 
teenth viceroy  of  New  Spain,  for  the  reputation  he  bore  in  the 
home  country  as  a  lover  of  justice  and  order,  qualities  which  would 
insure  his  utility  in  a  country  whose  quietness,  during  several  of 
the  last  viceroyal  reigns,  had  indicated  either  a  very  good  or  a 
very  bad  government,  which  it  was  impossible  for  the  king  to  ex- 
amine personally.  Accordingly  Gelves  took  the  reins  with  a  firm 
hand.  He  found  many  of  the  departments  of  government  in  a 
bad  condition,  and  is  said  to  have  reformed  certain  abuses  which 
were  gradually  undermining  the  political  and  social  structure  of 
the  colony.  In  these  duties  the  first  two  years  of  his  viceroyalty 
passed  away  quietly;  but  Gelves,  though  an  excellent  magistrate 
so  far  as  the  internal  police  of  the  country  is  concerned,  was  never- 
theless a  selfish  and  avaricious  person,  and  seems  to  have  resolved 
that  his  fortune  should  prosper  by  his  government  of  New  Spain. 

The  incidents  which  we  are  about  to  relate  are  stated  on  the 
authority  of  Father  Gage,  an  English  friar  who  visited  Mexico  in 
1625,  and  whose  pictures  of  the  manners  of  the  people  correspond 
so  well  with  our  personal  knowledge  of  them  at  present  that  we 
are  scarcely  at  liberty  to  question  his  fidelity  as  a  historian. 

153 


154.  MEXICO 

1623-1624 

In  the  year  1624  Mexico  was  for  a  time  in  a  state  of  great 
distraction,  and  well-nigh  revolted  from  the  Spanish  throne.  The 
passion  for  acquiring  fortune,  which  had  manifested  itself  some- 
what in  other  viceroys,  seemed  in  Gelves  unbounded.  He  resolved 
to  achieve  his  end  by  a  bold  stroke;  and  in  1623,  having  deter- 
mined to  monopolize  the  staff  of  life  among  the  Indians  and  Creoles, 
he  dispatched  one  of  the  wealthiest  Mexicans,  Don  Pedro  de  Mexia, 
to  buy  up  corn  in  all  the  provinces  at  the  rate  of  fourteen  reales,  the 
sum  fixed  by  law  at  which  the  corn  was  sold  in  times  of  famine. 
The  farmers,  who  of  course  knew  nothing  of  Mexia's  plan,  readily 
disposed  of  their  corn,  with  which  the  artful  purveyor  filled  his 
storehouses  all  over  the  country.  After  the  remnant  of  the  crop 
was  brought  to  market  and  sold,  men  began  to  compare  notes,  and 
suddenly  discovered  that  corn  was  nowhere  to  be  procured  save 
from  the  granaries  of  Mexia.  "  The  poor  began  to  murmur,  the 
rich  began  to  complain;  and  the  tariff  of  fourteen  reales  was  de- 
manded from  the  viceroy."  But  he,  the  secret  accomplice  of  Mexia, 
decided  that  as  the  crops  had  been  plentiful  during  the  year,  it  could 
not  be  regarded  as  one  of  scarcity  according  to  the  evident  intention 
of  the  law,  so  that  it  would  be  unfair  to  reduce  the  price  of  grain 
to  that  of  famine.  And  thus  the  people,  balked  in  their  effort  to 
obtain  justice  from  their  ruler,  though  suffering  from  extreme  im- 
position, resolved  to  bear  the  oppression  rather  than  resort  to 
violence  for  redress. 

After  awhile,  however,  the  intimacy  between  Gelves  and  Mexia 
became  more  apparent  as  the  confederates  supposed  they  had  less 
cause  for  concealment,  and  the  poor  again  besought  the  viceroy 
for  justice  and  the  legal  tariff.  But  the  temptation  was  too  great 
for  the  avaricious  representative  of  the  king.  He  again  denied 
their  petition ;  and  then  as  a  last  hope  they  resorted  to  a  higher 
power,  which  in  such  conflicts  with  their  rubers  had  usually  been 
successful. 

In  those  days  Don  Alonzo  de  la  Serna,  a  man  of  lofty  char- 
acter and  intrepid  spirit,  was  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  and  perceiving 
the  avaricious  trick  of  the  viceroy  and  his  agent,  threw  himself  on 
the  popular  side  and  promptly  excommunicated  Mexia.  But  the 
sturdy  merchant,  protected  by  viceroyal  authority,  was  not  to  be 
conquered  by  so  immaterial  a  thing  as  a  prelate's  curse  placarded 
on  the  door  of  a  cathedral.  He  remained  quietly  ensconced  in  his 
house,  dispatched  orders  to  his  agents,  and  even  raised  the  price  of 


RISING     A  G  A  I  N  S  'J1     G  E  L  Y  K  S  155 

1623-1624 

his  extravagant  bread-stuffs.  For  a  moment,  perhaps,  De  la  Serna 
was  confounded  by  this  rebellious  son  of  the  church,  yet  the  act 
convinced  him,  if  indeed  he  entertained  any  doubt  on  the  subject, 
that  Mexia  was  backed  by  the  viceroy,  and  consequently  that  any 
further  attempts  would  bring-  him  in  direct  conflict  with  the  gov- 
ernment. Nevertheless,  a  man  like  him  was  not  to  be  easily  alarmed 
or  forced  to  retreat  so  quickly.  The  church,  supreme  in  spiritual 
power,  would  never  yield,  especially  in  a  matter  of  popular  and 
vital  concern,  and  the  archbishop  therefore  determined  to  adopt 
the  severest  method  at  once,  and  by  an  order  of  cessato  divinis,  to 
stop  immediately  all  religious  worship  throughout  the  colony.  This 
was  a  direful  interdict,  the  potency  of  which  con  only  be  imagined 
by  those  who  have  lived  in  Catholic  countries  whose  piety  is  not 
periodically  regulated  upon  the  principle  of  a  seven-day  clock,  but 
where  worship  is  celebrated  from  hour  to  hour  in  the  churches.  The 
doors  of  chapels,  cathedrals,  and  religious  buildings  wrere  firmly 
closed.  A  death-like  silence  prevailed  over  the  kind.  No  familiar 
hells  sounded  for  matins  or  vespers.  The  people,  usually  warned 
by  them  of  their  hours  of  labor  or  repose,  had  now  no  means  of 
measuring  time.  The  priests  went  from  house  to  house  lament- 
ing the  grievous  affliction  with  which  the  country  was  visited  and 
sympathizing  cordially  with  the  people.  The  church  mourned  for 
the  unnatural  pains  her  rebellious  son  had  brought  upon  her  pa- 
tient children.  But  still  the  contumacious  Mexia  sold  his  corn 
and  exacted  his  price ! 

At  length,  however,  popular  discontent  became  so  clamorous 
that  even  among  this  orderly  and  enduring  people  the  life  of  the 
viceroy's  agent  was  no  longer  safe.  He  retreated  therefore  from  his 
own  dwelling  to  the  palace,  which  was  strongly  guarded,  and  de- 
manded protection  from  Gelves.  The  viceroy  admitted  him  and 
took  issue  with  the  archbishop.  He  immediately  sent  orders  to 
the  priests  and  curates  of  the  several  parishes,  to  cause  the  orders 
of  interdict  and  excommunication  to  be  torn  from  the  church  walls, 
and  all  the  chapels  to  be  thrown  open  for  service.  But  the  resolute 
clergy,  firm  in  their  adherence  to  the  prelate,  would  receive  no 
command  from  the  \  iceroy.  Finding  the  churches  still  closed,  and 
the  people  still  more  clamorous  and  angry,  Gelves  commanded 
De  la  Serna  to  revoke  his  censures;  but  the  archbishop  answered 
that  what  he  had  done  was  but  an  act  of  divine  justice  against  a 
cruel  oppressor  of  the  poor,  whose  cries  had  moved  him  to  com- 


156  MEXICO 

1623-1624 

passion,  and  that  the  offender's  contempt  for  his  excommunication 
had  deserved  the  rigor  of  both  of  his  censures,  neither  of  which  he 
would  recall  until  Don  Pedro  de  Mexia  submitted  himself  reverently 
to  the  church,  received  public  absolution,  and  threw  up  the  uncon- 
scionable monopoly  wherewith  he  had  wronged  the  commonwealth. 
"  But,"  says  the  chronicle  of  the  day,  "  the  viceroy,  not  brooking 
the  saucy  answer  of  a  churchman,  nor  permitting  him  to  imitate  the 
spirit  of  the  holy  Ambrose  against  the  Emperor  Theodosius,"  forth- 
with sent  orders  to  arrest  De  la  Serna,  and  to  carry  him  to  Vera 
Cruz,  where  he  was  to  be  confined  in  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
until  he  could  be  dispatched  to  Spain.  The  Archbishop,  however, 
followed  by  a  long  train  of  his  prebends,  priests,  and  curates,  im- 
mediately retired  from  the  capital  to  the  neighboring  village  of 
Guadalupe,  but  left  a  sentence  of  excommunication  on  the  cathedral 
door  against  the  viceroy  himself!  This  was  too  much  for  the 
haughty  representative  of  the  Spanish  king  to  bear  without  resent- 
ment, and  left  no  means  open  for  conciliation  between  church  and 
state.  Gelves  could  as  little  yield  now  as  De  la  Serna  could  before, 
and  of  course  nothing  remained  for  him  but  to  lay  violent  hands 
on  the  prelate  wherever  he  might  be  found.  His  well-paid  soldiers 
were  still  faithfully  devoted  to  the  viceroy,  and  he  forthwith  com- 
mitted the  archbishop's  arrest  to  a  reckless  and  unscrupulous  officer 
named  Tirol.  As  soon  as  he  had  selected  a  band  of  armed  men 
upon  whose  courage  and  obedience  he  could  rely,  this  person  has- 
tened to  the  village  of  Guadalupe.  In  the  meantime  the  archbishop 
was  apprised  of  his  coming  and  prepared  to  meet  him.  He  sum- 
moned his  faithful  clergy  to  attend  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  church, 
clad  in  their  sacred  vestments.  For  the  first  time,  after  many  a 
long  and  weary  day,  the  ears  of  the  people  were  saluted  by  the 
sound  of  bells  calling  them  to  the  house  of  God.  Abandoning  their 
business,  some  of  them  immediately  filled  the  square,  eagerly  de- 
manding by  what  blessed  interposition  they  had  been  relieved  from 
the  fearful  interdict,  while  others  thronged  the  doors  and  crowded 
the  aisles  of  the  long  forsaken  chapel.  The  candles  on  the  altar  were 
lighted,  the  choir  struck  up  a  solemn  hymn  for  the  church,  and 
then,  advancing  along  the  aisle  in  gorgeous  procession,  De  la  Serna 
and  his  priestly  train  took  up  their  position  in  front  of  the  tabernacle, 
where,  crowned  with  his  miter,  rn's  crozier  in  one  hand  and  the  holy 
sacrament  in  the  other,  this  brave  prelate  awaited  the  forces  which 
had  been  sent  to  seize  him.     It  is  difficult  to  say  if  De  la  Serna  de- 


RISING     AGAINST     GELVES  157 

1623*1624 

signed  by  so  imposing  a  spectacle  to  strike  awe  into  the  mind  of  the 
sacrilegious  soldier,  or  whether  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  be  arrested, 
if  he  must  be,  at  that  altar  he  had  sworn  to  serve.  It  is  probable, 
however,  from  his  exalted  character  and  courage  that  the  latter  was 
the  true  motive  of  his  act,  and,  if  so,  he  met  his  fate  nobly  in  the 
cause  of  justice  and  religion. 

Tirol  was  not  long  in  traversing  the  distance  between  Mexico 
and  Guadalupe.  As  soon  as  he  arrived  he  entered  the  church 
accompanied  by  his  officers,  and  seemed  appalled  by  the  gorgeous 
and  dramatic  display  round  the  shrine.  Not  a  whisper  was  heard 
in  the  edifice  as  the  crowd  slowly  parted  to  make  way  for  the 
soldiers,  who  advanced  along  the  aisle  and  humbly  knelt  for  a  mo- 
ment at  the  altar  in  prayer.  This  done,  Tirol  approached  De  la 
Serna,  and  with  "  fair  and  courteous  words  "  required  him  to  lay 
down  the  sacrament,  to  quit  the  sanctuary,  and  to  listen  to  the 
orders  issued  in  the  royal  name.  The  archbishop  abruptly  refused 
to  comply,  and  answered  that  "  as  the  viceroy  was  excommuni- 
cated he  regarded  him  as  beyond  the  pale  of  the  church  and  in  no 
way  empowered  to  command  in  Mexico  " ;  he  therefore  ordered 
the  soldiers,  as  they  valued  the  peace  of  their  souls,  to  desist  from 
infringing  the  privileges  of  the  church  by  the  exercise  of  secular 
power  within  its  limits,  and  he  finally  declared  that  he  would 
on  no  account  depart  from  the  altar  unless  torn  from  it  with  the 
sacrament.  Upon  this  Tirol  arose  and  read  the  order  for  his 
arrest,  describing  him  as  a  "  traitor  to  the  king,  a  disturber  of  the 
peace,  and  a  mover  of  sedition  in  the  commonwealth." 

De  la  Serna  smiled  contemptuously  at  the  officer  as  he  finished, 
and  taunted  him  with  the  viceroy's  miserable  attempt  to  cast  upon 
the  church  the  odium  of  sedition,  when  his  creature  Mexia  was,  in 
fact,  the  shameless  offender.  He  conjured  Tirol  not  to  violate 
the  sanctuary  to  which  he  had  retreated,  lest  his  hand  should  be 
withered  like  that  of  Jeroboam,  who  stretched  forth  an  arm  against 
the  prophet  of  the  Lord  at  the  altar! 

Tirol  seems  to  have  been  a  man  upon  whose  nerves  such  appeals 
had  but  little  effect.  He  was  a  blunt  soldier,  who  received  the 
orders  of  his  superiors  and  performed  them  to  the  letter.  He  had 
been  ordered  to  arrest  the  archbishop  wherever  he  found  him,  and 
he  left  the  ecclesiastical  scandal  to  be  settled  by  those  who  sent 
him.  Beckoning  to  a  recreant  priest  who  had  been  tampered  with 
and  brought  along  for  the  purpose,  he  commanded  him  in  the  king's 


158  MEXICO 

1623-1624 

name  to  wrest  the  sacrament  from  the  prelate's  hand.  The  clergy- 
man, immediately  mounting  the  steps  of  the  altar,  obeyed  the  orders, 
and  the  desecrated  bishop  at  once  threw  off  his  pontifical  robes  and 
yielded  to  civil  power.  The  cowardly  Mexicans  made  no  attempt 
to  protect  their  intrepid  friend,  who,  as  he  left  the  sanctuary,  paused 
for  a  moment  and  stretched  his  hands  in  benediction  over  the 
recreants.  Then  bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  his  clergy, 
whom  he  called  to  witness  how  zealously  he  had  striven  to  preserve 
the  church  from  outrage  as  well  as  the  poor  from  plunder,  he  de- 
parted as  a  prisoner  for  Vera  Cruz,  whence  he  was  dispatched  to 
Spain  in  a  vessel  expressly  equipped  for  his  conveyance. 

For  a  while  the  people  were  alarmed  at  this  high-handed  move- 
ment against  the  archbishop,  but  when  the  momentary  effect  had 
passed  away  and  they  began  to  reflect  on  the  disgrace  of  the  church 
as  well  as  the  loss  of  their  protector,  they  vented  their  displeasure 
openly  against  Mexia  and  the  viceroy.  The  temper  of  the  masses 
was  at  once  noticed  by  the  clergy,  who  were  still  faithful  to  their 
persecuted  bishop,  nor  did  they  hesitate  to  fan  the  flame  of  discon- 
tent among  the  suffering  Indians,  Mestizos,  and  Creoles,  who 
omitted  no  occasion  to  express  their  hatred  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
especially  of  Tirol,  who  had  been  the  viceroy's  tool  in  De  la  Serna's 
arrest.  A  fortnight  elapsed  after  the  occurrences  we  have  just  de- 
tailed, and  that  daring  officer  had  already  delivered  his  prisoner 
at  Vera  Cruz  and  returned  to  Mexico.  Popular  clamor  at  once 
became  loud  against  him ;  whenever  he  appeared  in  public  he  was 
assailed  with  curses  and  stones,  until  at  last  an  enraged  mob  at- 
tacked him  in  his  carriage  with  such  violence  that  it  was  alone 
owing  to  the  swiftness  of  the  mules,  lashed  by  the  affrighted  pos- 
tilion, that  he  escaped  into  the  viceroyal  palace,  whose  gates  were 
immediately  barred  against  his  pursuers.  Meantime  the  news  had 
spread  over  town  that  this  "Judas,"  "this  excommunicated  dog," 
had  taken  refuge  with  Gelves,  and  the  neighboring  market-place 
became  suddenly  filled  with  an  infuriated  mob.  numbering  nearly 
seven  thousand  Indians,  negroes,  and  mulattoes,  who  rushed 
toward  the  palace  with  the  evident  intention  of  attacking  it.  See- 
ing this  outbreak  from  a  window,  the  viceroy  sent  a  message  to 
the  assailants  desiring  them  to  retire,  and  declaring  that  Tirol  had 
escaped  by  a  postern.  But  the  blood  of  the  people  was  up,  and  not 
to  be  calmed  by  excuses.  At  this  juncture  several  priests  entered 
the  crowd,  and  a  certain  Salazar  was  especially  zealous  in  exciting 


RISING     AGAINST     GELVES  159 

1623-1624 

the  multitude  to  summary  revenge.  The  pangs  of  hunger  were 
for  a  moment  forgotten  in  the  more  hitter  excitement  of  religious 
outrage.  By  this  time  the  mob  obtained  whatever  arms  were  near- 
est at  hand.  Poles,  pikes,  pistols,  guns,  halberds,  and  stones  were 
brought  to  the  ground,  and  fierce  onsets  were  made  on  every  ac- 
cessible point  of  the  palace.  Neither  the  judges  nor  the  police  came 
forward  to  aid  in  staying  the  riot  and  protecting  Gelves.  "  Let 
the  youngsters  alone,"  exclaimed  the  observers,  "  they  will  soon 
find  out  both  Alexia  and  Tirol,  as  well  as  their  patron,  and  the 
wrongs  of  the  people  will  be  quickly  redressed !  "  A  portion  of 
the  mob  drew  off  to  an  adjacent  prison,  whose  doors  were  soon 
forced  and  the  convicts  released. 

At  length  things  became  alarming  to  the  besieged  inmates  of 
the  palace,  for  they  seemed  to  be  entirely  deserted  by  the  respecta- 
ble citizens  and  police.  Thereupon  the  viceroy  ascended  to  the 
azotea  or  flat  roof  of  the  palace  with  his  guard  and  retainers,  and. 
displaying  the  royal  standard,  caused  a  trumpet  to  be  sounded 
calling  the  people  to  uphold  the  king's  authority.  But  the  reply 
to  his  summons  was  still  in  an  unrelenting  tone:  "  Viva  cl  Rcy! 
Muera  cl  mal  gobiemo;  mneran  los  dos  comulgados! "  "  Long 
live  the  king!  but  down  with  the  wicked  government,  and  death 
to  the  excommunicated  wretches!"  These  shouts,  yelled  forth 
by  the  dense  and  surging  mob,  were  followed  by  volleys  discharged 
at  the  persons  on  the  azotea,  who  for  three  hours  returned  the 
shots  and  skirmished  with  the  insurgents.  Stones,  also,  were 
hurled  from  the  parapet  upon  the  crowd,  but  it  is  related  in  the 
chronicles  of  the  time  that  not  a  single  piece  of  ordnance  was 
discharged  upon  the  people,  "  for  the  viceroy  iu  those  days  had 
none  for  the  defense  of  his  palace  or  person,  neither  had  that  great 
city  any  for  its  strength  and  security." 

So  passed  the  noon  and  evening  of  that  disastrous  day;  but 
at  nightfall  the  baffled  mob  that  had  been  unable  to  make  any  im- 
pression with  their  feeble  weapons  upon  the  massive  walls  of  the 
palace,  brought  pitch  and  inflammable  materials,  with  which  they 
fired  the  gates  of  the  viceroyal  palace.  The  bright  flames  of  these 
combustibles  sent  up  their  light  in  the  still  evening  air,  and  far 
and  wide  over  the  town  spread  the  news  that  the  beautiful  city 
was  about  to  be  destroyed.  Frightened  from  their  retreats,  the 
judges  and  chief  citizens  who  had  influence  with  the  people  rushed 
to  the  plaza,  and  by  their  urgent  entreaties  efforts  were  made  to 


160  MEXICO 

1623-1624 

extinguish  the  fire.  But  the  palace  gates  had  already  fallen,  and 
over  their  smoldering  ruins  the  infuriated  assailants  rushed  into  the 
edifice  to  commence  the  work  of  destruction.  The  magistrates, 
however,  who  had  never  taken  part  against  the  people  in  their 
quarrels,  soon  appeared  upon  the  field,  and  by  loud  entreaties 
stopped  the  pillage.  It  was  soon  discovered  that  Mexia  and  Tirol 
had  escaped  by  a  postern,  while  the  conquered  viceroy,  disguised 
as  a  friar,  stole  through  the  crowd  to  the  Franciscan  cloister,  where 
for  many  a  day  he  lay  concealed  in  the  sanctuary  which  his  ra- 
pacious spirit  had  denied  to  the  venerable  De  la  Serna. 

So  ended  this  base  attempt  of  a  Spanish  nobleman  and  rep- 
resentative of  royalty  in  America  to  enrich  himself  by  plundering 
the  docile  Mexicans.  The  fate  of  Mexia  and  Tirol  is  unknown. 
But  Spanish  injustice  toward  the  colonies  was  strongly  marked 
by  the  reception  of  the  viceroy  and  the  archbishop  on  their  return 
from  Madrid.  Gelves,  it  is  true,  was  recalled,  but,  after  being 
graciously  welcomed  at  court,  was  made  "  master  of  the  royal 
horse,"  while  the  noble-hearted  De  la  Serna  was  degraded  from 
his  Mexican  archprelacy  and  banished  to  the  petty  bishopric  of 
Zamora  in  Castile ! 


Chapter    XIX 

THE    INDIAN    REBELLIONS.     1624-1696 

UPON  the  violent  expulsion  of  the  viceroy  Gelves  by  the 
popular  outbreak,  narrated  in  the  last  chapter,  the  govern- 
ment of  New  Spain  fell  once  more  into  the  hands  of  the 
audiencia  during  the  interregnum.  This  body  immediately  adopted 
suitable  measures  to  terminate  the  disaffection.  The  people  were 
calmed  by  the  deposition  of  one  they  deemed  an  unjust  ruler ;  but 
for  a  long  time  it  was  found  necessary  to  keep  on  foot  in  the  capital 
large  bands  of  armed  men  in  order  to  restrain  those  troublesome 
persons  who  are  always  ready  to  avail  themselves  of  any  pretext 
for  tumultuary  attacks  either  against  property  or  upon  people 
who  are  disposed  to  maintain  the  supremacy  of  law  and  order. 

As  soon  as  Philip  IV.  was  apprised  of  the  disturbances  in  his 
transatlantic  colony,  he  trembled  for  the  security  of  Spanish  power 
in  that  distant  realm,  and  immediately  dispatched  Don  Martin 
Carillo,  Inquisitor  of  Valladolid,  with  unlimited  power  to  examine 
into  the  riots  of  the  capital  and  to  punish  the  guilty  participants  in 
a  signal  and  summary  manner.  It  is  not  our  purpose,  at  present, 
to  discuss  the  propriety  of  sending  from  Spain  special  judges  in 
the  character  of  visitadors  or  inquisitors  whenever  crimes  were 
committed  by  eminent  individuals  in  the  colony,  or  by  large  bodies 
of  people,  which  required  the  infliction  of  decided  punishment. 
But  it  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  characteristic  features  of  the 
age,  and  as  demonstrative  of  the  peculiar  temper  of  the  king,  that 
an  inquisitor  was  selected  upon  this  occasion  for  so  delicate  and 
dangerous  a  duty.  It  is  true  that  the  church,  through  the  late 
archbishop,  was  concerned  in  this  painful  affair;  but  it  little  ac- 
cords with  the  ideas  of  our  age  to  believe  it  necessary  that  a  sub- 
ject of  such  public  concern  as  the  insurrection  against  an  unjust 
and  odious  viceroy  should  be  confined  to  the  walls  of  an  inquisition 
or  conducted  by  one  of  its  leading  functionaries  alone.  Had  the 
investigation  been  intrusted  exclusively  to  a  civil  and  not  an 
ecclesiastical  judge,  it  is  very  questionable  whether  he  should  have 

161 


162  MEXICO 

1624-1628 

been  sent  from  Spain  for  this  purpose  alone.  Being  a  foreigner, 
at  least  so  far  as  the  colony  was  concerned,  he  could  have  scarcely 
any  knowledge  of  or  sympathy  with  the  colonists.  Extreme  im- 
partiality may  have  been  insured  by  this  fact:  yet  as  the  visitador 
or  inquisitor  departed  as  soon  as  his  special  function  ceased,  he 
was  never  responsible  for  his  decrees  to  that  wholesome  public 
opinion  which  visits  the  conduct  of  a  judge  with  praise  or  condem- 
nation during  his  lifetime  when  he  permanently  resides  in  a  coun- 
try, and  is  always  the  safest  guardian  of  the  liberty  of  the  citizen. 

It  seems,  however;,  that  the  inquisitor  administered  his  office 
fairly  and  even  leniently  in  this  case,  for  his  judgments  fell  chiefly 
on  the  thieves  who  stole  the  personal  effects  of  the  viceroy  during 
the  sacking  of  the  palace.  The  principal  movers  in  the  insurrec- 
tion had  absented  themselves  from  the  capital,  and  prudently 
remained  in  concealment  until  the  visitador  terminated  his  exam- 
inations, inflicted  his  punishments  upon  the  culprits  he  convicted, 
and  crossed  the  sea  to  report  his  proceedings  at  court. 

Carillo  had  been  accompanied  to  New  Spain  by  a  new'  vice- 
roy, Don  Roderigo  Pacheco  Osorio,  Marques  de  Cerralvo,  who 
arrived  in  the  capital  on  November  3,  1624,  and  assumed  the 
government.  He  left  the  examination  of  the  insurrection  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  the  inquisitor  and  directed  his  attention  to  the 
public  affairs  of  the  colony.  These  he  found  peaceful,  except  that 
a  Dutch  squadron,  under  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  Nassau, 
attacked  Acapulco,  and  the  feeble  city  and  garrison  readily  sur- 
rendered without  resistance.  The  fleet  held  the  city,  however, 
only  for  a  few  days,  and  set  sail  for  other  enterprises.  This 
assault  upon  an  important  port  alarmed  the  viceroy,  who  at  once 
sent  orders  to  have  the  town  immediately  surrounded  with  a  wall, 
and  suitable  forts  and  bastions  erected  which  would  guard  it  in 
all  subsequent  attacks.  These  fortifications  were  hardly  com- 
menced when  another  Dutch  fleet  appeared  before  the  town.  But 
this  time  the  visit  was  not  of  a  hostile  nature — it  was  an  exhausted 
fleet  demanding  water  and  provisions,  after  receiving  which  it 
resumed  its  track  for  the  East  Indies.  While  the  Spaniards  were 
thus  succoring  and  sustaining  their  enemies,  the  Dutch,  a  dreadful 
famine  scourged  Sinaloa  and  neighboring  provinces,  carrying  off 
upwards  of  eight  thousand  Indians. 

During  the  long  reign  of  Philip  IV.  Spain  was  frequently  at 
war  with   England,   Holland,   and  France :    and  the  Dutch,   who 


INDIAN     REBE  L  L  I  O  N  S  1 6tt 

1628-1640 

inflicted  dreadful  ravages  on  the  American  coasts,  secured  im- 
mense spoil  from  the  Spaniards.  In  1628  Pedro  Hein,  a  Hol- 
lander of  great  distinction,  placed  a  squadron  in  the  gulf  on  the 
coasts  of  Florida  to  intercept  the  fleet  of  New  Spain.  The  re- 
sistance made  by  the  Spaniards  was  feeble,  and,  their  vessels  being 
captured  by  the  Dutch,  the  commerce  of  Mexico  experienced  a 
severe  blow  from  which  it  was  long  in  recovering. 

The  remaining  years  of  this  viceroyalty  were  consumed  in 
matters  of  mere  local  detail  and  domestic  government,  and  in  fact 
we  know  but  little  of  it,  save  that  the  severe  inundations  of  1629 
caused  the  authorities  to  use  their  utmost  efforts  in  prosecuting 
the  work  of  the  desague,  as  we  have  already  seen  in  the  general 
account  given  of  that  gigantic  enterprise.  In  1635  this  viceroy's 
reign  terminated  and  he  was  followed  by  the  Marques  de  Cadereita. 
the  sixteenth  viceroy  of  New  Spain. 

The  five  years  of  this  personage's  government  were  unmarked 
by  any  events  of  consequence  in  the  colony;  except  that  in  the 
last  of  them,  1640,  he  dispatched  an  expedition  to  the  north,  where 
he  founded,  in  New  Leon,  the  town  of  Cadereita,  which  the  emi- 
grants named  in  honor  of  their  viceroy.  . 

The  Duke  of  Escalona  succeeded  the  Marques  de  Cadereita, 
and  arrived  in  Mexico  on  June  28,  1640,  together  with  the  ven- 
erable Palafox,  who  came  in  the  character  of  visitador  to  inquire 
into  the  administration  of  the  last  viceroy,  whose  reputation,  like 
that  of  other  chief  magistrates  in  New  Spain,  had  suffered  consid- 
erably in  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  While  this  functionary  pro- 
ceeded with  his  disagreeable  task  against  a  man  who  was  no  longer 
in  power,  the  duke  in  compliance  with  the  king's  command  ordered 
the  governor  of  Sinaloa,  Don  Luis  Cestinos,  accompanied  by  two 
Jesuits,  to  visit  the  Californias  and  examine  their  coasts  and  the 
neighboring  isles  in  search  of  the  wealth  in  pearls  and  precious 
metals  with  which  they  were  reputed  to  be  filled.  The  reports 
of  the  explorers  were  altogether  satisfactory  both  as  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  natives  and  of  the  riches  of  the  waters  as  well  as  of 
the  mines,  though  they  represented  the  soil  as  extremely  sterile. 
The  gold  of  California  was  reserved  for  another  age. 

Ever  since  the  conquest  the  instruction  of  Indians  in  Christian 
doctrine  had  been  confided  exclusively  to  the  regular  clergy  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church.  The  secular  priests  were  thus  entirely 
deprived  of  the  privilege  of  mingling    their    cares    with    their 


104  MEXICO 

1640-1642 

monastic  brethren,  who  in  the  course  of  time  began  to  regard  this 
as  an  absolute,  indefeasible  right  whose  enjoyment  they  were  un- 
willing to  forego,  especially  as  the  obvcnciones,  or  tributes  of  the 
Indian  converts,  formed  no  small  item  of  corporate  wealth  in 
their  respective  orders.  The  Indians  were  in  fact  lawful  tribu- 
taries, not  only  of  the  whole  church,  in  the  estimation  of  these 
friars,  but  of  the  special  sect  or  brotherhood  which  happened  to 
obtain  the  first  hold  on  a  tribe  or  nation  by  its  missionary  residence 
among  its  people.  Palafox  requested  the  Duke  of  Escalona  to 
deprive  the  monkish  orders  of  this  monopoly;  a  desire  to  which 
the  viceroy  at  once  acceded,  inasmuch  as  he  was  anxious  to  serve 
the  bishop  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  his  religious  functions. 

The  kindly  feeling  of  the  viceroy  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
appreciated  or  sincerely  responded  to  by  Palafox.  This  personage 
was  removed  in  1642  to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Mexico,  and 
under  the  pretext  of  installation  in  his  new  office  and  opening  his 
tribunals  he  visited  the  capital  with  the  actual  design  of  occupying 
the  viceroyal  throne  to  which  he  had  been  appointed!  This  was 
a  sudden  and  altogether  unexpected  blow  to  the  worthy  duke, 
who  was  so  unceremoniously  supplanted.  No  one  seems  to  have 
whispered  to  him  even  a  suspicion  of  the  approaching  calamity, 
until  the  crafty  Palafox  assembled  the  oidores  at  midnight  on  the 
eve  of  Pentecost,  and  read  to  them  the  royal  dispatches  containing 
his  commission.  His  conduct  to  the  jovial-hearted  duke  was  not 
only  insincere  but  unmannerly,  for  immediately  after  the  assump- 
tion of  his  power  at  dead  of  night  he  commanded  a  strong  guard  to 
surround  the  palace  at  dawn,  and  required  the  oidor  Lugo  to  read 
the  royal  cedula  to  the  duke  even  before  he  left  his  bed.  The 
deposed  viceroy  immediately  departed  for  the  convent  at  Churu- 
busco,  outside  the  city  walls  on  the  road  to  San  Agustin  de  las 
Cuevas.  All  his  property  was  sequestrated,  and  his  money  and 
jewels  were  secured  within  the  treasury. 

The  reader  will  naturally  seek  for  an  explanation  of  this  po- 
litical enigma,  or  base  intrigue,  and  its  solution  is  again  eminently 
characteristic  of  the  reign  in  which  it  occurred.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  the  Duke  of  Braganza  had  been  declared  King  of  Portu- 
gal, which  kingdom  had  separated  itself  from  the  Spanish  domina- 
tion, causing  no  small  degree  of  animosity  among  the  Castilians 
against  the  Portuguese,  and  all  who  favored  them.  The  Duke  of 
Escalona,  unfortunately,  was  related  to  the  house  of  Braganza, 


INDIAN     REBELLIONS  165 

1642-1643 

and  the  credulous  Philip,  having  heard  that  his  viceroy  exhibited 
some  evidences  of  attachment  to  the  Portuguese,  resolved  to  su- 
persede him  by  Palafox.  Besides  this,  the  duke  committed  the 
impolitic  act  of  appointing  a  Portuguese  to  the  post  of  castellan  of 
St.  Juan  de  Ulua ;  and  upon  a  certain  occasion,  when  two  horses 
had  been  presented  to  him  by  Don  Pedro  de  Castilla  and  Don 
Cristobal  de  Portugal,  he,  unluckily,  remarked  that  he  liked  best 
the  horse  that  was  offered  by  Portugal!  It  is  difficult  to  believe 
that  such  trifles  would  affect  the  destiny  of  empires  when  they  were 
discussed  by  grave  statesmen  and  monarchs;  but  such  was  the 
miserable  reign  of  Philip  IV. ;  the  most  disastrous,  indeed,  in  the 
annals  of  Spain,  except  that  of  Roderic  the  Goth.  Folly  like  this 
may  justly  be  attributed  to  the  imbecile  king  who  witnessed  the 
Catalan  insurrection,  the  loss  of  Rousillon,  Conflans,  a  part  of 
Cordana,  Jamaica,  and,  above  all,  of  Portugal;  and  who,  more- 
over, recognized  the  independence  of  the  Seven  United  Provinces. 

The  administration  of  Palafox,  Bishop  of  Puebla,  as  viceroy 
was  of  but  short  duration.  He  occupied  the  colonial  throne  but 
five  months,  yet  during  that  brief  space  he  did  something  that 
signalized  his  name  both  honorably  and  disgracefully.  He  seems 
to  have  been  ridiculously  bent  upon  the  sacrifice  of  all  the  interest- 
ing monuments  which  were  still  preserved  from  the  period  of  the 
conquest  as  memorials  of  the  art  and  idolatry  of  the  Aztecs.  These 
he  collected  from  all  quarters  and  destroyed.  He  was  evidently 
no  friend  of  the  friars,  but  sought  to  build  up  and  strengthen  the 
secular  clergy,  whose  free  circulation  in  the  world  brought  them 
directly  under  the  eyes  of  society,  and  whose  order  made  them 
dependent  upon  that  society,  and  not  upon  a  corporation,  for  main- 
tenance. During  his  short  reign  he  manifested  kindness  for  the 
Indians,  caused  justice  to  be  promptly  administered,  and  even  sus- 
pended certain  worthy  oidores  who  did  not  work  as  quickly  and 
decide  as  promptly  as  he  thought  they  ought  to;  he  regulated 
the  ordinances  of  the  audiencia,  prepared  the  statutes  of  the  uni- 
versity, raised  a  large  body  of  militia  to  be  in  readiness  in  case  of 
an  attack  from  the  Portuguese,  visited  the  colleges  under  his  secu- 
lar jurisdiction,  and  finally,  in  proof  of  his  disinterestedness,  re- 
fused the  salary  of  viceroy  and  visitador. 

Philip  IV.  seems  to  have  been  more  anxious  to  use  Palafox 
as  an  instrument  to  remove  the  Duke  of  Escalona  than  to  em- 
power  him    for   any    length    of    time    with    viceroyal    authority; 


166  MEXICO 

1643-1647 

for  no  sooner  did  he  suppose  that  the  duke  was  displaced  quietly 
without  leaving  the  government  in  the  hands  of  the  audiencia, 
than  he  appointed  the  Conde  de  Salvatierra  as  his  representa- 
tive. This  nobleman  reached  his  government  on  November  23, 
1642,  and  Palafox  immediately  retired  from  his  office,  still  preserv- 
ing, however,  the  functions  of  visitador.  At  the  conclusion  of  this 
year  the  duke  departed  from  Churubusco  for  San  Martin,  in  order 
to  prepare  for  his  voyage  home:  and  in  1643  this  ill-used  personage 
left  New  Spain,  having  previously  fortified  himself  with  numerous 
certificates  of  his  loyalty  to  the  Spanish  crown,  all  of  which  he 
used  so  skillfully  in  vindication  before  the  vacillating  and  imbecile 
king  that  he  was  not  only  exculpated  entirely,  but  offered  once  more 
the  viceroyalty  from  which  he  had  been  so  rudely  thrust.  The 
duke  promptly  rejected  the  proposed  restoration,  but  accepted  the 
viceroyalty  of  Sicily.  Before  he  departed  for  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment he  gave  the  king  many  wise  councils  as  to  his  American  col- 
onies, but  especially  advised  him  to  colonize  the  Californias.  Don 
Pedro  Portal  de  Casahete  was  commissioned  by  Philip  for  this 
purpose. 

In  1664  there  were  already  in  Mexico  twelve  convents  of  nuns, 
and  nearly  as  many  monasteries,  which,  by  the  unwise  but  pious 
zeal  of  wealthy  persons,  were  becoming  rich,  and  aggregating 
to  themselves  a  large  amount  of  urban  and  rural  property.  Be- 
sides this,  the  dependents  upon  these  convents,  both  males  and 
females,  were  largely  increasing;  all  of  which  so  greatly  prejudiced 
not  only  property,  but  population,  that  the  ayuntamiento  or  city 
council  solicited  the  king  not  to  permit  the  establishment  in  future 
of  similar  foundations,  and  to  prohibit  the  acquisition  of  real  estate 
by  monasteries,  inasmuch  as  the  time  might  come  when  these  estab- 
lishments would  be  the  only  proprietors. 

Meanwhile  Casanete  arrived  in  Mexico  on  his  way  to  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific.  Salvatierra  received  him  kindly  and  made 
proper  efforts  to  equip  him  for  the  enterprise.  The  chiefs  and 
governors  of  the  interior  were  ordered  to  aid  him  in  every  way ; 
but  just  as  he  was  about  to  sail  two  of  his  vessels  were  burned, 
whereupon  his  soldiers  dispersed,  while  the  families  of  his  colonists 
withdrew,  in  hope  of  being  again  soon  summoned  to  embark. 

The  civil  government  of  Salvatierra  passed  in  quietness;  but 
the  domineering  spirit  of  Palafox  did  not  allow  the  church  to 
remain  at  peace  with  the  state.    In  1647  this  lordly  churchman  en- 


I  N  D  I  A  N     It  E  B  E  LLIONS  167 

1647-1650 

gaged  in  warm  discussion  with  the  Jesuits  and  other  orders. 
Palafox  persevered  in  his  rancorous  controversy  as  long  as  he  re- 
mained in  America,  and  even  after  his  return  to  Europe  pursued 
his  quarrel  at  the  court  of  Rome.  At  the  close  of  this  year  Sal- 
vatierra  was  removed  to  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru. 

The  rule  of  Torres  y  Rueda,  who  succeeded,  was  brief  and 
eventless.  It  extended  from  March  13,  1648,  to  April  22,  1649, 
when  the  bishop-governor  died,  and  was  sumptuously  interred  in 
the  church  of  San  Agustin  in  the  City  of  Mexico. 

The  audiencia  ruled  in  New  Spain  until  July  3,  1650,  when 
Don  Luis  Enriquez  de  Guzman,  Count  de  Alvadeliste  and  twenty- 
first  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  arrived  in  the  capital.  This  nobleman 
had  been,  in  fact,  appointed  by  the  king  immediately  upon  the 
transfer  of  the  Conde  de  Salvatierra  to  Peru;  bat  inasmuch  as  he 
could  not  immediately  cross  the  Atlantic,  the  Bishop  of  Yucatan 
had  been  directed  to  assume  his  functions  ad  interim.  Alvadeliste, 
a  man  of  amiable  character  and  gentle  manners,  soon  won  the 
good  opinion  of  the  Spanish  colonists  and  Creoles.  But  if  he  was 
to  experience  but  little  trouble  from  his  countrymen  and  their 
descendants,  he  was  not  to  escape  a  vexatious  outbreak  among  the 
northern  Indians,  who  had  remained  quiet  for  so  long  that  it 
was  supposed  they  were  finally  and  successfully  subjected  to  the 
Spanish  yoke. 

The  viceroy  had  not  been  long  installed  when  he  received 
news  of  a  rebellion  against  the  Spaniards  by  the  Tarahumares,  who 
inhabited  portions  of  Chihuahua  and  Sinaloa,  and  who  had  hith- 
erto yielded  implicitly  to  the  gentle  and  persuasive  voice  of  the 
evangelical  teachers  dwelling  among  them.  The  portion  of  this 
tribe  inhabiting  Sinaloa  commenced  the  assault,  but  the  immedi- 
ate cause  of  the  rebellion  is  not  known.  We  are  not  aware  whether 
they  experienced  a  severe  local  government  at  the  hands  of  the. 
Spaniards,  whether  they  were  tired  of  the  presence  of  the  children 
of  the  Peninsula,  or  whether  they  feared  that  the  priestly  rule  was 
only  another  means  of  subjecting  them  more  easily  to  the  crown 
of  Castile.  Perhaps  all  these  causes  influenced  the  rebellion. 
Already  in  1648  the  chief  of  the  nation  had  compromised  three 
other  tribes  in  the  meditated  outbreak;  but  lacking  the  concerted 
action  of  the  Tepehuanes  and  other  bands,  upon  whose  aid  they 
confidently  counted,  they  resolved  to  attack  alone  the  village  of  San 
Francisco  de  Borja,  whose  garrison  and  village  they  slaughtered 


168  MEXICO 

1647-1649 

and  burned.  San  Francisco  was  the  settlement  which  supplied 
the  local  missions  with  provisions,  and  its  loss  was  consequently 
irreparable  to  that  portion  of  the  country. 

As  soon  as  the  chief  judge  of  Parral  heard  of  this  sanguinary 
onslaught  he  hastily  gathered  the  neighboring  farmers,  herdsmen, 
and  merchants,  and  hastened  into  the  wilderness  against  the  in- 
surgents, who  fled  when  they  had  destroyed  the  great  depot  of 
the  Spaniards.  The  troops,  hardy  as  they  were  on  these  distant 
frontiers,  were  not  calculated  for  the  rough  warfare  of  woodsmen, 
and  after  some  insignificant  and  unsuccessful  skirmishes  with  the 
marauders  the  new  levies  retired  hastily  to  their  homes. 

Fajardo,  governor  of  Nueva  Biscaya,  soon  heard  of  the  re- 
bellion and  of  the  ineffectual  efforts  to  suppress  it.  He  was  satis- 
fied that  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  crushing  it,  and  accordingly 
marched  with  Juan  Barraza  to  the  seat  of  war  with  an  adequate 
force.  The  Indians  had  meanwhile  left  their  villages-  and  be- 
taken themselves  to  the  mountains,  woods,  and  fastnesses.  Fajardo 
immediately  burned  their  abandoned  habitations  and  desolated 
their  cultivated  fields;  and  when  the  Indians,  who  were  now 
satisfied  of  their  impotence,  demanded  peace,  he  granted  it  on 
condition  that  the  four  insurgent  chiefs  of  the  rebellion  should  be 
surrendered  for  punishment.  The  natives  in  reply  brought  him 
the  head  of  one  of  their  leaders,  together  with  his  wife  and  child ; 
soon  after  another  head  was  delivered  to  him,  and  in  a  few  days  the 
other  two  leaders  surrendered. 

This  for  a  while  calmed  the  country;  but  in  order  to  confirm 
the  peace  and  friendship  which  seemed  to  be  now  tolerably  well 
established,  a  mission  was  founded  in  the  valley  of  Papigochi,  in 
which  the  chief  population  of  the  Tarahnmares  resided.  The 
reverend  Jesuit,  Father  Bendin,  was  charged  with  the  duty  of 
establishing  this  benignant  government  of  the  church,  and  in  a 
short  time  it  appeared  that  he  had  succeeded  in  civilizing  the 
Indians  and  in  converting  them  to  the  Christian  faith.  There 
were,  nevertheless,  discontented  men  among  the  tribes,  whose 
incautious  acts  occasionally  gave  warning  of  the  animosity  which 
still  lingered  in  the  breasts  of  the  Indians.  The  most  prudent  of 
the  Spaniards  warned  the  governor  of  Nueva  Biscaya  to  beware  a 
sudden  or  personal  attack.  But  this  personage  treated  the  advice 
with  contempt,  and  felt  certain  that  the  country  was  substantially 
pacified.     Nevertheless,  while  things  wore  this  aspect  of  seeming 


INDIAN     REBELLIONS  169 

1649-1651 

calm,  three  chiefs  or  caciques  who  had  embraced  the  Catholic 
faith  prepared  the  elements  for  a  new  rebellion,  and  on  June  5, 
1649,  at  daybreak,  they  attacked  the  dwelling  of  the  missionaries, 
set  fire  to  its  combustible  materials,  and,  surrounding  the  blazing 
house  in  numbers,  awaited  the  moment  when  the  unsuspecting  in- 
mates attempted  to  escape.  The  venerable  Bendin  and  his  com- 
panions were  quickly  aroused,  but  no  sooner  did  they  rush  from 
the  flames  than  they  were  cruelly  slain  by  the  Indians.  The  church 
was  then  sacked.  The  valuables  were  secured  and  carried  off  by 
the  murderous  robbers,  but  all  the  images  and  religious  emblems 
were  sacrilegiously  destroyed  before  the  Indians  fled  to  the  country. 

Fajardo  once  more  dispatched  Juan  Barraza,  with  three  hun- 
dred Spanish  soldiers  and  some  Indians,  against  the  rebel  Tara- 
humares.  But  the  tribe  had  in  its  intercourse  with  the  foreigners 
acquired  some  little  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war,  and  consequently 
did  not  await  the  expected  attack  in  the  open  or  level  fields,  where 
the  Spanish  cavalry  could  act  powerfully  against  them.  They 
retired,  accordingly,  to  a  rocky  pass,  flanked  by  two  streams,  which 
they  fortified  at  all  points  with  stone  walls  and  other  formidable  im- 
pediments. Here  they  rested  in  security  until  the  Spanish  forces 
approached  them;  nor  did  they  even  then  abandon  their  defensive 
warfare.  Barraza,  finding  the  Indians  thus  skillfully  entrenched 
behind  barriers  and  ready  to  repel  his  attack,  was  unable  after 
numerous  efforts  to  dislodge  them  from  their  position.  Indeed, 
he  appears  to  have  suffered  serious  losses  in  his  vain  assaults;  so 
that  instead  of  routing  the  natives  entirely,  he  found  it  necessary 
to  withdraw  his  troops,  who  were  greatly  weakened  by  losses, 
while  the  daring  insurgents  continually  received  auxiliary  rein- 
forcements. In  this  untoward  state  of  affairs  Barraza  resolved  to 
make  his  escape  during  the  night  from  such  dangerous  quarters, 
and,  ordering  his  Indian  allies  to  light  the  usual  watchfires  and 
keep  up  the  ordinary  bustle  of  a  camp,  he  silently  but  gradually 
withdrew  all  his  Spanish  and  native  forces,  so  that  at  daybreak  the 
Tarahumares  found  the  country  cleared  of  their  foes. 

As  soon  as  Fajardo  heard  of  the  forced  retreat  of  Barraza 
he  determined  to  take  the  management  of  the  campaign  in  his  own 
hands.  But  his  military  efforts  were  as  unsuccessful  as  those  of 
his  unfortunate  captain.  The  rainy  season  came  on  before  he 
could  make  a  successful  lodgment  in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's 
country,  and  his  march  was  impeded  by  floods  which  destroyed 


170  M  E  XICO 

1651-1654 

the  roads  and  rendered  the  streams  impassable.  Accordingly  he 
retired  to  Parral,  where  he  received  orders  from  the  viceroy  to 
establish  a  garrison  in  Papigochi. 

The  Spaniards  found  that  their  cruelty  in  the  first  campaign 
against  these  untamed  savages  had  inflamed  their  minds  against 
the  viceroyal  troops.  They  attempted,  therefore,  to  use  once  more 
the  language  of  persuasion,  and,  offering  the  insurgents  a  perfect 
amnesty  for  the  past,  prevailed  upon  the  old  inhabitants  of  the 
vale  of  Papigochi  to  return  to  their  former  residences,  where,  how- 
ever, they  did  not  long  remain  faithful  to  their  promised  allegiance. 
The  new  garrison  was  established,  as  had  been  commanded  by  the 
viceroy;  .but  in  1652  the  relentless  tribes,  again  seizing  an  un- 
guarded moment,  burned  the  barracks  and  destroyed  in  the  flames 
a  number  of  Spaniards,  two  Franciscan  monks,  and  a  Jesuit  priest. 
The  soldiery  of  Barraza  and  the  governor  retired  from  the  doomed 
spot  amid  showers  of  Indian  arrows. 

In  1653  the  war  was  resumed.  The  whole  country  was 
aroused  and  armed  against  these  hitherto  invincible  bands.  Other 
Indian  tribes  were  subdued  by  the  Spanish  forces,  and  their  arms 
were  then  once  more  turned  upon  the  Tarahumares  at  a  moment 
when  the  Indian  chiefs  were  distant  from  the  field.  But  the  ab- 
sence of  the  leaders  neither  dismayed  nor  disconcerted  these  re- 
lentless warriors.  The  Spaniards  were  again  forced  to  retire,  and 
the  viceroy  caused  an  extensive  enlistment  to  be  undertaken  and 
large  sums  appropriated  to  crush  or  pacify  the  audacious  bands. 
Before  the  final  issue  and  subjugation,  however,  the  Count  de 
Alvadeliste  received  the  king's  command  to  pass  from  Mexico  to 
the  government  of  Peru,  and,  awaiting  only  the  arrival  of  his 
successor,  he  sailed  from  Acapulco  for  'his  new  viceroyalty. 

This  successor,  the  Duke  of  Albuquerque,  who  had  married 
Dona  Juana,  daughter  of  the  former  viceroy,  the  Marques  de 
Cadereita,  arrived  in  Mexico  on  August  16,  1654.  His  acces- 
sion was  signalized  by  unusually  splendid  ceremonies  in  the  capital, 
and  the  new  viceroy  immediately  devoted  himself  to  the  improve- 
ment of  Mexico,  as  well  as  to  the  internal  administration  of  affairs. 
He  zealously  promoted  the  public  works  of  the  country;  labored 
diligently  to  finish  the  cathedral;  devoted  himself  in  hours  of 
leisure  to  the  promotion  of  literature  and  the  fine  arts ;  regulated 
the  studies  in  the  university ;  and  caused  the  country  to  be  scoured 
for  the  apprehension  of  robbers  and  vagabonds  who  infested  and 


INDIAN     REBELLIONS  171 

1654-1660 

rendered  insecure  all  the  highways  of  the  colony.  Great  numbers 
of  these  wretches  were  soon  seized  and  hanged  after  sum- 
mary trials. 

In  1656,  the  British  forces  having  been  successful  against 
Jamaica,  the  Mexicans  were  apprehensive  that  their  arms  would 
next  be  turned  against  New  Spain,  and  accordingly  Albuquerque 
fitted  out  an  armada  to  operate  against  the  enemy  among  the 
islands  before  they  could  reach  the  coast  of  his  viceroyalty.  This 
well-designed  expedition  failed,  and  most  of  the  soldiers  who  en- 
gaged in  it  perished.  The  duke,  unsuccessful  in  war,  next  turned 
his  attention  to  the  gradual  and  peaceful  extension,  northward,  of 
the  colonial  emigration ;  and,  distributing  a  large  portion  of  the 
territory  of  New  Mexico  among  a  hundred  families,  he  founded 
the  city  of  Albuquerque  and  established  in  it  several  Franciscan 
missions  as  the  nucleus  of  future  population. 

The  year  1659  was  signalized  in  Mexico  by  one  of  those 
dramas  which  occasionally  took  place  in  all  countries  into  which 
the  institution  of  the  inquisition  was  introduced,  and  fifty  human 
victims  were  burned  alive  by  order  of  the  audiencia.  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  this  was  the  first  occurrence  of  the  kind,  and,  either 
from  curiosity  or  from  a  superior  sense  of  duty,  the  dreadful 
pageant  was  not  only  witnessed  by  an  immense  crowd  of  eager 
spectators,  but  was  even  presided  over  by  the  viceroy  himself.  In 
1660  the  duke  narrowly  escaped  death  by  the  hands  of  an  assassin. 
While  on  his  knees  at  prayer  in  a  chapel  of  the  cathedral  the  mur- 
derer— a  youthful  soldier  seventeen  years  old — stole  behind  him, 
and  was  in  the  act  of  striking  the  fatal  blow  when  he  was  ar- 
rested. In  less  than  twelve  hours  he  had  gone  to  account  for  the 
meditated  crime. 

Albuquerque  appears  to  have  been  popular,  useful,  and  intelli- 
gent, though,  from  his  portrait  which  is  preserved  in  the  gallery 
of  the  viceroys  in  Mexico,  we  would  have  imagined  him  to  be  a 
gross  sensualist,  resembling  more  the  usual  pictorial  representa- 
tions of  Sancho  Panza  than  one  who  was  calculated  to  wield  the 
destinies  of  an  empire.  Nevertheless  the  expression  of  public  sor- 
row was  unfeigned  and  loud  among  all  classes  when  he  departed 
for  Spain  in  the  year  1660. 

The  successor  of  the  Duke  of  Albuquerque  entered  Mexico 
on  September  16,  1660.  Don  Juan  de  Leyva  y  de  la  Cerda,  the 
twenty-third  viceroy  of  New  Spain,   approached  the  colony  with 


172  MEXICO 

1660-1664 

the  best  wishes  and  resolutions  to  advance  its  prosperity  and  glory. 
His  earliest  efforts  were  directed  to  the  pacification  of  the  Tara- 
humares,  whose  insurrection  was  still  entirely  unquelled,  and  whose 
successes  were  alarmingly  disastrous  in  New  Mexico,  whither  they 
advanced  in  the  course  of  their  savage  warfare.  With  the  same 
liberal  spirit  that  characterized  his  predecessor,  he  continued  to 
be  the  zealous  friend  of  those  remote  frontier  colonists,  and  in  a 
short  time  formed  twenty-four  villages.  It  was  doubtless  his  plan 
to  subdue  and  pacify  the  north  by  an  armed  occupation. 

In  1 66 1  and  1662  the  despotic  conduct  of  the  Spaniards  to 
the  Indians  stirred  up  sedition  in  the  south  as  well  as  at  the  north. 
The  natives  of  Tehuantepec  were  at  this  period  moved  to  rebel- 
lion with  the  hope  of  securing  their  personal  liberty,  even  if  they 
could  not  reconquer  their  national  independence.  Spanish  forces 
were  immediately  marched  to  crush  the  insurrection,  but  the  soft 
children  of  the  south  were  not  as  firmly  pertinacious  in  resistance 
as  their  sturdier  brothers  of  the  northern  frontier.  More  accessible 
to  the  gentle  voices  and  power  of  the  clergy,  they  yielded  to  the 
persuasive  eloquence  of  Bishop  Ildefonzo  Davalos,  who,  animated 
by  honest  and  humane  zeal  for  the  children  of  the  forest,  went 
among  the  incensed  tribes,  and  by  kindness  secured  the  submission 
which  arms  could  not  compel  at  the  north.  For  this  voluntary 
and  valuable  service  the  sovereign  conferred  on  him  the  miter 
of  Mexico,  which  in  the  year  1664  was  renounced  by  Osorio 
Escobar. 

The  only  other  event  of  note  during  this  viceroyalty  was  an 
attempt  at  colonization  and  pearl  fishing  on  the  coasts  of  Cali- 
fornia by  Bernal  Pinaredo,  who  seems  rather  to  have  disturbed 
than  to  have  benefited  the  sparse  settlers  on  those  distant  shores. 
He  was  coldly  received  on  his  return  by  the  viceroy,  who  formally 
accused  him  to  the  court  for  misconduct  during  the  expedition. 

Don  Juan  de  Leyva  sailed  for  Spain  in  1664,  and  soon  after 
died,  afflicted  by  severe  family  distresses,  and  especially  by  the 
misconduct  of  his  son  and  heir. 

The  reign  of  Don  Diego  Osorio  Escobar  y  Llamas,  Bishop  of 
Puebla,  and  twenty-fourth  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  was  remarkable 
for  nothing  except  its  extraordinarily  brief  duration.  The  bishop 
entered  upon  his  duties  on  June  29,  and  resigned  them  in  favor 
of  his  successor  in  the  following  October. 

Don    Sebastian    de    Toledo,    Marques    de    Mancera.    was   the 


INDIAN     REBELLIONS  17* 

1664-1666 

twenty-fifth  viceroy  and  New  Spain  enjoyed  profound  internal 
peace  when  Don  Sebastian  arrived  in  the  capital  on  October  15, 
1664.  But  the  calm  of  the  political  world  does  not  seem  to  have 
extended  to  the  terrestrial,  for  about  this  period  occurred  one  of 
the  few  eruptions  of  the  famous  mountain  of  Popocatepetl — the 
majestic  volcano  which  lies  on  the  eastern  edge  of  the  valley,  and 
is  the  most  conspicuous  object  from  all  parts  of  the  upper  table- 
lands of  Mexico.  For  four  days  it  poured  forth  showers  of  stones 
from  its  crater  and  then  suddenly  subsided  into  quietness. 

In  the  beginning-  of  1666  a  royal  cedula  was  received  from  the 
queen  apprising  her  faithful  subjects  of  her  husband's  death,  and 
that  during  the  minority  of  Charles  II.  the  government  would  be 
carried  on  by  her.  The  loss  of  Jamaica  during  the  last  reign  was 
irreparable  for  Spain.  The  possession  of  so  important  an  island 
by  the  British  enabled  the  enemies  of  Castile  to  find  a  lurking  place 
in  the  neighborhood  of  her  richest  colonies  from  which  the  pirates 
and  privateers  could  readily  issue  for  the  capture  of  Spanish  com- 
merce or  wealth.  The  armada  of  the  Marques  de  Cadareita  was 
useless  against  the  small  armed  craft  which  not  only  possessed 
great  advantages  in  swiftness  of  sailing,  but  were  able  also  to 
escape  from  the  enemies'  pursuit  or  guns  in  the  shallows  along  the 
coast  into  which  the  larger  vessels  dared  not  follow  them.  But 
the  general  war  in  Europe  which  had  troubled  the  peace  of  the  Old 
World  for  so  many  years  had  now  drawn  to  a  close,  and  a  peace 
was  once  more  for  a  while  reestablished.  The  ambitious  desires 
of  the  Europeans  were  now,  however,  turned  toward  America,  and 
with  eager  and  envious  glances  at  the  possessions  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  narrow,  protective  system  of  Spain  had,  as  we  have  related 
in  our  introductory  chapter,  closed  the  colonial  ports  against  all 
vessels  and  cargoes  that  were  not  Spanish.  This  of  course  was  the 
origin  of  an  extensive  system  of  contraband,  which  had  doubtless 
done  much  to  corrupt  the  character  of  the  masses,  while  it  created 
a  class  of  bold,  daring,  and  reckless  men,  whose  representatives 
may  still  be  found  even  at  this  day  in  the  ports  of  Mexico  and 
South  America.  This  contraband  trade  not  only  affected  the  per- 
sonal character  of  the  people,  but  naturally  injured  the  commerce 
and  impaired  the  revenues  of  New  Spain.  Accordingly  the  min- 
isters in  Madrid  negotiated  a  treaty  with  Charles  II.  of  England,  by 
which  the  sovereigns  of  the  two  nations  pledged  themselves  not 
to  permit  their  subjects  to  trade  in  their  colonies.     Notwithstand- 


174  MEXICO 

1666-1673 

ing  the  treaty,  however,  Governor  Lynch,  of  Jamaica,  still  allowed 
the  equipment  of  privateers  and  smugglers  in  his  island,  where 
they  were  furnished  with  the  necessary  papers;  but  the  king  re- 
moved him  as  soon  as  he  was  apprised  of  the  fact,  and  replaced 
the  conniving  official  by  a  more  discreet  and  conscientious  gov- 
ernor. Nevertheless  the  privateers  and  pirates  still  continued  their 
voyages,  believing  that  this  act  of  the  British  Government  was  not 
intended  in  good  faith  to  suppress  their  adventures,  but  simply  to 
show  Spain  that  in  England  treaties  were  regarded  as  religiously 
binding  upon  the  state  and  the  people.  They  did  not  imagine  that 
the  new  governor  would  finally  enforce  the  stringent  laws  against 
them.  But  this  personage  permitted  the  outlaws  to  finish  their 
voyages  without  interference  on  the  high  seas,  and  the  moment 
some  of  them  landed  they  were  hanged,  as  an  example  to  all  who 
were  still  willing  to  set  laws  and  treaties  at  defiance. 

In  1670  the  prolonged  Tarahumaric  war  was  brought  to  a 
close  by  Nicholas  Barraza.  An  Indian  girl  pointed  out  the  place  in 
which  the  majority  of  the  warriors  might  be  surprised ;  and,  all 
the  passes  being  speedily  seized  and  guarded,  three  hundred  cap- 
tives fell  into  the  victors'  hands.  In  1673  the  viceroy  departed  for 
Spain,  after  an  unusually  long  and  quiet  reign  of  eight  years. 

The  nomination  to  the  viceroyalty  of  the  distinguished  noble- 
man, Don  Pedro  Nuiio  Colon  de  Portugal,  Duke  of  Veraguas,  a 
descendant  of  the  discoverer  of  America,  was  unquestionably  de- 
signed merely  as  a  compliment  to  the  memory  of  a  man  whose 
genius  had  given  a  new  world  to  Castile.  He  was  so  far  advanced 
in  life  that  it  was  scarcely  presumed  he  would  be  able  to  withstand 
the  hardships  of  the  voyage  or  reach  the  Mexican  metropolis.  And 
such,  indeed,  was  the  result  of  his  toilsome  journey.  His  baton 
of  office,  assumed  on  December  8,  1673,  fell  from  his  decrepit  hand 
on  the  13th  of  the  same  month.  So  sure  was  the  Spanish  court 
that  the  viceroy  would  not  long  survive  his  arrival,  that  it  had 
already  appointed  his  successor,  and  sent  a  sealed  dispatch  with 
the  commission,  which  was  to  be  opened  in  the  event  of  Don 
Pedro's  death.  It  thus  happened  that  the  funeral  of  one  viceroy 
was  presided  over  by  his  successor,  and  the  august  ceremonial  was 
doubtless  more  solemn  from  the  fact  that  this  successor  was  Rivera, 
who  at  that  time  was  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico. 

The  Duke  of  Veraguas,  as  we  have  seen,  enjoyed  none  of 
his  viceroval  honors  save  those  which  crowned  his  entrance  into 


INDIAN     REBELLIONS  175 

167» -1680 

the  capital ;  and  as  soon  as  his  remains  were  temporarily  interred  in 
the  cathedral,  Fray  Payo  Enrique  de  Rivera  assumed  the  reins  of 
government. 

This  excellent  prelate  had  fulfilled  the  functions  of  his  bish- 
opric for  nine  years  in  Guatemala  so  satisfactorily  to  the  masses 
that  his  elevation  to  supreme  power  in  Mexico  was  hailed  as  a 
national  blessing.  He  devoted  himself  from  the  first  diligently  to 
the  adornment  of  the  capital  and  the  just  and  impartial  adminis- 
tration of  public  affairs.  He  improved  the  roads  and  entrances 
into  the  city,  and,  by  his  moderation,  justice,  and  mildness,  united 
with  liberality  and  economy,  raised  the  reputation  of  his  govern- 
ment to  such  a  degree  of  popular  favor  that  in  the  annals  of  New 
Spain  it  is  referred  to  as  a  model  public  administration. 

In  1677,  by  the  orders  of  the  queen  regent,  Rivera  dispatched 
a  colony  to  California ;  and  in  the  following  year  Charles  II.,  who 
had  attained  his  majority,  signified  his  gratitude  to  the  viceroy  for 
his  paternal  government  of  New  Spain,  as  well  as  for  the  care  he 
had  shown  not  only  for  the  social,  artistical,  and  political  im- 
provement of  the  nation  committed  to  his  charge,  but  for  the 
honest  collection  of  the  royal  income,  which  in  those  days  was  a 
matter  of  no  small  moment  or  interest  to  the  Spanish  kings.  But 
in  1680  the  viceroy's  health  began  to  fail,  and  Charles  II.,  who 
still  desired  to  preserve  and  secure  the  invaluable  services  of  so 
excellent  a  personage  to  his  country,  nominated  him  bishop  of 
Cuenca,  and  created  him  president  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
For  viceroy  of  New  Spain  Don  Tomas  Antonio  Manrique  de  la 
Cerda,  Marques  de  la  Laguna,  was  selected. 

The  Archbishop  Rivera  when  he  left  the  viceroyal  chair 
handed  to  his  successor  the  letter  he  had  just  received  from  the 
north,  imparting  the  sad  news  of  a  general  rising  of  the  Indians 
in  New  Mexico  against  the  Spaniards.  The  aborigines  of  that 
region,  who  then  amounted  to  about  twenty-five  thousand  resid- 
ing in  twenty-four  villages,  had  entered  into  combination  with  the 
wilder  tribes  thronging  the  broad  plains  of  the  north  and  the 
recesses  of  the  neighboring  mountains,  and  had  suddenly  descended 
in  great  force  upon  the  unfortunate  Spaniards  scattered  through 
the  country.  The  secret  of  the  conspiracy  was  well  kept  until  the 
final  moment  of  rupture.  The  spirit  of  discontent  and  the  bond  of 
Indian  union  were  fostered  and  strengthened  silently,  steadily,  and 
gradually    throughout    a    territory    one   hundred    and    twenty-five 


176  MEXICO 

1680-1681 

leagues  in  extent  without  the  revelation  of  the  fact  to  any  of  the 
foreigners  in  the  region.  Nor  did  the  strangers  dream  of  im- 
pending danger  until  August  10,  when  at  the  same  moment  the 
various  villages  of  Indians  took  arms  against  the  Spaniards,  and, 
slaughtering  all  who  were  not  under  the  immediate  protection  of  gar- 
risons, even  wreaked  their  vengeance  upon  twenty-one  Franciscan 
monks  who  had  labored  for  the  improvement  of  their  social  condi- 
tion as  well  as  for  their  conversion  to  Christianity. 

Having  successfully  assaulted  all  the  outposts  of  this  remote 
government  of  New  Spain,  the  Indians  next  directed  their  arms 
against  the  capital,  Santa  Fe,  which  was  the  seat  of  government 
and  the  residence  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  distinguished  inhabi- 
tants of  the  north.  But  the  garrison  was  warned  in  time  by  a  few 
natives  who  still  remained  faithful  to  their  foreign  task-masters, 
and  was  thus  enabled  to  muster  its  forces  and  to  put  its  arms  in 
order,  so  as  to  receive  the  meditated  assault.  The  Spanish  soldiers 
allowed  the  rebellious  conspirators  to  approach  their  defenses  until 
they  were  sure  of  their  aim,  and  then,  discharging  their  pieces 
upon  the  impetuous  masses,  covered  the  fields  with  dead  and 
wounded.  But  the  brave  Indians  were  too  excited,  resolved,  and 
numerous  to  be  stayed  or  repulsed  by  the  feeble  garrison.  New 
auxiliaries  took  the  places  of  the  slaughtered  ranks.  On  all  sides 
the  country  was  dark  with  crowds  of  dusky  warriors  whose  shouts 
and  war-whoops  continually  rent  the  air.  Clouds  of  arrows  and 
showers  of  stones  were  discharged  on  the  heads  of  the  beleagured 
townsmen.  No  man  dared  show  himself  beyond  the  covering  of 
houses  and  parapets,  and  thus  for  ten  days  the  Indian  siege  was 
unintermitted  for  a  single  moment  around  the  walls  of  Santa  Fe. 
At  the  expiration  of  this  period  the  provisions  as  well  as  the  mu- 
nitions of  the  Spaniards  were  expended,  and  the  wretched  inhabi- 
tants, who  could  no  longer  endure  the  stench  from  the  carcasses 
of  the  slain  which  lay  in  putrefying  heaps  around  their  town, 
resolved  to  evacuate  the  untenable  place.  Accordingly  under  cover 
of  the  night  they  contrived  to  elude  the  besiegers'  vigilance,  and, 
quitting  the  town  by  secret  and  lonely  paths,  they  fled  to  Paso 
del  Norte,  whence  they  dispatched  messengers  to  the  viceroy  with 
the  news  of  their  misfortune.  The  day  after  this  precipitate  re- 
treat the  Indians,  who  were  altogether  unaware  of  the  Spaniards' 
departure,  expected  a  renewal  of  the  combat.  But  the  town  was 
silent.     Advancing  cautiously  from  house  to  house  and  street  to 


INDIAN     REBELLIONS  177 

1661-1682 

street,  they  saw  that  Santa  Fe  was  in  reality  deserted;  and,  con- 
tent with  having  driven  their  oppressors  from  the  country,  they 
expended  their  wrath  upon  the  town  by  destroying  and  burning 
the  buildings.  The  cause  of  this  rising  was  the  bad  conduct  of 
the  Spaniards  to  the  Indians  and  the  desire  of  these  wilder  northern 
tribes  to  regain  their  natural  rights. 

In  the  commencement  of  1681  the  viceroy  began  to  fear  that 
this  rebellion,  which  seemed  so  deeply  rooted  and  so  well  organ- 
ized, would  spread  throughout  the  neighboring  provinces,  and 
accordingly  dispatched  various  squadrons  of  soldiers  to  New 
Mexico,  and  ordered  levies  to  join  them  as  they  marched  to  the 
north  toward  El  Paso  del  Norte,  which  was  the  present  refuge  of 
the  expelled  and  flying  government.  In  this  place  all  the  requisite 
preparations  for  a  campaign  were  diligently  prepared,  and  thence 
the  troops  departed  in  quest  of  the  headstrong  rebels.  But  all 
their  pains  and  efforts  were  fruitless.  The  object  of  the  Indians 
seems  to  have  been  accomplished  in  driving  off  the  Spaniards  and 
destroying  their  settlements.  The  wild  children  of  the  soil  and 
of  the  forest  neither  desired  the  possession  of  their  goods  nor 
waged  war  in  order  to  enjoy  the  estates  they  had  been  forced  to 
till.  It  was  a  simple  effort  to  recover  once  more  the  wild  liberty 
of  which  they  had  been  deprived  and  to  overthrow  the  masked 
slavery  to  which  the  more  enervated  races  of  the  south  submitted 
tamely,  under  the  controlling  presence  of  ampler  forces.  They 
contented  themselves,  therefore,  with  destroying  towns,  planta- 
tions, farms,  and  villages,  and,  flying  to  the  fastnesses  of  the 
mountain  forests,  either  kept  out  of  reach  of  the  military  bands  that 
traversed  the  country  or  descended  in  force  upon  detached  parties. 
The  Spaniards  were  thus  denied  all  opportunity  to  make  a  suc- 
cessful military  demonstration  against  the  Indians,  and,  after  wait- 
ing a  season  in  fruitless  efforts  to  subdue  the  natives,  they  retired 
to  El  Paso,  leaving  the  country  still  in  the  possession  of  their  foes, 
who  would  neither  fight  nor  come  to  terms,  although  an  un- 
conditional pardon  and  a  future  security  of  rights  were  freely 
promised. 

The  unsuccessful  expedition  of  the  previous  year  induced  the 
viceroy  in  1682  to  adopt  other  means  for  the  reduction  of  the 
refractory  Indians  to  obedience.  That  vast  region  was  not  to  be 
lost,  nor  were  the  few  inhabitants  who  still  continued  to  reside  on 
its  frontiers  to  be  abandoned  to  the  mercy  of  savages.    The  Mar- 


178  MEXICO 

1662-1683 

ques  de  la  Laguna  therefore  resolved  to  recolonize  Santa  Fe, 
and  accordingly  dispatched  three  hundred  families  of  Spaniards 
and  mulattoes,  among  whom  he  divided  the  land  by  caballerians. 
Besides  this,  he  augmented  the  garrison  in  all  the  forts  and  strong- 
holds scattered  throughout  the  territory,  so  that  agriculture  and 
trade,  grouped  under  the  guns  of  his  soldiery,  might  once  more 
lift  up  their  heads  in  that  remote  region  in  spite  of  Indian  hostility. 
This  measure  was  of  great  service  in  controlling  the  natives  else- 
where. The  Indians  in  the  neighboring  provinces  had  begun  to 
exhibit  a  strong  desire  to  imitate  the  example  of  the  New  Mexican 
bands,  and  in  all  probability  were  only  prevented  by  this  stringent 
measure  of  the  viceroy  from  freeing  themselves  from  the  Span- 
ish yoke. 

The  administration  of  the  Marques  de  la  Laguna  was  an  un- 
fortunate one  for  his  peace,  if  not  for  his  fame.  The  expedition 
which  he  dispatched  in  1683  to  California  under  Don  Isidor 
Otondo,  and  in  which  were  Jesuits,  among  whom  was  the  celebrated 
Father  Kino,  returned  from  that  country  three  years  afterward 
after  a  fruitless  voyage  and  exploration  of  the  coasts.  Nor  was  the 
eastern  coast  of  New  Spain  more  grateful  for  the  cares  of  the 
viceroy.  Vera  Cruz,  the  chief  port  of  the  realm,  was  at  this  time 
warmly  besieged  and  finally  sacked  by  the  English  pirate  Nicholas 
Agramont,  who  was  drawn  thither  by  a  mulatto,  Lorencellio,  after 
taking  refuge  in  Jamaica  for  a  crime  that  he  had  committed  in 
New  Spain.  On  May  17  Vera  Cruz  surrendered  to  the  robbers, 
who  possessed  themselves  of  property  to  the  amount  of  seven 
millions  of  dollars,  which  was  awaiting  the  arrival  in  the  harbor 
of  the  fleet  that  was  to  carry  it  to  Spain.  The  chief  portion  of  the 
inhabitants  took  sanctuary  in  the  churches,  where  they  remained 
pent  up  for  a  length  of  time ;  but  the  pirates  contrived  to  seize 
a  large  number  of  clergymen,  monks,  and  women,  whom  they 
forced  to  bear  the  spoils  of  the  city  to  their  vessels,  and  afterward 
treated  with  the  greatest  inhumanity. 

The  coasts  of  Mexico  were  at  this  period  sorely  harrassed  with 
the  piratical  vessels  of  France  and  England.  The  wealth  of  the 
New  World,  inadequately  protected  by  Spanish  cruisers  in  its 
transit  to  Europe,  was  a  tempting  prize  to  the  bold  nautical  adven- 
turers of  the  north  of  Europe,  and  the  advantages  of  the  Spanish 
colonies  were  thus  reaped  by  nations  who  were  freed  from  the 
expenses  of  colonial   possessions.     There  are  perhaps  still  many 


INDIAN     REBELLIONS  179 

16M-1MS 

families  in  these  countries  whose  fortunes  were  founded  upon  the 
robbery  of  Castilian  galleons. 

The  twenty-ninth  viceroy  of  New  Spain  was  the  Conde  de 
Monclova,  surnamed  "  Brazo  de  Plata,"  from  the  fact  that  he 
supplied  with  a  silver  arm  the  member  he  had  lost  in  battle.  He 
arrived  in  Mexico  on  November  30,  1686,  and  immediately  de- 
voted himself  to  the  improvement  of  the  capital,  the  completion  of 
the  canal  which  was  to  free  the  city  from  inundations,  and  the 
protection  of  the  northern  provinces  and  the  coasts  of  the  gulf 
against  the  menaced  settlements  of  the  French.  He  dispatched 
several  Spanish  men-of-war  and  launches  to  scour  the  harbors 
and  inlets  of  the  eastern  shores  as  far  as  Florida  in  order  to  dis- 
lodge the  intruders,  and,  having  obtained  control  over  the  Indians 
of  Coahuila,  he  established  a  strong  garrison  and  founded  a 
colonial  settlement,  called  the  town  of  Monclova,  with  a  hundred 
and  fifty  families,  in  which  there  were  two  hundred  and  seventy 
men  capable  of  bearing  arms  against  the  French  whom  he  ex- 
pected to  encounter  in  that  quarter. 

The  Conde  de  Monclova  contemplated  various  plans  for  the 
consolidation  and  advancement  of  New  Spain,  but  before  two  years 
had  expired  he  was  relieved  from  the  government  and  transferred 
to  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru. 

The  Conde  de  Galve  was  the  next  incumbent  and  entered  upon 
his  viceroyalty  September  17,  1688.  Even  before  the  departure 
of  his  predecessor  for  Peru  he  learned  that  the  fears  of  that  func- 
tionary had  been  realized  by  the  discovery  of  attempts  by  the  French 
to  found  settlements  in  New  Spain.  The  governor  of  Coahuila 
in  the  course  of  his  explorations  in  the  wilderness  found  a  fort 
which  had  been  commenced,  and  the  remains  of  a  large  number 
of  dead  Frenchmen,  who  had  no  doubt  been  engaged  in  the  erection 
of  the  stronghold  when  they  fell  under  the  blows  and  arrows  of 
the  savages. 

Besides  this  intrusion  in  the  north,  from  which  the  Spaniards 
were,  nevertheless,  somewhat  protected  by  the  Indians,  who  hated 
the  French  quite  as  much  as  they  did  the  subjects  of  Spain,  the 
viceroy  heard,  moreover,  that  the  Tarahumare  and  Tepehuane 
tribes  had  united  with  other  wild  bands  of  the  northwest  and  were 
in  open  rebellion.  Forces  were  immediately  dispatched  against 
the  insurgents,  but  they  fared  no  better  than  the  Spanish  troops 
had  done  in  previous  years  in  New  Mexico.     The  love  of  liberty, 


180  MEXICO 

1686-1690 

or  the  desire  of  entire  freedom  from  labor,  was  in  this  case,  as  in 
the  former,  the  sole  cause  of  the  insurrection.  When  the  blow 
was  struck,  the  Indians  fled  to  their  fastnesses,  and  when  the 
regular  soldiery  arrived  on  the  field  to  fight  them  according  to  the 
regular  laws  of  war,  the  children  of  the  forest  were,  as  usual, 
nowhere  to  be  found.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  the  rebellion  would 
have  been  easily  suppressed,  or  improbable  that  those  provinces 
would  have  been  lost  had  not  the  Jesuits,  who  enjoyed  considerable 
influence  over  the  insurgent  tribes,  devoted  themselves,  forthwith,  to 
calming  the  excited  bands.  Among  the  foremost  of  these  clerical 
benefactors  of  Spain  was  the  noble  Milanese  Jesuit,  Salvatierra, 
whose  authority  over  the  Indians  was  perhaps  paramount  to  all 
others,  and  whose  successful  zeal  was  acknowledged  by  a  grateful 
letter  from  the  viceroy.  This  worthy  priest  had  been  one  of  the 
ablest  missionaries  among  these  wTarlike  tribes.  He  won  their  love 
and  confidence  while  endeavoring  to  diffuse  Christianity  among 
them,  and  the  power  he  obtained  through  his  humanity  and  unvary- 
ing goodness  was  now  the  means  of  once  more  subjecting  the  re- 
volted Indians  to  the  Spaniards.  The  cross  achieved  a  victory  which 
they  refused  to  the  sword. 

In  1690  another  effort  was  made  to  populate  California,  in 
virtue  of  new  orders  received  from  Charles ;  and  while  the  prepara- 
tions were  making  to  carry  the  royal  will  into  effect,  the  viceroy 
commanded  the  governor  of  Coahuila  to  place  a  garrison  at  San 
Bernardo,  where  the  French  attempted  to  build  their  fort.  Orders 
were  also  sent  about  the  same  time  by  Galve  to  extend  the  Spanish 
power  northward,  and  in  169 1  the  province  of  Asinais,  or  Texas,  as 
it  was  called  by  the  Spaniards,  was  settled  by  some  emigrants,  and 
visited  by  fourteen  Franciscan  monks,  who  were  anxious  to  devote 
themselves  to  the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  A  garrison  and  a  mis- 
sion were  established  at  that  time  in  Texas,  but  in  consequence,  not 
only  of  an  extraordinary  drought  which  occurred  two  or  three  years 
after,  destroying  the  crops  and  the  cattle,  but  also  of  a  sudden 
rebellion  among  the  natives  against  the  Spaniards,  who  desired  to 
subject  them  to  the  same  ignoble  toils  that  were  patiently  endured 
by  the  southern  tribes,  nearly  all  the  posts  and  missions  were  imme- 
diately abandoned. 

The  year  1690  was  signalized  in  the  annals  of  New  Spain  by  an 
attack  and  successful  onslaught,  made  by  the  orders  of  the  viceroy, 
with  Creole  troops  upon  the  Island  of  Hispaniola,  which  was  occu- 


<     o 

~  St    o 


INDIAN     REBELLIONS  181 

1690-1693 

pied  by  the  French.  Six  ships  of  the  line  and  a  frigate,  with  2700 
soldiers,  sailed  from  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz  upon  this  warlike  mis- 
sion ;  and  after  fighting  a  decisive  battle  and  destroying  the  settle- 
ments upon  parts  of  the  island,  but  without  attacking  the  more 
thickly  peopled  and  better  defended  districts  of  the  west,  they 
returned  to  New  Spain  with  a  multitude  of  prisoners  and  some 
booty. 

But  the  rejoicings  to  which  these  victories  gave  rise  were  of 
short  duration.  The  early  frosts  of  1691  had  injured  the  crops,  and 
the  country  was  menaced  with  famine.  On  June  9,  in  this  year,  the 
rain  fell  in  torrents  and,  accompanied  as  it  was  by  hail,  destroyed 
the  grain  that  was  cultivated  not  only  around  the  capital,  but  also 
in  many  of  the  best  agricultural  districts.  The  roads  became  im- 
passable, and  many  parts  of  the  City  of  Mexico  were  inundated  by 
floods  from  the  lake,  which  continued  to  lie  in  the  low  level  streets 
until  the  end  of  the  year.  Every  effort  was  made  by  the  authorities 
to  supply  the  people  with  corn, — the  staff  of  life  among  the  lower 
classes, — and  commissaries  were  even  dispatched  to  the  provinces 
to  purchase  grain  which  might  be  stored  and  sold  to  the  masses  at 
reasonable  prices.  But  the  suspicious  multitude  did  not  justly  re- 
gard this  provident  and  humane  act.  They  imagined  that  the 
viceroy  and  his  friends  designed  to  profit  by  the  scarcity  of  food 
and  to  enrich  themselves  by  the  misery  of  the  country.  Accordingly 
loud  murmurs  of  discontent  arose  among  the  lower  classes  in  the 
capital,  and  on  June  8,  1692,  the  excited  mob  rushed  suddenly  to 
the  palace  of  the  viceroy,  and,  setting  fire  not  only  to  it  but  to  the 
Casa  de  Cabildo  and  the  adjacent  buildings,  destroyed  that  splendid 
edifice,  together  with  most  of  the  archives,  records,  and  historical 
documents  which  had  been  preserved  since  the  settlement  of  the 
country.  A  diligent  search  was  made  for  the  authors  of  this  atro- 
cious calamity,  and  eight  persons  were  tried,  convicted,  and  executed 
for  the  crime.  The  wretched  incendiaries  were  found  among  the 
dregs  of  the  people.  Many  of  their  accomplices  were  also  found 
guilty  and  punished  with  stripes,  and  the  viceroy  took  measures  to 
drive  the  hordes  of  skulking  Indians  who  had  been  chiefly  active  in 
the  mob  from  their  haunts  in  the  city,  as  well  as  to  deprive  them  of 
the  intoxicating  drinks,  and  especially  their  favorite  pulque,  in  which 
they  were  habituated  to  indulge.  The  crop  of  1693  in  some  degree 
repaired  the  losses  of  previous  )^ears,  and  in  the  ensuing  calm  the 
Conde  de  Galve  commenced  the  rebuilding  of  the  viceroyal  palace. 


182  MEXICO 

1693 

The  property  destroyed  in  the  conflagration  in  June,  1692,  amounted 
in  value  to  at  least  three  million  of  dollars. 

In  this  year  the  viceroy,  who  was  anxious  for  the  protection 
of  the  northern  shores  of  the  gulf,  and  desirous  to  guard  the  ter- 
ritory of  Florida  from  the  invasion  or  settlement  of  the  northern 
nations  of  Europe,  fitted  out  an  expedition  of  expert  engineers 
to  Pensacola,  who  designed  and  laid  the  foundations  of  the  fortifi- 
cations of  this  important  port.  Three  years  afterward,  before  the 
termination  of  his  command  in  New  Spain,  Galve  had  the  satisfac- 
tion to  dispatch  from  Vera  Cruz  the  colony  and  garrison  which 
were  to  occupy  and  defend  this  stronghold. 

In  1694  the  capital  and  the  adjacent  province  were  once  more 
afflicted  with  scarcity,  and  to  this  was  added  the  scourge  of  an 
epidemic  that  carried  thousands  to  the  grave.  In  the  following 
year  a  dreadful  earthquake  shook  the  City  of  Mexico  on  the  night 
of  August  24,  and  at  seven  o'clock  of  the  following  morning.  But 
amid  all  these  afflictions,  which  were  regarded  by  multitudes  as 
specially  sent  by  the  hand  of  God  to  punish  the  people  for  their  sins, 
the  authorities  managed  to  preserve  order  throughout  the  coun- 
try, and  in  1695  sent  large  reinforcements  for  the  expedition  which 
the  English  and  Spaniards  united  in  fitting  out  against  the  French 
who  still  maintained  their  hold  on  the  Island  of  Hispaniola.  This 
adventure  was  perfectly  successful.  The  combined  forces  assaulted 
the  Gauls  with  extraordinary  energy,  and  bore  off  eighty-one 
cannons  as  trophies  of  their  victorious  descent.  The  checkered 
administration  of  the  Conde  de  Galve  was  thus  satisfactorily  ter- 
minated, and  he  returned  to  Spain  after  eight  years  of  government, 
renowned  for  the  equity  and  prudence  of  his  administration  during 
a  period  of  unusual  peril. 


Chapter     XX 

SETTLEMENTS    IN    TEXAS.     1696-1734 

DON  JUAN  DE  ORTEGA  MONTANEZ,  Bishop  of  Mich- 
oacan,  was  the  next  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  Scarcely 
had  Galve  departed  and  the  new  episcopal  viceroy  assumed 
the  reins  of  government,  on  February  27,  1696,  when  news  reached 
Mexico  that  a  French  squadron  was  lying-  in  wait  near  Havana 
to  seize  the  galleons  which  were  to  leave  Vera  Cruz  in  the  spring 
for  Spain.  The  fleet  was  accordingly  ordered  to  delay  its  de- 
parture until  the  summer,  while  masses  were  said  and  prayers  ad- 
dressed to  the  miraculous  image  of  the  Virgin  of  Remedios  to  protect 
the  vessels  and  their  treasure  from  disaster.  The  failure  of  the 
fleet  to  sail  at  the  appointed  day  seems  to  have  caused  the  French 
squadron  to  depart  for  Europe  after  waiting  a  considerable  time 
to  effect  their  piratical  enterprise ;  and  in  the  end  all  the  galleons 
save  one  reached  the  harbor  of  Cadiz,  where  the  duties  alone  on 
their  precious  freights  amounted  to  $412,000. 

At  this  period  the  settlement  of  the  Californias.  which  was 
always  a  favorite  project  among  the  Mexicans,  began  again  to  be 
agitated.  The  coasts  had  been  constantly  visited  by  adventurers 
engaged  in  the  pearl  fishery,  but  these  persons,  whose  manners 
were  not  conciliatory  and  whose  purposes  were  altogether  selfish, 
did  not  contribute  to  strengthen  the  ties  between  the  Spaniards 
and  the  natives.  Indeed,  the  Indians  continually  complained  of 
the  fisherman's  ill-usage,  and  were  unwilling  to  enter  either  into 
trade  or  friendship  with  so  wild  a  class  of  unsettled  visitors.  The 
colonial  efforts  previously  made  had  failed  in  consequence  of  the 
scarcity  of  supplies,  nor  could  sufficient  forces  be  spared  to  com- 
pel the  submission  of  the  large  and  savage  tribes  that  dwelt  in  those 
remote  regions.  Accordingly  when  the  worthy  Father  Salvatierra, 
moved  by  the  descriptions  of  Father  Kino,  prayed  the  audiencia 
to  intrust  the  reduction  of  the  Californias  to  the  care  of  the  Jesuits, 
who  would  undertake  it  without  supplies  from  the  royal  treas- 
ury, that  body  and  the  episcopal  viceroy  consented  to  the  proposed 
spiritual  conquest,  and  imposed  on  the  holy  father  no  other  condi- 

183 


184  MEXICO 

1696-1698 

tions  except  that  the  effort  should  be  made  without  cost  to  Spain  and 
that  the  territory  subdued  should  be  taken  possession  of  in  the 
name  of  Charles  II.  Besides  this  concession  to  the  Jesuits,  the 
viceroy  and  audiencia  granted  to  Salvatierra  and  Kino  the  right 
to  levy  troops  and  name  commanders  for  their  protection  in  the 
wilderness.  A  few  days  after  the  conclusion  of  this  contract  with 
the  zealous  missionaries,  the  government  of  Montafiez  was  ter- 
minated by  the  arrival  of  his  successor,  the  Conde  de  Montezuma. 

This  viceroy  arrived  in  Mexico  on  December  18,  1696.  Early 
in  the  ensuing  January  the  annual  galleon  from  the  Philippine 
Islands  reached  the  port  of  Acapulco,  and  this  year  the  advent  of 
the  vessel  laden  with  oriental  products  seems  to  have  been  the 
motive  for  the  assemblage  of  people,  not  only  from  all  parts  of  Mex- 
ico, but  even  from  Peru,  at  a  fair,  at  which  nearly  two  millions  of 
dollars  were  spent  by  inhabitants  of  the  latter  viceroyalty  in  mer- 
chandise from  China.  Hardly  had  the  festivities  of  this  universal 
concourse  ended  when  a  violent  earthquake  shook  the  soil  of  New 
Spain,  and  extended  from  the  west  coast  to  the  interior  beyond 
the  capital,  in  which  the  inhabitants  were  suffering  from  scarcity, 
and  beginning  already  to  exhibit  symptoms  of  discontent,  as  they 
had  done  five  years  before,  against  the  supreme  authorities,  who 
they  always  accused  of  criminally  withholding  grain  or  maintain- 
ing its  exorbitant  price  whenever  the  seasons  were  inauspicious. 
But  the  Conde  de  Montezuma  was  on  his  guard,  and  immediately 
took  means  to  control  the  Indians  and  lower  classes  who  inhabited 
the  suburbs  of  the  capital.  In  the  meanwhile  he  caused  large  quan- 
tities of  corn  to  be  sent  to  Mexico  from  the  provinces,  and,  as  long 
as  the  scarcity  continued  and  until  it  was  ascertained  that  the  new 
crop  would  be  abundant,  he  ordered  grain  to  be  served  out  carefully 
to  those  who  were  really  in  want  or  unable  to  supply  themselves  at 
the  prices  of  the  day. 

In  1698  the  joyful  news  of  the  peace  concluded  in  the  preced- 
ing year  between  France,  Spain,  Holland,  and  England  reached 
Mexico,  and  gave  rise  to  unusual  rejoicings  among  the  people. 
Commerce,  which  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  war,  recovered  its 
wonted  activity.  The  two  following  years  passed  over  New  Spain 
uneventfully ;  but  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  sig- 
nalized by  a  matter  which  not  only  affected  the  politics  of  Europe, 
but  might  have  interfered  essentially  with  the  loyalty  and  prosperity 
of  the  New  World. 


SETTLEMENTS     IN     TEXAS  185 

1698-1701 

In  1 70 1  the  monarchy  of  Spain  passed  from  the  house  of 
Austria  to  that  of  Bourbon.  The  history  of  this  transition  of  the 
crown,  and  of  the  conflicts  to  which  it  gave  rise  not  only  in  Spain 
but  throughout  Europe,  is  well  known.  Yet  America  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  shaken,  in  its  fidelity,  amid  all  the  convulsions  of 
the  parent  state.  Patient,  submissive,  and  obedient  to  the  author- 
ities sent  them  from  across  the  sea,  the  people  of  Mexico  were  as 
willing  to  receive  a  sovereign  of  a  new  race  as  to  hail  the  advent 
in  their  capital  of  a  new  viceroy.  Accordingly  the  inhabitants  im- 
mediately manifested  their  fealty  to  the  successor  named  by  Charles 
II.,  a  fact  which  afforded  no  small  degree  of  consolation  to  Philip  V. 
during  all  the  vicissitudes  of  his  fortune.  It  is  even  related  that 
this  monarch  thought  at  one  period  of  taking  refuge  among  his 
American  subjects  and  thus  relieving  himself  of  the  quarrels  and 
conflicts  by  which  he  was  surrounded  and  assailed  in  Europe. 

The  public  mourning  and  funeral  obsequies  for  the  late  sov- 
ereign were  celebrated  in  Mexico  with  great  pomp  according  to  a 
precise  ritual  which  was  sent  from  the  Spanish  court,  and,  while 
the  people  were  thinking  of  the  festivities  which  were  to  signalize 
Philip's  accession  to  the  throne,  the  Conde  de  Montezuma  returned 
to  Spain  after  four  years  of  uneventful  rule. 

For  the  second  time  Don  Juan  de  Ortega  Montafiez  was  vice- 
roy. The  brief  period  of  one  year,  during  which  he  again  exercised 
his  functions  in  Mexico,  is  chiefly,  and  perhaps  only,  memorable 
for  the  additional  efforts  made  by  the  worthy  Jesuits  in  California 
to  subdue  and  settle  that  distant  province.  The  colonists  and 
clergymen  who  had  already  gone  thither  complained  incessantly 
of  their  sufferings  in  consequence  of  the  sterility  of  the  coasts. 
But  Salvatierra  remained  firm  in  his  resolution  to  spread  the  power 
of  Spain  and  of  his  church  among  the  wild  tribes  at  the  feet  of  the 
western  sierra  along  the  Pacific  coast.  His  labors  and  those  of 
his  diligent  coadjutors  were  slow  but  incessant.  Trusting  confi- 
dently in  Providence,  they  maintained  their  post  at  the  Presidio 
of  Loreto,  and  gathered  around  them  by  their  persuasive  eloquence 
and  gentle  demeanor  large  numbers  of  natives,  until  the  success  of 
their  teachings  threatened  them  with  starvation  in  consequence  of 
the  abundance  of  their  converts,  all  of  whom  relied  upon  the 
fathers  for  maintenance  as  soon  as  they  abandoned  their  savage 
life.  Yet  there  was  no  other  means  of  attaching  the  Indians  to  the 
Spanish  Government.     The  authorities  in  Mexico  had  refused  and 


186  MEXICO 

1701-1710 

continued  obstinate  in  their  denial  of  men  or  money  to  conquer  or 
hold  the  country;  so  that,  after  various  efforts  to  obtain  the  aid 
of  the  government,  the  pious  mendicants  resolved  to  return  again 
to  their  remote  missions  with  no  other  reliance  than  honest  zeal 
and  the  support  of  God.  At  this  juncture  Philip  V.  and  a  number 
of  influential  people  in  the  capital  volunteered  to  aid  the  cause 
of  Christianity  and  Spain  by  supplies  which  would  ensure  the  final 
success  of  the  Jesuits. 

The  Duke  of  Albuquerque  assumed  the  government  of  Mex- 
ico in  1702  and  soon  perceived  that  more  than  ordinary  care  was 
necessary  to  consolidate  a  loyal  alliance  between  the  throne  and  its 
American  possessions  during  the  dangerous  period  in  which  por- 
tions of  Spain  in  the  Old  World  were  armed  and  aroused  against 
the  lawful  authorities  of  the  land.  Accordingly  the  new  viceroy 
immediately  strengthened  the  military  arm  of  the  colony,  and  ex- 
tended the  government  of  provinces  and  the  custody  of  his  strong- 
holds and  fastnesses  to  Spaniards  upon  whose  fidelity  he  could 
implicitly  rely.  Without  these  precautions  he  perhaps  justly  feared 
that  notwithstanding  the  loyalty  manifested  in  New  Spain  upon  the 
accession  of  Philip,  the  insubordination  of  certain  parts  of  the 
Spanish  monarchy  at  home  might  serve  as  a  bad  example  to  the 
American  colonists,  and  finally  result  in  a  civil  war  that  would 
drench  the  land  with  blood.  Besides  this,  the  foreign  fleets  and 
pirates  were  again  beginning  to  swarm  along  the  coasts,  lying  in 
wait  for  the  treasure  which  was  annually  dispatched  to  Spain ;  but 
to  meet  and  control  these  adventurers  the  careful  duke  increased 
the  squadron  of  Barlovento,  with  instructions  to  watch  the  coast 
incessantly  and  to  lose  no  opportunity  to  make  prizes  of  the  enemy's 
vessels. 

Peace  was  thus  preserved  in  New  Spain  both  on  land  and 
water,  while  the  Jesuits  of  California  still  continued  their  efforts, 
unaided  by  the  government,  whose  resources  were  drained  for  the 
wars  of  the  Old  World.  Thus  after  eight  years  of  a  strong  but 
pacific  reign,  during  which  he  saved  New  Spain  from  imitating 
the  disgraceful  dissensions  of  the  parent  state,  the  Duke  of  Al- 
buquerque resigned  his  government  into  the  hands  of  the  Duke  of 
Linares. 

The  Duke  of  Linares  entered  Mexico  in  17 10.  The  first  years 
of  his  administration  were  uneventful,  nor  was  his  whole  govern- 
ment distinguished,  in  fact,  by  any  matter  which  will  make  the 


SETTLEMENTS     IN     TEXAS  187 

1710-1715 

thirty-fifth  viceroyalty  particularly  memorable  in  the  history  of 
New  Spain.1 

In  1712  Philip  V.  found  himself  master  of  nearly  the  whole 
of  Spain,  and,  being  naturally  anxious  to  end  the  war  with  honor, 
his  emissaries  improved  every  opportunity  to  withdraw  members 
of  the  combined  powers  from  a  contest  which  threatened  to  be 
interminable.  Accordingly  he  approached  the  English  with  the 
temptations  of  trade,  and  through  his  ambassadors  who  were  as- 
sisting at  the  Congress  of  Utrecht  he  proposed  that  Queen  Anne 
should  withdraw  from  the  contest  if  he  granted  her  subjects  the 
right  to  establish  trading  houses  in  his  ports  on  the  Main  and  in 
the  islands  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  the  colonies  with  African 
slaves.  A  similar  contract  had  been  made  ten  years  before  with 
the  French,  and  was  about  to  expire  on  May  1. 

Anne,  who  was  wearied  of  the  war  and  glad  to  escape  from 
its  expense  and  danger,  was  not  loath  to  accept  the  proffered 
terms ;  and  the  treaty  known  by  the  name  of  "  El  Asiento,"  which 
was  put  in  force  in  Vera  Cruz  and  other  Spanish  ports,  resulted 
most  beneficially  to  the  English.  They  filled  the  markets  with 
negroes,  and  at  the  same  time  continued  to  reap  profit  from  the 
goods  they  smuggled  into  the  colonies,  notwithstanding  the  treaty 
forbade  the  introduction  of  British  merchandise  to  the  detriment 
of  Spanish  manufactures.  This  combined  inhumane  and  illicit 
trade  continued  for  a  considerable  time,  until  the  authorities  were 
obliged  to  menace  the  officers  of  customs  with  death  if  they  con- 
nived any  longer  at  the  secret  and  scandalous  introduction  of 
British  wares. 

In  1 7 14  a  brief  famine  and  severe  epidemic  again  ravaged  the 
colony.  In  this  year,  too,  the  Indians  of  Texas  once  more  mani- 
fested a  desire  to  submit  themselves  to  Spain  and  to  embrace  the 
Christian  faith.  Orders  were  therefore  given  to  garrison  that 
northern  province,  and  the  Franciscan  monks  were  again  com- 
manded to  return  to  their  missions  among  the  Ansinais.  At  the 
same  time  a  new  colony  was  founded  in  Nuevo  Leon,  forty  leagues 
southeast  from  Monterey,  which  in  honor  of  the  viceroy  received 
the  name  of  San  Felipe  de  Linares.    At  the  close  of  this  year,  171 5, 

1  The  year  171 1  is  remarkable  in  the  annals  of  the  valley  of  Mexico  for  a 
snowstorm,  which  is  only  known  to  have  occurred  again  on  the  Feast  of  the 
Purification  of  the  Virgin  in  1767.  In  August  of  171 1  there  was  an  awful  earth- 
quake, which  shattered  the  city  and  destroyed  many  of  its  strongest  houses. 


188  MEXICO 

1715-1719 

the  garrisons  of  Texas  were  already  completed  and  the  Franciscan 
friars  busy  in  their  mission  of  inducing  the  savages  to  abandon 
their  nomadic  habits  for  the  quieter  life  of  villagers.  This  was 
always  the  most  successful  effort  of  the  Spaniards  in  controlling 
the  restless  wanderers  and  hunters  of  the  wilderness.  It  was  the 
first  step  in  the  modified  civilization  that  usually  ended  in  a  mere 
knowledge  of  the  formula  of  prayers,  and  in  the  more  substantial 
return  of  the  labor  of  the  Indians,  which  was  in  reality  nothing  but 
slavery. 

The  year  171 6  was  the  last  of  the  reign  of  the  Duke  of  Linares, 
who  in  the  month  of  August  resigned  his  post  to  the  Duke  of 
Arion. 

Scarcely  had  the  Duke  of  Arion  taken  charge  of  the  vice- 
royal  government  when  he  received  an  express  from  Texas,  dis- 
patched by  Domingo  Ramon,  who  was  captain  of  the  Spaniards 
in  the  province,  informing  the  authorities  of  the  famine  which 
prevailed  throughout  his  command,  and  demanding  supplies,  with- 
out which  he  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  his  post  and  take  refuge 
with  his  soldiers  in  Coahuila.  The  new  viceroy  saw  at  once  the 
importance  of  preserving  this  province  as  an  outpost  and  frontier 
against  the  French,  who  had  already  begun  their  settlements  in 
Louisiana,  and  accordingly  he  commanded  the  governor  of  Coahuila 
to  send  provisions  and  troops  to  Texas,  together  with  mechanics 
who  should  teach  the  useful  arts  to  the  Indians. 

While  these  occurrences  took  place  in  the  north  of  Mexico, 
war  was  once  more  declared  between  Spain  and  France  without 
any  apparent  motive  save  the  hatred  which  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
the  regent  during  the  minority  of  Louis  XV.,  entertained  for  the 
Cardinal  Alberoni,  who  was  prime  minister  of  Spain  and  had  in- 
trigued to  dispossess  him  of  his  regency.  The  news  of  this  war 
reached  Xew  Spain,  and  on  May  19,  17 19,  the  French  attacked 
Pensacola  and  received  the  capitulation  of  the  governor,  who  was 
unprepared,  either  with  men  or  provisions,  to  resist  the  invaders. 
In  the  following  month  the  garrison  and  missionaries  of  Texas 
returned  hastily  to  Coahuila  and  apprised  the  viceroy  of  their 
flight  for  safety.  But  that  functionary  saw  at  once  the  necessity 
of  strengthening  the  frontier.  Levies  were  therefore  immediately 
made.  Munitions  were  dispatched  to  the  north.  And  five  hun- 
dred men,  divided  into  eight  companies,  marched  forthwith  to 
reestablish   the   garrisons   and   missions   under   the   command   of 


SETTLEMENTS     IN     TEXAS  189 

1719-1723 

the  Marques  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo,  the  new  governor  of  Florida 
and  Texas. 

It  may  not  be  uninteresting  or  unprofitable  to  state  in  this 
place  some  of  the  efforts  at  positive  settlement  in  Texas  which  were 
made  by  the  Spaniards  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  Alarcon,  the  governor,  early  in  1718  crossed  the  Medina 
with  a  large  number  of  soldiers,  settlers,  and  mechanics  and  founded 
the  town  of  Bejar,  with  the  fortress  of  San  Antonio,  and  the 
mission  of  San  Antonio  Valero.  Thence  he  pushed  on  to  the 
country  of  the  Cenis  Indians,  where,  having  strengthened  the  mis- 
sionary force,  he  crossed  the  River  Adayes,  which  he  called  the 
Rio  de  San  Francisco  de  Sabinas,  or  the  Sabine,  and  began  the 
foundation  of  a  fortress  within  a  short  distance  of  the  French  fort, 
at  Natchitoches,  named  by  him  the  Presidio  de  San  Miguel 
Arcangel  de  Linares  de  Adayes.  These  establishments  were  rein- 
forced during  the  next  year,  and  another  stronghold  was  erected  on 
the  Oreoquisas,  probably  the  San  Jacinto,  emptying  into  Galveston 
Bay,  west  of  the  mouth  of  Trinity. 

The  French,  who  were  not  unobservant  of  these  Spanish  acts 
of  occupation  in  a  country  they  claimed  by  virtue  of  La  Salle's  dis- 
covery and  possession  in  1684,  immediately  began  to  establish 
counter  settlements  on  the  Mississippi  and  in  the  valley  of  the  Red 
River.  When  Alarcon  was  removed  from  the  government  of 
Texas  he  was  succeeded  by  the  Marques  de  Aguayo,  who  made  ex- 
peditions through  the  country  in  1721  and  1722,  during  which  he 
considerably  increased  the  Spanish  establishments,  and  after  this 
period  no  attempt  was  ever  made  by  the  French  to  occupy  any  spot 
southwest  of  Natchitoches. 

Notwithstanding  the  hostilities  between  France  and  Spain  and 
the  eager  watchfulness  of  the  fleets  and  privateers  of  the  former 
nations,  the  galleons  of  New  Spain  reached  Cadiz  in  1721  with  a 
freight  of  eleven  millions  of  dollars!  The  years  1722  and  1723 
were  signalized  by  some  outbreaks  among  the  Indians  which  were 
successfully  quelled  by  the  colonial  troops,  and  in  October  the 
Duke  of  Arion,  who  had  controlled  New  Spain  for  six  years,  was 
succeeded  by  the  Marques  de  Casa-Fuerte,  a  general  of  artillery. 
He  entered  Mexico  amid  the  applauses  of  the  people,  not  only  be- 
cause he  was  a  Creole  or  native  of  America,  but  for  the  love  that 
was  borne  him  by  Philip  V.,  who  well  knew  the  services  for  which 
the  crown  was  indebted  to  so  brave  a  warrior. 


190 


MEXICO 


1719-1723 


In  recording  these  brief  memorials  of  the  viceroys  of  Mexico 
it  has  been  our  purpose  rather  to  mention  the  principal  public  events 
that  signalized  their  reigns  and  developed  or  protected  the  nation 
committed  to  their  charge  than  to  trace  the  intrigues  or  exhibit 
the  misconduct  of  those  functionaries  and  their  courtiers.  We 
have  abstained  from  noticing  many  of  the  corrupt  practices  which 
crept  into  the  administration  of  Mexico.     But  in  sketching  the 


EARLY  SETTLEMENTS  IN  TEXAS 


viceroyalty  of  the  Marques  de  Casa-Fuerte,  who  succeeded  the 
Duke  of  Arion,  we  cannot  justly  avoid  observing  the  marked  and 
moral  change  he  wrought  in  the  government  of  the  country,  and 
the  diligence  with  which  this  brave  and  trusty  soldier  labored  to 
purify  the  corrupt  court  of  New  Spain.  Other  viceroys  had  en- 
deavored zealously  to  aid  the  progress  of  the  colony.  They  had 
planted  towns,  villages,  and  garrisons  throughout  the  interior. 
They  had  sought  to  develop  the  mining  districts  and  to   foster 


SETTLEMENTS     IN     TEXAS  191 

1723-1731 

agricultural  interests.  But  almost  all  of  them  were  more  or  less 
tainted  with  avarice,  and  willingly  fell  into  the  habits  of  the  age, 
which  countenaced  the  traffic  in  office  or  permitted  the  reception  of 
liberal  "  gratifications  "  whenever  an  advantage  was  to  be  derived 
by  an  individual  from  his  transactions  with  the  government. 

In  the  time  of  Casa-Fuerte  there  was  no  path  to  the  palace  but 
that  which  was  open  to  all.  Merit  was  the  test  of  employment 
and  reward.  He  forbade  the  members  of  his  family  to  receive 
gifts  or  to  become  intercessors  for  office-seekers,  and  in  all  branches 
of  public  affairs  he  introduced  wholesome  reforms  which  were 
carefully  maintained  during  the  whole  of  his  long  and  virtuous 
administration. 

In  1724  Philip  V.  suddenly  and  unexpectedly,  for  his  Ameri- 
can subjects,  resolved  to  abdicate  the  crown  of  Spain  and  raise  his 
son  Louis  I.  to  the  throne.  Scarcely  had  the  news  reached  Mexico, 
and  the  inhabitants  prepared  themselves  to  celebrate  the  accession  of 
the  prince,  when  they  learned  that  he  was  already  dead,  and  that 
his  father,  fearing  to  seat  the  minor  Ferdinand  in  the  place  of 
his  lost  son,  had  again  resumed  the  scepter.  The  Marques  de 
Casa-Fuerte  instantly  proclaimed  the  fact  to  the  people,  whose 
loyalty  to  the  old  sovereign  continued  unabated;  and  during  the 
unusually  long  and  successful  government  of  this  viceroy  the  great- 
est cordiality  and  confidence  was  maintained  between  himself  and 
his  royal  master. 

Casa-Fuerte  dispatched  a  colony  of  emigrants  from  the  Canary 
Isles  to  Texas,  and,  establishing  a  town  for  their  occupation,  he 
modestly  refused  the  proffered  honor  of  bestowing  upon  it  his  name, 
but  caused  it  to  be  called  San  Fernando,  in  honor  of  the  heir  of 
the  Spanish  crown.  Nor  did  he  neglect  commerce  while  he  attended 
to  a  discreet  colonization  in  the  north  which  might  encounter  and 
stay  the  southern  progress  of  the  English  and  the  French.  In  1 73 1 
the  oriental  trade  of  New  Spain  had  become  exceedingly  important. 
The  galleons  that  regularly  passed  across  the  Pacific  from  the 
East  Indies,  and  arrived  every  year  in  America  about  Christmas, 
had  enjoyed  almost  a  monopoly  of  the  Indian  trade  in  consequence 
of  the  wars  which  continually  existed  during  that  century  and 
filled  the  northern  and  southern  Atlantic  with  pirates  and  vessels 
of  war.  The  Pacific,  however,  was  comparatively  free  from  these 
dangers,  and  the  galleons  were  allowed  to  go  and  come  with  but 
little  interruption.     The  American  Creoles  in  reality  preferred  the 


192  MEXICO 

1731-1734 

manufactures  of  China  to  those  of  Europe,  for  the  fabrics  of  silk 
and  cotton  especially,  which  were  sent  to  Mexico  from  Asia,  had 
been  sold  at  half  the  price  demanded  for  similar  articles  produced 
in  Spain.  The  galleon  of  1731,  which  discharged  its  cargo  in 
Acapulco,  bore  a  freight  of  unusual  value,  whence  we  may  estimate 
the  Mexican  commerce  of  that  age.  The  duties  collected  upon  this 
oriental  merchandise  exceeded  $170,000,  exhibiting  an  extraor- 
dinary increase  of  Eastern  trade  with  Mexico  compared  with  thirty- 
five  years  before,  when  the  impost  collected  on  similar  commerce 
in  1697  amounted  to  but  $80,000.  The  anxiety  to  preserve  the 
mercantile  importance  of  Cadiz  and  to  prevent  the  ruin  of  the 
Old  World's  commerce  interposed  many  difficulties  in  the  trade 
between  the  East  Indies  and  New  Spain ;  but  the  influence  of 
Spanish  houses  in  Manila  still  secured  the  annual  galleon,  and  the 
thrifty  merchants  stowed  the  vessels  with  nearly  double  the  freight 
that  was  carried  by  similar  ships  on  ordinary  voyages.  Acapulco 
thus  became  the  emporium  of  an  important  trade,  and  its  streets 
were  crowded  with  merchants  and  strangers  from  all  parts  of 
Mexico,  in  spite  of  the  dangerous  diseases  with  which  they  were 
almost  sure  to  be  attacked  while  visiting  the  western  coast. 

The  year  1734  was  a  sad  one  for  New  Spain.  The  Marques  de 
Casa-Fuerte,  who  governed  the  country  for  twelve  years  most  suc- 
cessfully, and  had  served  the  crown  for  fifty-nine,  departed  this  life 
at  the  age  of  seventy-seven.  He  was  a  native  of  Lima,  and,  like  a 
true  Creole,  seems  to  have  had  the  good  of  America  constantly  at 
heart.  Philip  V.  fully  appreciated  his  meritorious  services,  and,  had 
the  viceroy  lived,  would  doubtless  have  continued  him  longer  in  the 
government  of  Mexico.  The  counselors  of  the  king  often  hinted 
to  their  sovereign  that  it  was  time  to  remove  the  Mexican  viceroy ; 
but  the  only  reply  they  received  from  Philip  was  "  Long  live  Casa- 
Fuerte  !  "  The  courtiers  answered  that  they  hoped  he  might,  indeed, 
live  long,  but  that  oppressed  with  years  and  toils  he  was  no  longer 
able  to  endure  the  burdens  of  so  arduous  a  government.  "  As  long 
as  Casa-Fuerte  lives,"  answered  the  king,  "  his  talents  and  virtues 
will  give  him  all  the  vigor  required  for  a  good  minister." 

Impartial  posterity  has  confirmed  the  sensibility  and  judgment 
of  the  king.  During  the  reign  of  Casa-Fuerte  the  capital  of  New 
Spain  was  adorned  with  many  of  its  most  sumptuous  and  elegant 
edifices.  The  royal  mint  and  custom  house  were  built  under  his 
orders.    All  the  garrisons  throughout  the  viceroyalty  were  visited, 


SETTLEMENTS     IN     TEXAS  193 

1734 

examined,  and  reported.  He  was  liberal  with  alms  for  the  poor, 
and  even  left  a  sum  to  be  distributed  twice  a  year  for  food  among 
the  prisoners.  He  endowed  an  asylum  for  orphans,  expended  a 
large  part  of  his  fortune  in  charitable  works,  and  is  still  known  in 
the  traditionary  history  of  the  country  as  the  "  Great  Governor  of 
New  Spain."  His  cherished  remains  were  interred  with  great  pomp, 
and  are  still  preserved  in  the  church  of  the  Franciscans  of  San 
Cosme  and  Damian. 


Chapter    XXI 

DEVELOPMENT     OF     INTERNAL     RESOURCES.     1 734-1 794 

THE  thirty-eighth  viceroy  of  New  Spain  was  the  Archbishop 
of  Mexico,  Don  Juan  Antonio  de  Vizarron  y  Eguiarreta. 
This  viceroy,  who  governed  New  Spain  from  the  year 
1734  to  1740,  passed  an  uneventful  reign  so  far  as  the  internal  peace 
and  order  of  the  colony  were  concerned.  War  was  declared  during 
this  period  between  France  and  Spain,  but  Mexico  escaped  from  all 
its  desolating  consequences,  and  nothing  appears  to  have  disturbed 
the  quiet  of  colonial  life  but  a  severe  epidemic,  which  is  said  to  have 
resembled  the  yellow  fever,  and  carried  off  many  thousands  of  the 
inhabitants,  especially  in  the  northeastern  section  of  the  territory. 
The  viceroy  was  naturally  solicitous  to  follow  the  example  of  his 
predecessors  in  preventing  the  encroachments  of  the  French  on  the 
northern  indefinite  boundaries  of  New  Spain,  and  took  measures  to 
support  the  feeble  garrisons  and  colonies  which  were  the  only  rep- 
resentatives of  Spanish  rights  and  power  in  that  remote  quarter. 

On  August  17  he  was  succeeded  by  Don  Pedro  Castro  Figueroa 
Salazar,  Duke  de  la  Conquista.  The  new  viceroy  reached  the  cap- 
ital and  learned  from  the  governor  of  New  Mexico  that  the  French 
had  actually  visited  that  region  of  the  colonial  possessions,  yet,  find- 
ing the  soil  and  country  unsuited  to  their  purposes,  had  returned 
again  to  their  own  villages  and  settlements.  At  the  same  time  the 
English,  under  the  command  of  Oglethorpe,  bombarded  the  town 
and  fort  of  San  Agustin  in  Florida,  but  the  brave  defense  made  by 
the  Spaniards  obliged  them  to  raise  the  siege  and  depart. 

In  1 74 1  the  sky  of  New  Spain  was  obscured  by  the  approaching 
clouds  of  war,  for  Admiral  Vernon,  who  had  inflicted  great  dam- 
ages upon  the  commerce  of  the  Indies,  captured  Porto  Bello  and 
occupied  the  forts  of  Cartagena.  New  Spain  was  thus  in  constant 
dread  of  the  arrival  of  a  formidable  enemy  upon  her  own  coasts, 
and  the  Duke  de  la  Conquista,  anxious  for  the  fate  of  Vera  Cruz, 
hastily  levied  an  adequate  force  for  the  protection  of  the  shore 
along  the  gulf,  and  resolved  to  visit  it  personally  in  order  to  hasten 

194 


INTERNAL     RESOURC  E  S  195 

1741-1742 

the  works  which  were  requisite  to  resist  the  English.  He  departed 
for  the  eastern  districts  of  New  Spain  upon  the  warlike  mission,  but 
in  the  midst  of  his  labors  was  suddenly  seized  by  a  severe  illness 
which  obliged  him  to  return  to  the  capital,  where  he  died  on  August 
22.  His  body  was  interred  with  great  pomp,  amid  the  lamentations 
of  the  Mexicans,  for  in  the  brief  period  of  his  government  he  had 
manifested  talents  of  the  highest  order  and  exhibited  the  deepest 
interest  in  the  welfare  and  progress  of  the  country  committed  to  his 
charge.  His  noble  title  of  "  Duke  of  Conquest  "  was  bravely  won 
on  the  battlefield  of  Bitonto,  and  although  it  is  said  that  Philip 
slighted  him  during  the  year  of  his  viceroyalty,  yet  it  is  certain 
that  he  was  repaid  by  the  admiration  of  the  Mexican  people  for  the 
lost  favor  of  his  king.  Upon  his  death  the  audencia  took  charge  of 
the  government  and  continued  in  power  until  the  following  Novem- 
ber without  any  serious  disturbance  from  the  enemy.  Anson,  the 
English  admiral,  with  his  vessels,  was  in  the  Pacific,  and  waited 
anxiously  in  the  neighborhood  of  Acapulco  to  make  a  prize  of  the 
galleon  which  was  to  sail  for  the  East  Indies  laden  with  a  rich  cargo 
of  silver  to  purchase  oriental  fabrics.  But  the  inhabitants  of  Aca- 
pulco and  the  audencia  were  on  their  guard,  and  the  vessel  and 
treasure  of  New  Spain  escaped  the  grasp  of  the  famous  adventurer. 

The  Count  de  Fuen-Clara  assumed  the  viceroyal  baton  on 
November  3,  1742.  His  term  of  four  years  was  passed  without  any 
events  of  remarkable  importance  for  New  Spain  save  the  capture, 
by  Anson,  of  one  of  the  East  Indian  galleons  with  a  freight  of 
$1,313,000  in  coined  silver  and  4,470  marks  of  the  same  precious 
metal,  besides  a  quantity  of  the  most  valuable  products  of  Mexico. 

This  period  of  the  viceroyalty  must  necessarily  be  uninteresting 
and  eventless.  The  wars  of  the  Old  World  were  confined  to  the 
continent  and  to  the  sea.  Mexico,  locked  up  amid  her  mountains, 
was  not  easily  assailed  by  enemies  who  could  spare  no  large  armies 
from  the  contests  at  home  for  enterprises  in  so  distant  a  country. 
Besides,  it  was  easier  to  grasp  the  harvest  on  the  ocean  that  had 
been  gathered  on  the  land.  England  contented  herself,  therefore, 
with  harassing  and  pilfering  the  commerce  of  Castile,  while  Mexico 
devoted  all  her  energies  to  the  development  of  her  internal  resources 
of  mineral  and  agricultural  wealth.  Emigrants  poured  into  the 
country.  The  waste  lands  were  filling  up.  North,  south,  east  and 
west  the  country  was  occupied  by  industrious  settlers  and  zealous 
curates,  who  were  engaged  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  and  the 


196  MEXICO 

1742-1746 

spiritual  subjection  of  the  Indians.  The  spirit  as  well  as  the  dangers 
of  the  conquest  were  past,  and  Mexico  assumed  in  the  history  of  the 
age  the  position  of  a  quiet,  growing  nation,  equally  distant  from  the 
romantic  or  adventurous  era  of  early  settlement  when  danger  and 
difficulty  surrounded  the  Spaniards,  and  from  the  lethean  stagnation 
into  which  she  fell  in  future  years  under  Spanish  misrule. 

The  Conde  de  Revilla-Gigedo,  the  first  of  that  name  who  was 
viceroy  of  Mexico,  reached  the  capital  on  July  9,  1746,  and  on  the 
1 2th  of  the  same  month  his  master.  Philip  V.,  died,  leaving  Ferdi- 
nand VI.  as  his  successor.  Throughout  the  reign  of  this  noble- 
man the  colony  prospered  rapidly,  and  his  services  in  increasing 
the  royal  revenues  were  so  signally  successful  that  he  was  re- 
tained in  power  for  nine  years.  Mexico  had  become  a  large  and 
beautiful  city.  The  mining  districts  were  extraordinarily  prolific, 
and  no  year  of  his  government  yielded  less  than  eleven  millions  of 
dollars ;  the  whole  sum  that  passed  through  the  national  mint  during 
his  term  being  $114,231,000  of  the  precious  metals!  The  popula- 
tion of  the  capital  amounted  to  50,000  families  composed  of  Span- 
iards, Europeans,  and  Creoles,  40,000  mestizos,  mulattoes,  negroes, 
and  8000  Indians,  who  inhabited  the  suburbs.  This  population 
annually  consumed  at  least  2,000,000  arobas  of  flour,  about  160,000 
fanegas  of  corn,  300,000  sheep,  15,500  beeves,  and  about  25,000 
swine.  In  this  account  the  consumption  of  many  religious  estab- 
lishments is  not  included,  as  they  were  privately  supplied  from  their 
estates,  nor  can  we  count  the  numerous  and  valuable  presents  which 
were  sent  by  residents  of  the  country  to  their  friends  in  the  capital. 

It  has  been  already  said  that  this  viceroy  augmented  largely  the 
income  of  Spain.  The  taxes  of  the  capital,  accounted  for  by  the 
consulado,  were  collected  yearly,  and  amounted  to  $333,333,  while 
those  of  the  whole  viceroyalty  reached  $718,375.  The  income  from 
pulque  alone,  the  favorite  drink  of  the  masses,  was  $172,000,  while 
other  imposts  swelled  the  gross  income  in  proportion. 

The  collection  of  tributes  was  not  effected  invariably  in  the  same 
manner  throughout  the  territory  of  New  Spain.  In  Mexico  the 
administrador  general  imposed  this  task  on  the  justices  whose  duty 
it  was  to  watch  over  the  Indians.  The  aborigines  in  the  capital  were 
divided  into  two  sections,  one  comprising  the  Tenochas  of  San  Juan, 
and  the  other  the  Tlatelolcos  of  Santiago,  both  of  which  had  their 
governors  and  other  police  officers,  according  to  Spanish  custom. 
The  first  of  these  bands,  dwelling  on  the  north  and  east  of  the  cap- 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  197 

1746-1749 

ital,  was  in  the  olden  time  the  most  powerful  and  noble,  and  at  that 
period  numbered  5900  families.  The  other  division,  existing  on 
the  west  and  south,  was  reduced  to  2500  families.  In  the  several 
provinces  of  the  viceroyalty  the  Indian  tributes  were  collected 
through  the  intervention  of  149  chief  alcaldes  who  governed  them, 
and  who,  before  they  took  possession  of  their  offices,  were  required 
to  give  security  for  the  tribute  taxed  within  their  jurisdiction.  The 
frontier  provinces  of  this  vast  territory,  inhabited  only  by  garrisons 
and  a  few  scattered  colonists,  were  exempt  from  this  odious  charge. 
In  all  the  various  sections  of  the  nation,  however,  the  Indians  were 
accurately  enumerated.  Two  natives  were  taxed  together,  in  order 
to  facilitate  the  collection  by  making  both  responsible,  and  every 
four  months  from  this  united  pair  six  reales  were  collected,  making 
in  all  eighteen  in  the  course  of  the  year.  This  gross  tax  of  $2.25 
was  divided  as  follows :  eight  reales  were  taxed  as  tribute ;  four  for 
the  royal  service ;  four  and  a  half  as  commutation  for  a  half  fanega 
of  corn  which  was  due  to  the  royal  granery ;  half  a  real  for  the  royal 
hospital,  in  which  the  Indians  were  lodged  when  ill ;  another  half 
real  for  the  costs  of  their  lawsuits;  and,  finally,  the  remaining  half 
real  for  the  construction  of  cathedrals. 

In  1748  the  Count  Revilla-Gigedo,  in  conformity  to  the  orders 
of  the  king,  and  after  consultation  in  general  meeting  with  the 
officers  of  various  tribunals,  determined  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a 
grand  colony  in  the  north,  under  the  guidance  of  Colonel  Jose 
Escandon,  who  was  forthwith  appointed  governor.  This  decree, 
together  with  an  account  of  the  privileges  and  lands  which  would 
be  granted  to  colonists,  was  extensively  published,  and  in  a  few 
years  a  multitude  of  families  and  single  emigrants  founded  eleven 
villages  of  Spaniards  and  mulattoes  between  Alta-Mira  and  Ca- 
margo.  The  Indians  who  were  gathered  in  this  neighborhood  com- 
posed four  missions ;  and  although  it  was  found  impossible  to  clear 
the  harbor  of  Santander,  or  to  render  it  capable  of  receiving  vessels 
of  deep  draft,  the  government  was  nevertheless  enabled  to  found 
several  flourishing  villages  which  were  vigilant  in  the  protection  of 
the  coast  against  pirates. 

In  1749  the  crops  were  lost  in  many  of  the  provinces,  where 
the  early  frost  blighted  the  fields  of  corn  and  fruit.  The  crowded 
capital  and  its  neighborhood,  fortunately,  did  not  experience  the 
want  of  food,  which  in  other  regions  of  the  tierra  adentro,  or 
interior,  amounted  to  absolute  famine.    The  people  believed  that  the 


198  MEXICO 

1749-1755 

frown  of  Heaven  was  upon  the  land,  for  to  this  calamity  repeated 
earthquakes  were  added,  and  the  whole  region,  from  the  volcano  of 
Colima  to  far  beyond  Gaudalajara,  was  violently  shaken  and  rent, 
causing  the  death  of  many  persons  and  the  ruin  of  large  and  valu- 
able villages. 

In  1750  Mexico  was  still  free  from  scarcity,  and  even  able, 
not  only  to  support  its  own  population,  but  to  feed  the  numerous 
strangers  who  fled  to  it  from  the  unfruitful  districts.  Yet  in  the 
cities  and  villages  of  the  north  and  west,  where  the  crops  had  been 
again  lost,  want  and  famine  prevailed  as  in  the  previous  year.  From 
Guanajuato,  a  city  rich  in  mines,  to  Zacatecas  the  scarcity  of  food 
was  excessive,  and  the  enormous  sum  of  twenty-five  dollars  was 
demanded  and  paid  for  a  fanega,  or  bushel,  of  corn.  Neither  man 
nor  beast  had  wherewith  to  support  life,  and  for  a  while  the  labors 
in  the  mines  of  this  rich  region  were  suspended.  The  unfortunate 
people  left  their  towns  in  crowds  to  subsist  on  roots  and  berries 
which  they  found  in  the  forests.  Many  of  them  removed  to  other 
parts  of  the  country,  and,  as  it  was  at  this  period  that  the  rich  veins 
of  silver  at  Bolanos  were  discovered,  some  of  the  poor  emigrants 
found  work  and  food  in  a  district  whose  sudden  mineral  importance 
induced  the  merchants  to  supply  it  liberally  with  provisions.  The 
end  of  the  year,  however,  was  fortunately  crowned  with  abundant 
crops. 

In  1755,  after  founding  the  Presidio  of  Horcasitas,  in  Sonora, 
designed  to  restrain  the  incursions  of  the  Apaches  into  that 
province,  the  Count  Revilla-Gigedo  was  recalled  at  his  own  re- 
quest from  the  Mexican  viceroyalty  in  order  that  he  might  devote 
himself  to  the  management  of  his  private  property,  which  had  in- 
creased enormously  during  his  government.  In  the  history  of 
Mexican  viceroys  this  nobleman  is  celebrated  as  a  speculative  and 
industrious  trader.  There  was  no  kind  of  commercial  enterprise 
or  profitable  traffic  in  which  he  did  not  personally  engage.  His 
palace  degenerated  into  an  exchange,  frequented  by  all  kinds  of 
adventurers,  while  gaming  tables  were  openly  spread  out  to  catch 
the  doubloons  of  the  viceroyal  courtiers.  The  speculations  and 
profits  of  Revilla-Gigedo  enabled  him  to  found  estates  for  his 
sons  in  Spain,  and  he  was  regarded  throughout  Europe  as  the 
richest  vassal  of  Ferdinand  VI.  His  son,  who  subsequently  became 
a  Mexican  viceroy,  and  was  the  second  bearing  the  family  title, 
labored  to  blot  out  the  stain  which  the  trading  propensities  of  his 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  19<) 

1755-1760 

father  had  cast  upon  his  name.  He  was  a  model  of  propriety  in 
every  respect;  but,  while  he  made  no  open  display  of  anxiety  to 
enrich  himself  corruptly  through  official  influence  or  position,  he 
nevertheless  exhibited  the  avaricious  traits  of  his  father  in  requiring 
from  his  butler  each  night  an  exact  account  of  every  cent  that  was 
spent  during  the  day  and  every  dish  that  was  prepared  in  his 
kitchen. 

Notwithstanding  the  notorious  and  corrupting  habits  of  the 
first  count,  that  personage  contrived  to  exercise  an  extraordinary 
influence  or  control  over  the  masses  in  Mexico.  The  people  feared 
and  respected  him;  and  upon  a  certain  occasion  when  they  were 
roused  in  the  capital  and  gathered  in  menacing  mobs,  this  resolute 
viceroy,  whose  wild  and  savage  aspect  aided  the  authority  of  his 
determined  address,  rode  into  the  midst  of  the  turbulent  assemblage 
without  a  soldier  in  attendance  and  immediately  dispersed  the  revo- 
lutionists by  the  mere  authority  of  his  presence  and  command. 

The  government  of  the  Marques  de  las  Amarillas,  the  forty- 
second  viceroy,  commenced  on  November  10,  1755.  He  immedi- 
ately devoted  himself  to  the  task  of  reforming  many  of  the  abuses 
which  had  doubtless  crept  into  the  administration  of  public  affairs 
during  the  reign  of  his  trafficking  predecessor.  Valuable  mineral 
deposits  were  discovered  in  New  Leon,  whose  veins  were  found  so 
rich  and  tempting  that  crowds  of  miners  from  Zacatecas  and 
Guanajuato  flocked  to  the  prolific  region.  Great  works  were  com- 
menced to  facilitate  the  working  of  the  drifts,  but  the  wealth,  which 
had  so  suddenly  appeared  on  the  scene  as  if  by  magic,  vanished 
amid  the  interminable  quarrels  and  lawsuits  of  the  parties.  Many 
of  the  foremost  adventurers  who  imagined  themselves  masters  of 
incalculable  riches  were  finally  forced  to  quit  their  discoveries  on 
foot  without  a  dollar  to  supply  themselves  with  food. 

In  1759  a  general  mourning  was  proclaimed  in  Mexico  for  the 
Queen  of  Spain,  Maria  Barbara  of  Portugal,  who  was  speedily  fol- 
lowed to  the  tomb  by  her  husband,  Ferdinand  VI.  His  brother, 
Charles  III.,  ascended  the  throne,  and  while  the  mingled  ceremo- 
nies of  sorrow  and  festivity  for  the  dead  and  living  were  being 
performed  in  Mexico,  the  worthy  viceroy  was  suddenly  struck  with 
apoplexy,  which  his  physicians  thought  might  be  alleviated  by  his 
residence  in  the  healthful  and  lower  regions  of  Cuernavaca.  But 
neither  the  change  of  level  nor  temperature  improved  the  condition 
of  the  viceroy,  who  died  of  this  malady  on  January  5,  1760,  in  the 


200  MEXICO 

1760-1761 

beautiful  city  to  which  he  had  retreated.  He  was  a  remarkable 
contrast  to  his  predecessor  in  many  respects,  and  although  he  had 
been  viceroy  for  five  years,  it  is  stated,  as  a  singular  fact  in  the 
annals  of  Mexico,  that  he  left  his  widow  poor  and  altogether  un- 
provided for.  But  his  virtuous  conduct  as  an  efficient  minister  of 
the  crown  had  won  the  confidence  and  respect  of  the  Mexicans,  who 
were  anxious  to  succor  those  whom  he  left  dependent  upon  the 
favor  of  the  crown.  The  liberality  of  the  Archbishop  Rubio  y 
Salinas,  however,  supplied  all  the  wants  of  the  gentle  marquesa, 
who  was  thus  enabled  to  maintain  a  suitable  state  until  her  return 
to  the  court  of  Spain,  where  the  merits  of  her  husband  as  a  Spanish 
soldier  in  the  Italian  wars  doubtless  procured  her  a  proper  pension 
for  life. 

As  the  death  of  the  Marques  de  las  Amarillas  was  sudden  and 
unexpected,  the  King  of  Spain  had  not  supplied  the  government 
with  the  usual  pliego  de  mortaja,  or  mortuary  dispatch,  which  was 
generally  sent  from  Madrid  whenever  the  health  of  a  viceroy  was 
feeble,  so  as  to  supply  his  place  by  an  immediate  successor  in  the 
event  of  death.  The  audiencia,  of  course,  became  the  depository 
of  executive  power  during  the  interregnum,  and  its  dean,  Don 
Francisco  Echavarri,  directed  public  affairs  under  its  sanction  until 
the  arrival  of  the  viceroy,  ad  interim,  from  Havana.  This  viceroy, 
Don  Francisco  de  Cagigal,  employed  himself  merely  in  the  adorn- 
ment of  the  capital  and  the  general  police  of  the  colony.  He  was 
engaged  in  some  improvements  in  the  great  square  of  Mexico  when 
his  successor  arrived ;  but  he  left  the  capital  with  the  hearty  regrets 
of  the  townsmen,  for  his  intelligence  and  affability  during  his  brief 
tenure  had  won  their  confidence  and  induced  them  to  expect  the 
best  results  had  his  reign  been  prolonged. 

From  1760  to  1766  Don  Joaquim  de  Monserrat,  Marques  de 
Cruillas  was  viceroy.  In  1761,  soon  after  the  entrance  of  the  Mar- 
ques de  Cruillas  into  Mexico,  the  ceremony  of  proclaiming  the 
accession  of  Charles  III.  to  the  throne  was  observed  with  great 
pomp  by  the  viceroy,  the  nobles,  and  the  municipality.  But  the 
period  of  rejoicing  was  very  short,  for  news  soon  reached  Mexico 
that  war  was  again  declared  between  Spain  and  England — a  fact 
which  was  previously  concealed,  in  consequence  of  the  intercep- 
tion of  dispatches  that  had  been  sent  to  Havana.  Don  Juan  de 
Prado  was  the  governor  of  that  important  point,  and  he,  as  well 
as  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  had  consequently  been  unable  to  make 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  201 

1761-1763 

suitable  preparations  for  the  attacks  of  the  British  on  the  West 
Indian  and  American  possessions  of  Spain. 

In  the  meantime  an  English  squadron,  which  had  recruited  its 
forces  and  supplied  itself  with  provisions  in  Jamaica,  disembarked 
its  troops  without  resistance  on  June  6,  two  leagues  east  of  the 
Moro  Castle.  The  Havanese  fought  bravely  with  various  success 
against  the  invaders  until  July  30,  when  the  Spaniards,  satisfied 
that  all  further  defense  was  vain  and  rash,  surrendered  the  Moro 
Castle  to  the  foe.  On  August  13  the  town  also  capitulated,  private 
property  and  the  rights  of  religion  being  preserved  intact.  By  this 
conquest  the  English  obtained  nine  ships  of  the  line,  four  frigates, 
and  all  the  smaller  vessels  belonging  to  the  sovereign  and  his  sub- 
jects which  were  in  the  port;  while  $4,600,000  belonging  to  the 
king,  and  found  in  the  citv,  swelled  the  booty  of  the  fortunate 
invaders. 

While  this  was  passing  in  Havana  it  was  falsely  reported  in 
Mexico  that  the  British,  being  unsuccessful  in  their  attacks  on 
Cuba,  had  raised  the  siege  and  were  about  to  leave  the  islands  for 
the  Spanish  Main.  The  important  port  of  Vera  Cruz  and  its  de- 
fenses were  of  course  not  to  be  neglected  under  such  circumstances. 
This  incorrect  rumor  was,  however,  soon  rectified  by  the  authentic 
news  of  the  capture  of  the  Moro  Castle  and  of  the  city  of  Havana. 
The  Marquis  de  Cruillas  immediately  ordered  all  the  militia  to  be 
raised  in  the  provinces,  even  six  hundred  miles  from  the  eastern 
coast,  and  to  march  forthwith  to  Vera  Cruz.  That  city  and  its 
castle  were  at  once  placed  in  the  best  possible  condition  of  defense ; 
but  the  unacclimated  troops  from  the  high  and  healthy  regions  of 
the  interior  who  had  been  brought  suddenly  to  the  sickly  sea  shore 
of  the  tierra  caliente  suffered  so  much  from  malaria  that  the  vice- 
roy was  obliged  to  withdraw  them  to  Jalapa  and  Perote. 

While  Mexico  was  thus  in  a  state  of  alarm  in  1763,  and  while 
the  government  was  troubled  in  consequence  of  the  arrest  of  a 
clergyman  who  had  been  seized  as  a  British  spy,  the  joyful  news 
arrived  that  peace  had  again  been  negotiated  between  France  and 
Spain  and  England. 

Pestilence  as  well  as  war  appears  to  have  menaced  Mexico  at 
this  epoch.  The  smallpox  broke  out  in  the  capital  and  carried  off 
ten  thousand  persons.  Besides  this,  another  malady,  which  is 
described  by  the  writers  of  the  period  as  similar  to  that  which  had 
ravaged  the  country  107  years  before,  and  which  terminated  by  an 


202  MEXICO 

1763-1766 

unceasing  flow  of  blood  from  the  nostrils,  filled  the  hospitals  of  the 
capital  with  its  victims.  From  Mexico  this  frightful  and  contagious 
malady  passed  to  the  interior,  where  immense  numbers,  unable  to 
obtain  medical  advice,  medicine,  or  attendance,  were  carried  to 
the  grave. 

The  general  administration  of  the  viceroyalty  by  the  Marques 
de  Cruillas  was  unsatisfactory  both  to  the  crown  and  the  people  of 
New  Spain.  The  best  historians  of  the  period  are  not  definite  in 
their  charges  of  misconduct  against  this  nobleman,  but  his  de- 
meanor as  an  executive  officer  required  the  appointment  of  a  visi- 
tador  in  order  to  examine  and  remedy  his  abuse  of  power.  The 
person  charged  with  this  important  task,  Don  Jose  Galvez,  was 
endowed  with  unlimited  authority  entirely  independent  of  the  vice- 
roy, and  he  executed  his  office  with  severity.  He  arrested  high 
officers  of  the  government  and  deprived  them  of  their  employments. 
His  extraordinary  talents  and  remarkable  industry  enabled  him  to 
comprehend  at  once,  and  search  into,  all  the  tribunals  and  govern- 
mental posts  of  this  vast  kingdom.  In  Vera  Cruz-  he  removed  the 
royal  accountants  from  their  offices.  In  Puebla  and  in  Mexico  he 
turned  out  the  superintendents  of  customs,  and  throughout  the 
country  all  who  were  employed  in  public  civil  stations  feared  from 
day  to  day  that  they  would  either  be  suspended  or  deposed.  While 
Galvez  attended  thus  to  the  faithful  discharge  of  duty  by  the  officers 
of  the  crown,  he  labored  also  to  increase  the  royal  revenue.  Until 
that  period  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  had  been  free,  but  Galvez  de- 
termined to  control  it,  as  in  Spain,  and  made  its  preparation  and 
sale  a  monopoly  for  the  government.  Gladly  as  his  other  alterations 
and  reforms  were  received  by  the  people,  this  interference  with  one 
of  their  cherished  luxuries  was  well-nigh  the  cause  of  serious  diffi- 
culties. In  the  city  of  Cordova  and  in  many  neighboring  places 
some  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  influential  colonists  depended  for 
their  fortunes  and  income  upon  the  unrestrained  production  and 
manufacture  of  this  article.  Thousands  of  the  poorer  classes  were 
engaged  in  its  preparation  for  market,  while  in  all  the  cities,  towns, 
and  villages  there  were  multitudes  who  lived  by  selling  it  to  the 
people.  Every  man,  and  perhaps  every  woman,  in  Mexico  used 
tobacco,  and  consequently  this  project  of  the  visitador  gave  reas- 
onable cause  for  dissatisfaction  to  the  whole  of  New  Spain.  Never- 
theless, the  firmness  of  Galvez,  the  good  temper  of  the  Mexicans, 
and  their  habitual  submission  to  authority  overcame  all  difficulties. 


I  N  T  E  11  N  A  L     It  E  S  O  U  It  C  E  S  203 

1766 

The  inhabitants  of  Cordova  were  not  deprived  of  all  control  over 
the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  and  were  simply  obliged  to  sell  it  to 
the  officers  of  the  king  at  a  definite  price,  while  these  personages 
were  ordered  to  continue  supplying  the  families  of  the  poor  with 
materials  for  the  manufacture  of  cigars ;  and  by  this  device  the  pub- 
lic treasury  was  enabled  to  derive  an  important  revenue  from  an 
article  of  universal  consumption.  Thus  the  visitador  appears  to 
have  employed  his  authority  in  the  reform  of  the  colony  and  the 
augmentation  of  the  royal  revenue,  without  much  attention  to  the 
actual  viceroy,  who  was  displaced  in  1766.  The  fiscal  or  attorney 
general  of  the  audiencia  of  Manila,  Don  Jose  Areche,  was  ordered 
officially  to  examine  into  the  executive  conduct  of  the  Marques  de 
Cruillas,  who  had  retired  from  the  City  of  Mexico  to  Cholula,  and 
although  it  had  been  universally  the  custom  to  permit  other  vice- 
roys to  answer  the  charges  made  against  them  by  attorney,  this 
favor  was  denied  to  the  marques,  who  was  subjected  to  much  in- 
convenience and  suffering  during  the  long  trial  that  ensued. 

The  Marques  de  Croix,  who  succeeded  in  1766,  was  a  native 
of  the  city  of  Lille  in  Flanders,  and,  born  of  an  illustrious  family, 
had  obtained  his  military  renown  by  a  service  of  fifty  years  in  the 
command  of  Ceuta,  Santa-Maria,  and  the  captaincy  general  of 
Galicia.     He  entered  Mexico  as  viceroy  on  August  25,  1766. 

For  many  years  past  in  the  Old  World  and  in  the  New  there 
had  been  a  silent  but  increasing  fear  of  the  Jesuits.  It  was  known 
that  in  America  their  missionary  zeal  among  the  Indians  in  the  re- 
motest provinces  was  unequaled.  The  winning  manners  of  the  cul- 
tivated gentlemen  who  composed  this  powerful  order  in  the  Cath- 
olic Church  gave  them  a  proper  and  natural  influence  with 
the  children  of  the  forest,  whom  they  had  withdrawn  from  idolatry 
and  partially  civilized.  But  the  worthy  Jesuits  did  not  confine  their 
zealous  labors  to  the  wilderness.  Members  of  the  order,  all  of  whom 
were  responsible  and  implicitly  obedient  to  their  great  central  power, 
were  spread  throughout  the  world,  and  were  found  in  courts  and 
camps  as  well  as  in  the  lonely  mission  house  of  the  frontier  or  in 
the  wigwam  of  the  Indian.  They  had  become  rich  as  well  as  pow- 
erful, for  while  they  taught  Christianity  they  did  not  despise  the 
wealth  of  the  world.  Whatever  may  have  been  their  personal  hu- 
mility, their  love  for  the  progressive  power  and  dignity  of  the 
order  was  never  permitted  for  a  moment  to  sleep.  A  body  stimu- 
lated by  such  a  combined  political  and  ecclesiastical  passion,  all  of 


204  MEXICO 

1766 

whose  movements  might  be  controlled  by  a  single  central  despotic 
will,  may  now  be  kept  in  subjection  in  the  Old  World,  where  the 
civil  and  military  police  is  ever  alert  in  support  of  the  national  au- 
thorities. But  at  that  epoch  of  transition  in  America,  whose  vast 
regions  were  filled  with  credulous  and  ignorant  aborigines,  and 
thinly  sprinkled  with  intelligent,  educated  and  loyal  Europeans,  it 
was  deemed  dangerous  to  leave  the  superstitious  Indians  to 
become  the  prey,  rather  than  the  flock,  the  instruments,  rather 
than  the  acolytes,  of  such  insidious  shepherds.  These  fears 
had  seized  the  mind  of  Charles  III.,  who  dreaded  a  divided 
dominion  in  America,  with  the  venerable  fathers.  We  do  not  be- 
lieve that  there  was  just  cause  for  the  royal  alarm.  We  do  not 
suppose  that  the  Jesuits,  whose  members,  it  is  true,  were  composed 
of  the  subjects  of  all  the  Catholic  powers  of  Europe,  ever  meditated 
political  supremacy  in  Spanish  America  or  designed  to  interfere 
with  the  rights  of  Charles  or  his  successors.  But  the  various 
orders  of  the  Roman  Church,  the  various  congregations,  and  con- 
vents of  priests  and  friars,  were  unfortunately  not  free  from  that 
jealous  rivalry  which  distinguishes, the  career  of  laymen  in  all  the 
other  walks  of  life. 

It  may  be  that  some  of  the  pious  brethren  whose  education, 
manners,  position,  wealth,  or  power  was  not  equal  to  the  influence, 
social  rank,  and  control  of  the  Jesuits,  had  perhaps  been  anxious  to 
drive  this  respectable  order  from  America.  It  may  be  that  the 
king  and  his  council  were  willing  to  embrace  any  pretext  to  rid  his 
colonial  possessions  of  the  Jesuits.  But  certain  it  is  that  on  June 
25,  before  the  dawn  of  day,  at  the  same  hour  throughout  the  whole 
of  New  Spain,  the  decree  for  their  expulsion  was  promulgated  by 
order  of  Charles.  The  king  was  so  anxious  upon  this  subject  that 
he  wrote  with  his  own  hand  to  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  soliciting  his 
best  services  in  the  fulfillment  of  the  royal  will.  When  the  question 
was  discussed  in  the  privy  council  of  the  sovereign  a  chart  of  both 
Americas  was  spread  upon  the  table,  the  distances  between  the  col- 
leges of  the  Jesuits  accurately  calculated,  and  the  time  required  for 
the  passage  of  couriers  carefully  estimated,  so  that  the  blow  might 
fall  simultaneously  upon  the  order.  The  invasion  of  Havana  by 
the  English  and  its  successful  capture  induced  the  king  to  supply 
his  American  possessions  with  better  troops  and  more  skillful  com- 
manders than  had  been  hitherto  sent  to  the  colonies.  Thus  there 
were  various  veteran  Spanish  regiments  in  Mexico  capable  of  re- 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  205 

1766 

straining  any  outbreaks  of  the  people  in  favor  of  the  outraged 
fathers  who  had  won  their  respect  and  loyal  obedience. 

At  the  appointed  hour  the  order  of  Charles  was  enforced. 
The  Jesuits  were  shut  up  in  their  colleges,  and  all  avenues  to  these 
retreats  of  learning  and  piety  were  rilled  with  troops.  The  fathers 
were  dispatched  from  Mexico  for  Vera  Cruz  on  June  28,  sur- 
rounded by  soldiers.  They  halted  awhile  in  the  town  of  Guada- 
lupe, where  the  Visitador  Galvez,  who  governed  the  expedition, 
permitted  them  to  enter  once  more  into  the  national  sanctuary,  where 
amid  the  weeping  crowds  of  Mexicans  they  poured  forth  their  last 
and  fervent  vows  for  the  happiness  of  a  people  who  idolized  them. 
Their  entrance  into  Jalapa  was  a  triumph.  Windows,  balconies, 
streets,  and  housetops  were  rilled  with  people  whose  demeanor 
manifested  what  was  passing  in  their  hearts,  but  who  were  re- 
strained by  massive  ranks  of  surrounding  soldiery  from  all  demon- 
stration in  behalf  of  the  banished  priests.  In  Vera  Cruz  some 
silent  but  respectful  tokens  of  veneration  were  bestowed  upon  the 
fathers,  several  of  whom  died  in  that  pestilential  city  before  the 
vessels  were  ready  to  transport  them  beyond  the  sea.  Nor  did 
their  sufferings  cease  with  their  departure  from  New  Spain.  Their 
voyage  was  long,  tempestuous,  and  disastrous,  and  after  their 
arrival  in  Spain,  under  strict  guardianship,  they  were  again  em- 
barked for  Italy,  where  they  were  finally  settled  with  a  slender 
support  in  Rome,  Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  other  cities,  in  which  they 
honored  the  country  whence  they  had  been  driven  by  literary  labors 
and  charitable  works.  The  names  of  Abade,  Alegre,  Clavigero, 
Landibares,  Maneyro,  Cavo,  Lacunza,  and  Marques  sufficiently 
attest  the  historical  merit  of  these  Mexican  Jesuits  who  were  vic- 
tims of  the  suspicious  Charles.  For  a  long  time  the  Mexican  mind 
was  sorely  vexed  by  the  oppressive  act  against  this  favorite  order. 
But  the  Visitador  Galvez  imposed  absolute  silence  upon  the  people, 
telling  them  in  insulting  language  that  it  was  their  "  sole  duty  to 
obey,"  and  that  they  must  "  speak  neither  for  nor  against  the 
royal  order,  which  had  been  passed  for  motives  reserved  alone  for 
the  sovereign's  conscience !  " 

Thus  all  expression  of  public  sentiment  as  well  as  of  amiable 
feeling  at  this  daring  act  against  the  worthiest  and  most  benevolent 
clergymen  of  Mexico  was  effectually  stifled.  If  the  act  of  Henry 
VIII.  in  England  was  unjust  and  cruel,  it  was  matched  both  in 
boldness  and  wickedness  by  the  despotic  decree  of  the  unrelenting 


206  MEXICO 

176« 

Charles  of  Spain.  Nor  can  the  latter  sovereign  claim  the  merit  of 
having  substituted  virtue  for  vice,  as  the  British  king  pretended  he 
had  done  in  the  suppression  of  the  monasteries.  Henry  swept  priest 
and  friar  from  his  kingdom  with  the  same  blow ;  but  the  trimming 
Charles  banished  the  intellectual  Jesuit  while  he  saved  and  screened 
the  monk. 

The  pretext  of  Charles  III.  for  his  outrageous  conduct  was 
found  in  an  insurrection  which  occurred  on  the  evening  of  Palm 
Sunday,  1766,  and  gave  up  the  capital  of  Spain  for  forty-eight 
hours  to  a  lawless  mob.  It  was  doubtless  the  result  of  a  precon- 
certed plan  to  get  rid  of  an  obnoxious  minister;  and  as  soon  as  it 
was  known  that  this  personage  had  been  exiled  the  rioters  instantly 
surrendered  their  arms,  made  friends  with  the  soldiers,  and  de- 
parted to  their  homes.  In  fact,  it  was  a  political  intrigue  which  the 
king  and  his  minister  charged  on  some  of  the  Spanish  grandees 
and  on  the  Jesuits.  But  as  the  former  were  too  powerful  to  be 
assailed  by  the  king,  his  wrath  was  vented  on  the  fathers  of  the 
Order  of  Jesus,  whose  lives  at  this  time  were  not  only  innocent,  but 
meritorious. 

"  Some  years  preceding,  on  a  charge  as  destitute  of  founda- 
tion, they  had  been  expelled  from  Portugal,"  says  Dunham.  "  In 
1764  their  inveterate  foe,  the  Due  de  Choiseul,  minister  of  Louis 
XV.,  had  driven  them  from  France ;  and  in  Spain  their  possessions 
were  regarded  with  an  avaricious  eye  by  some  of  the  needy 
courtiers.  To  effect  their  downfall  the  French  minister  eagerly 
joined  with  the  advocates  of  plunder;  and  intrigues  were  adopted 
which  must  cover  their  authors  with  everlasting  infamy.  Not 
only  was  the  public  alarm  carefully  excited  by  a  report  of  pre- 
tended plots,  and  the  public  indignation  by  slanderous  represen- 
tations of  their  persons  and  principles;  but,  in  the  name  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  order,  letters  were  forged,  which  involved  the  most 
monstrous  doctrines  and  the  most  criminal  designs.  A  pretended 
circular  from  the  general  of  the  order  at  Rome  to  the  provincial, 
calling  on  him  to  join  with  the  insurgents;  the  deposition  of 
perjured  witnesses  to  prove  that  the  recent  commotion  was  chiefly 
the  work  of  the  body,  deeply  alarmed  Charles,  and  drew  him  into 
the  views  of  the  French  cabinet." 

Spain  was  thus  made  a  tool  of  France  in  an  act  of  gross  injus- 
tice, not  only  to  the  reverend  sufferers,  but  to  the  people  over  whose 
spiritual  and  intellectual  wants  they  had  so  beneficially  watched. 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  207 

1766-1768 

From  this  digression  to  the  mingled  politics  of  Mexico  and 
Europe  we  shall  now  return  to  the  appropriate  scene  of  our  brief 
annals.  The  capture  of  so  important  a  port  as  Havana,  and  the 
inadequate  protection  of  the  coast  along  the  Main,  obliged  the 
government  to  think  seriously  about  the  increase  and  discipline  of 
domestic  troops,  and  especially  to  improve  the  condition  of  the 
coast  defense.  These  fears  were  surely  not  groundless.  The  pos- 
sessions of  Great  Britain  north  of  Mexico  on  the  continent  were 
growing  rapidly  in  size  and  importance,  and  from  the  provinces 
which  now  form  the  United  States  the  viceroy  imagined  England 
might  easily  dispatch  sufficient  troops  without  being  obliged  to 
transport  reinforcements  from  Europe.  Accordingly  suitable 
preparations  were  made  to  receive  the  enemy  should  he  venture  to 
descend  suddenly  on  the  Spanish  Main.  The  veteran  regiments 
of  Savoy  and  Flanders  were  sent  to  the  colony  in  June,  1768,  and 
the  Marshal  de  Rubi  was  charged  with  the  disposition  of  the  army. 
From  that  period  it  may  be  said  that  Mexico  assumed  the  military 
aspect  which  it  has  continuously  worn  to  the  present  time. 

Besides  the  increase  and  improvement  of  the  troops  of  the 
line,  the  government's  attention  was  directed  toward  the  fortifica- 
tion of  the  ports  and  interior  passes.  The  Castle  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulua  was  repaired  at  a  cost  of  $1,500,000.  The  small  Island  of 
Anton  Lizardo  was  protected  by  military  works  at  an  expense  of 
$1,200,000.  A  splendid  battery  was  sent  from  Spain  for  the  cas- 
tle, and  the  inefficient  guns  of  Acapulco  were  dispatched  to  the 
Philippine  Islands  to  be  recast  and  sent  back  to  America.  In  the 
interior  of  the  country  in  the  midst  of  the  plain  of  Perote  the  Castle 
of  San  Carlos  was  built  in  the  most  substantial  and  scientific  man- 
ner; and  although  this  fortress  seems  useless,  placed  as  it  is  in  the 
center  of  a  broad  and  easily  traversed  prairie,  yet  at  the  time  of  its 
construction  it  was  designed  as  an  entre  depot  between  the  capital 
and  the  coast  in  which  the  royal  property  might  always  be  safely 
kept  until  the  moment  of  exportation,  instead  of  being  exposed  to 
the  danger  of  a  sudden  seizure  by  the  enemy  in  the  port  of  Vera 
Cruz. 

Such  were  some  of  the  leading  acts  and  occurrences  in  New 
Spain  during  the  viceroyalty  of  the  Marques  de  Croix.  His  gen- 
eral administration  of  affairs  is  characterized  by  justice.  He  lived 
in  harmony  with  the  rigid  Visitador  Galvez,  and  although  the 
gossips  of  the  day  declared  he  was  too  fond  of  wine,  yet  on  his 


208  MEXICO 

1768-1776 

return  to  Spain  he  was  named  captain-general  of  the  army  and 
treated  most  kindly  by  the  king. 

Bucareli,  lieutenant  general  of  the  Spanish  army,  and  forty- 
sixth  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  reached  Vera  Cruz  from  Havana  on 
August  2$,  1 77 1,  and  took  possession  on  the  2d  of  the  following 
month.  During  his  administration  the  military  character  of  the 
colony  was  still  carefully  fostered,  while  the  domestic  interests 
of  the  people  were  studied  and  every  effort  made  to  establish  the 
public  works  and  national  institutions  upon  a  firm  basis.  The 
new  mint  and  the  Monte  de  Piadad  are  monuments  of  this  epoch. 
Commerce  flourished  in  those  days  in  Mexico.  The  fleet  under 
the  command  of  Don  Luis  de  Cordova  departed  for  Cadiz  on 
November  30,  1773,  with  $26,000,255,  exclusive  of  a  quantity  of 
cacao,  cochineal  and  twenty-two  marks  of  fine  gold,  and  the  fleet 
of  1744  was  freighted  with  $26,457,000. 

Nor  was  the  accumulation  of  wealth  derived  at  that  time  from 
the  golden  placeres  of  Cieneguilla  in  Sonora  less  remarkable. 
From  January  1,  1773,  to  November  17  of  the  year  following  there 
were  accounted  for,  in  the  royal  office  at  Alamos,  4832  marks  of 
gold,  the  royal  duties  on  which,  of  tithe  and  senorage,  amounted  to 
$72,348.  The  custom  house  of  Mexico,  according  to  the  accounts 
of  the  consulado,  produced  in  1772  $687,041,  the  duty  on  pulque 
alone  being  $244,530. 

In  1776  Bucareli  endeavored  to  liberate  trade  from  many  of 
the  odious  restrictions  which  had  been  cast  around  it  by  old  com- 
mercial usages  and  by  the  restrictive  policy  of  Spain.  The  con- 
sulado of  Mexico  complained  to  Bucareli  of  the  suffering  it  en- 
dured by  the  monopoly  which  had  hitherto  been  enjoyed  by  the 
merchants  of  Cadiz,  and  through  the  viceroy  solicited  the  court  to 
be  permitted  to  remit  its  funds  to  Spain  and  to  bring  back  the 
return  freights  in  vessels  on  its  own  account.  Bucareli  supported 
this  demand  with  his  influence,  and  may  be  said  to  have  given  the 
first  impulse  to  free-trade.  Meanwhile  the  mineral  resources  of 
Mexico  were  not  neglected.  During  the  seven  years  of  Bucareli's 
reign  the  yield  of  the  mines  had  every  year  been  greater  than  at 
any  period  since  the  conquest.  During  his  viceroyalty  $127,- 
396,000  in  gold  and  silver  were  coined.  Laborde,  in  Zacatecas, 
and  Terreros  in  Pachuca,  had  undertaken  extensive  works  at  the 
great  and  rich  mine  of  Quebradilla  and  in  the  splendid  vein  of 
Vizcayna.      Other  mines  were  most  successfully  wrought  by  their 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  209 

1776-1778 

proprietors.  From  1 770  to  the  end  of  1 778  Don  Antonio  Obregon 
presented  to  the  royal  officers,  in  order  to  be  taxed,  4692  bars  of 
silver,  the  royal  income  from  which  amounted  to  $648,972.  The 
same  individual  had,  moreover,  presented  to  the  same  personages 
53,088  castellanos  of  gold,  which  paid  $13,871  in  duties.  In  order 
to  work  his  metals  Obregon  had  been  furnished  to  that  date  1839 
quintals  of  quicksilver,  for  which  he  paid  $159,241. 

In  June,  1778,  the  mineral  deposits  of  Hostotipaquillo,  in  the 
province  of  Guadalajara,  now  Jalisco,  were  discovered,  and  prom- 
ised the  most  extraordinary  returns  of  wealth.  In  the  following 
year  the  valuable  mines  of  Catorce  were  accidentally  found  by  a 
soldier  while  searching  for  a  lost  horse.  All  these  discoveries  and 
beneficial  labors  induced  Bucareli  to  recommend  the  mineral  inter- 
ests of  New  Spain  particularly  to  the  sovereign,  and  various  per- 
sons were  charged  to  explore  the  country  for  the  discovery  of 
quicksilver  mines,  which  it  was  alleged  existed  in  Mexico.  The 
extraction  of  quicksilver  from  American  mines  had  hitherto  been 
prohibited  by  Spain,  but  the  fear  of  wars,  which  might  prevent  its 
importation  from  abroad  and  consequently  destroy  the  increasing 
mineral  industry  of  the  nation,  induced  the  court  to  send  Don 
Raphael  Heling  and  Don  Antonio  Posada,  with  several  subordin- 
ates who  formerly  wrought  in  the  mines  of  Almaden,  to  examine 
the  deposits  at  Talchapa  and  others  in  the  neighborhood  of  Aju- 
chitlan,  in  October,  1778,  under  the  direction  of  Padre  Alzate. 
But  this  reconnoisance  proved  unavailing  at  that  time,  inasmuch  as 
the  explorers  found  no  veins  or  deposits  which  repaid  the  cost  and 
labor  of  working. 

At  this  epoch  the  Spanish  government  began  to  manifest  a 
desire  to  propagate  information  in  its  American  possessions.  There 
is  a  gleam  of  intellectual  dawn  seen  in  a  royal  order  of  Charles, 
in  1776,  commanding  educated  ecclesiastics  to  devote  them- 
selves to  the  study  of  Mexican  antiquities,  mineralogy,  metal- 
lurgy, geology,  and  fossils.  This  decree  was  directed  to  the  clergy 
because  his  majesty,  perhaps  justly,  supposed  that  they  were  the 
only  persons  who  possessed  any  knowledge  of  natural  sciences, 
while  the  rest  of  his  American  subjects  were  in  the  most  profound 
ignorance. 

Archbishop  Lorenzano  published  in  Mexico  in  1770  his  an- 
notated edition  of  the  letters  of  Cortez,  which  is  a  well-printed 
work,  adorned  with  coarse  engravings,  a  few  maps,  and  the  curious 


210  MEXICO 

1778-1779 

fac-simile  pictures  of  the  tributes  paid  to  the  Emperor  Montezuma. 
But  the  jealous  monks  of  the  inquisition  kept  a  vigilant  watch  over 
the  issues  of  the  press,  and  we  find  that  in  those  days  the  com- 
mercial house  of  Prado  and  Freyre  was  forced  to  crave  a  license 
from  the  court  empowering  them  to  ship  two  boxes  of  types  to 
be  used  in  the  printing  of  the  calendar! 

The  administration  of  Bucareli  was  not  disturbed  by  insurrec- 
tions among  the  Creoles  and  Spaniards,  for  he  was  a  just  ruler  and 
the  people  respected  his  orders,  even  when  they  were  apparently 
injurious  to  their  interests.  The  viceroy  adorned  their  capital, 
built  aqueducts,  improved  roads,  and  facilitated  intercourse  between 
the  various  parts  of  the  country ;  but  the  Indians  of  the  north  in  the 
province  of  Chihuahua  harassed  the  colonists  dwelling  near  the 
outposts  during  nearly  all  the  period  of  his  government.  These 
warlike,  nomadic  tribes  have  been  the  scourge  of  the  frontier 
provinces  since  the  foundation  of  the  first  outpost  settlement. 
They  are  wild  hunters,  and  appear  to  have  no  feeling  in  common 
with  those  southern  bands  who  were  subdued  by  the  mingled  in- 
fluences of  the  sword  and  of  the  cross  into  tame  agriculturists. 
Bucareli  attacked  and  conquered  parties  of  these  wandering  war- 
riors, but  every  year  fresh  numbers  descended  upon  the  scattered 
pioneers  along  the  frontier,  so  that  the  labor  of  recolonization  and 
fighting  was  annually  repeated.  Toward  the  close  of  his  adminis- 
tration De  Croix,  who  succeeded  Hugo  Oconor  in  the  command 
along  the  northern  line,  established  a  chain  of  well-appointed 
presidios,  or  garrisons,  which  in  some  degree  restrained  the  inroads 
of  these  barbarians. 

Bucareli  died,  after  a  short  illness,  on  April  9,  1779,  and  his 
remains  were  deposited  in  the  church  of  Guadalupe  in  front  of  the 
sacred  and  protecting  image  of  the  Virgin  who  watches,  according 
to  the  legend,  over  the  destinies  of  Mexico. 

In  consequence  of  the  death  of  Bucareli  the  audiencia  assumed 
the  government  of  New  Spain  until  the  appointment  of  his  succes- 
sor, and  in  the  meanwhile,  on  May  18,  1779,  Charles  III.  solemnly 
declared  war  against  England.  The  misunderstanding  which  gave 
rise  to  the  revolutionary  outbreak  in  the  English  colonies  of  North 
America  was  beginning  to  attract  the  notice  of  Europe.  France 
saw  in  the  quarrel  between  the  Americans  and  the  British  an  oppor- 
tunity to  humiliate  her  dangerous  foe;  and,  although  Spain  had 
no  interest  in  such  a  contest,    the    minister    of    Charles,  Florida 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  211 

1779-1781 

Blanca,  persuaded  his  master  to  unite  with  France  in  behalf  of  the 
revolted  colonies.  Spain  in  this  instance,  as  in  the  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits,  was  doubtless  submissive  to  the  will  of  the  French  court, 
and  willingly  embraced  an  occasion  to  humble  the  pride  or  destroy 
the  power  of  a  haughty  nation  whose  fleets  and  piratical  cruisers 
had  so  long  preyed  upon  the  wealthy  commerce  of  her  American 
possessions.  The  Spanish  minister  probably  did  not  dream  of  the 
dangerous  neighbor  whose  creation  he  was  aiding  north  of  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico.  It  is  not  likely  that  he  imagined  republicanism  would 
be  soon  and  firmly  established  in  the  British  united  colonies  of 
America,  and  that  the  infectious  love  of  freedom  would  spread 
beyond  the  wastes  of  Texas  and  the  deserts  of  California  to  the 
plateaus  and  plains  of  Mexico  and  Peru.  The  policy  was  at  once 
blind  and  revengeful.  If  it  was  produced  by  the  intrigue  of 
France,  the  old  hereditary  foe  and  rival  of  England,  it  was  still 
less  pardonable,  for  a  fault  or  a  crime  when  perpetrated  originally 
and  boldly  by  a  nation  sometimes  rises  almost  into  glory,  if  suc- 
cessful; but  a  second-hand  iniquity,  conceived  in  jealousy  and 
vindictiveness,  is  as  mean  as  it  is  short-sighted.  England  had  no 
friends  at  that  epoch.  Her  previous  conduct  had  been  so  selfishly 
grasping  that  all  Europe  rejoiced  when  her  colonial  power  was 
broken  by  the  American  Revolution.  Portugal,  Holland,  Russia, 
Morocco,  and  Austria  all  secretly  favored  the  course  of  Spain  and 
France,  and  the  most  discreet  politicians  of  Europe  believed  that 
the  condition  of  Great  Britain  was  hopeless. 

The  declaration  of  this  impolitic  war  was  finally  made  in 
Mexico  on  August  12,  1779,  before  the  arrival  of  Don  Martin  de 
Mayorga,  the  new  viceroy,  who  did  not  reach  the  capital  till  the 
23d  of  the  same  month.  The  Mexicans  were  not  as  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  politics  of  the  world  as  the  Spanish  cabinet,  and 
did  not  appreciate  all  the  delicate  and  diplomatic  motives  which 
actuated  Charles  III.  They  regarded  a  war  with  England  as  a 
direct  invitation  to  the  British  to  ravage  their  coasts  and  harass 
their  trade;  and  accordingly,  as  soon  as  the  direful  news  was  an- 
nounced, prayers  were  offered  in  all  the  churches  for  the  successful 
issue  of  the  contest.  Nor  did  war  alone  strike  the  Mexicans  with 
panic ;  for  in  this  same  period  the  smallpox  broke  out  in  the  capital, 
and  in  the  ensuing  months  in  the  space  of  sixty-seven  days  no  less 
than  8821  persons  were  hurried  by  it  to  the  grave.  It  was  a  sad 
season  of  pestilence  and  anxiety.      The  streets  were  filled  with 


212  MEXICO 

1779-1781 

dead  bodies,  while  the  temples  were  crowded  with  the  diseased  and 
the  healthy  who  rushed  promiscuously  to  the  holy  images  in  order 
to  implore  divine  aid  and  compassion.  This  indiscriminate  mixture 
of  all  classes  and  conditions,  this  stupid  reunion  of  the  sound  and 
the  sick,  whose  superstitions  led  them  to  the  altar  instead  of  the 
hospital,  soon  spread  the  contagion  far  and  wide,  until  all  New 
Spain  suffered  from  its  desolating  ravages  and  scarcely  a  person 
was  found  unmarked  by  its  frightful  ravages. 

An  expedition  had  been  ordered  during  the  viceroyalty  of 
Bucareli  to  explore  portions  of  the  Pacific  adjacent  to  the  Mexican 
coast,  and  in  February  of  1779  it  reached  a  point  55  °  17'  north. 
It  continued  its  voyage  until  July  1,  when  it  took  possession  of  the 
land  at  6o°  13',  in  the  name  of  Charles  III.  It  then  proceeded 
onwards,  in  sight  of  the  coast,  and  on  August  1  arrived  at  a  group 
of  islands  at  590  8',  upon  one  of  which  the  explorers  landed  and 
named  the  spot  "  Nuestra  Senora  de  Regla." 

About  this  period  the  Spanish  Government  detached  General 
Solano  and  a  part  of  his  squadron,  with  orders  for  America,  to 
aid  in  the  military  enterprises  designed  against  Florida,  in  which 
Mexico  was  to  take  a  significant  part.  This  commander  was  to 
cooperate  with  Don  Bernardo  de  Galvez,  and  both  these  person- 
ages, in  the  years  1779,  1780,  and  1781,  making  common  cause 
with  the  French  against  the  English,  carried  the  war  actively  up 
the  Mississippi  and  into  various  portions  of  Florida.  The  remain- 
ing period  of  Mayorga's  viceroyalty  was  chiefly  occupied  with 
preparations  in  the  neighborhood  of  Vera  Cruz  against  an  assault 
from  the  British,  and  in  suppressing,  by  the  aid  of  the  alcalde, 
Urizar,  a  trifling  revolt  among  the  Indians  of  Izucar.  An  un- 
fortunate disagreement  arose  between  Mayorga  and  the  Spanish 
minister,  Galvez,  and  he  was  finally,  after  many  insults  from  the 
count,  displaced  in  order  to  make  room  for  Don  Matias  Galvez. 
The  unfortunate  viceroy  departed  for  Spain,  but  never  reached  his 
native  land.  He  died  in  sight  of  Cadiz,  and  his  wife  was  indemni- 
fied for  the  ill-treatment  of  her  husband  by  the  contemptible  gift 
of  twenty  thousand  dollars. 

Mayorga  was  the  victim  apparently  of  an  ill-disposed  min- 
ister, who  controlled  the  pliant  mind  of  Charles.  The  viceroy  in 
reality  had  discharged  his  duties  as  lieutenant  of  the  king  with 
singular  fidelity.  All  branches  of  art  and  industry  in  Mexico 
received  his  fostering  care,  but  he  had  enemies  who  sought  his 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  213 

1781-1785 

disgrace  at  court,  and  they  were  finally  successful  in  their  shame- 
ful efforts. 

Don  Matias  Galvez  hastened  rapidly  from  Guatemala  and 
took  possession  of  the  viceroyalty  in  1783.  He  soon  exhibited  his 
generous  character  and  his  ardent  desire  to  improve  and  embellish 
the  beautiful  capital.  The  academy  of  fine  arts  was  one  of  his 
especial  favorites,  and  he  insisted  that  Charles  should  not  only 
endow  it  with  nine  thousand  dollars,  but  should  render  it  an 
effective  establishment  by  the  introduction  of  the  best  models  for 
the  students.  Galvez  directed  his  attention,  also,  to  the  police  of 
Mexico  and  its  prisons;  he  required  the  streets  to  be  leveled  and 
paved,  prohibited  the  raising  of  recruits  for  Manila,  and  solicited 
from  the  king  authority  to  reconstruct  the  magnificent  palace  of 
Chapultepec  on  the  well-known  and  beautiful  hill  of  that  name 
which  lies  about  two  miles  west  of  the  capital,  still  girt  with  its 
ancient  cypresses. 

It  was  during  the  brief  reign  of  this  personage  that  the  po- 
litical Gazette  of  Mexico  was  established,  and  the  exclusive  privi- 
lege of  its  publication  granted  to  Manuel  Valdez.  On  November  3 
Don  Matias  died,  after  a  brief  illness,  unusually  lamented  by  the 
people,  from  amid  whose  masses  he  had  risen  to  supreme  power  in 
the  most  important  colony  of  Spain. 

As  the  death  of  this  officer  was  sudden  and  unexpected,  no 
mortuary  dispatch  had  been  sent  from  Spain  announcing  his  suc- 
cessor, and  accordingly  the  audiencia  assumed  the  reigns  of  gov- 
ernment until  the  arrival  of  the  new  viceroy. 

The  Count  Galvez,  son  of  the  last  viceroy,  Don  Matias, 
took  charge  of  the  government  on  June  17,  1785,  but  enjoyed 
as  brief  a  reign  as  his  respected  father.  Hardly  had  he  at- 
tained power  when  a  great  scarcity  of  food  was  experienced 
among  the  people  of  New  Spain  in  consequence  of  an  extraor- 
dinarily unfavorable  season.  The  excellent  disposition  of  the 
new  officer  was  shown  in  his  incessant  and  liberal  efforts  to  relieve 
the  public  distress  in  all  parts  of  the  country  afflicted  by  misery. 
Meetings  were  held  and  committees  appointed  under  his  auspices, 
composed  of  the  most  distinguished  Spanish  and  native  subjects 
to  aid  in  this  beneficent  labor;  and  over  four  hundred  thousand 
dollars  were  given  by  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico  and  the  bishops  of 
Puebla  and  Michoacan  to  encourage  agriculture  as  well  as  to 
relieve  the  most  pressing  wants  of  the  people.     In  order  to  afford 


214  MEXICO 

1785-178? 

employment  to  the  indigent,  at  the  same  time  that  he  permanently 
improved  and  beautified  the  capital  and  the  country  generally,  the 
viceroy  either  commenced  or  continued  a  number  of  important 
public  works,  among  which  were  the  national  roads  and  the  mag- 
nificent palace  of  Chapultepec,  the  favorite  retreat  of  his  father. 
This  splendid  architectural  combination  of  fortress  and  palace  was 
a  costly  luxury  to  the  Spanish  Government,  for  the  documents  of 
the  period  declare  that  up  to  the  month  of  January,  1787,  $123,077 
had  been  expended  in  its  construction.  Nor  was  the  ministry  well 
pleased  with  so  lavish  an  outlay  upon  this  royal  domain.  Placed 
on  a  solitary  hill  at  a  short  distance  from  the  capital,  and  built 
evidently  for  the  double  purpose  of  defense  and  dwelling,  it 
created  a  fear  in  the  minds  of  some  sensitive  persons  that  its  design 
might  not  be  altogether  so  peaceful  as  was  pretended.  An  ambi- 
tious viceroy,  surrounded  by  troops  whose  attachment  and  firmness 
could  be  relied  on,  might  easily  convert  the  palace  into  a  citadel; 
and  it  was  noted  that  Galvez  had  upon  various  occasions  played 
the  demagogue  among  the  military  men  who  surrounded  him  in 
the  capital.  All  these  fears  were,  however,  idle.  If  the  count  in 
reality  entertained  any  ambitious  projects,  or  desired  to  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  an  American  kingdom  independent  of  Spain, 
these  hopes  were  soon  and  sadly  blighted  by  his  early  death.  He 
expired  on  November  30,  1786,  in  the  archiepiscopal  palace  of 
Tacubaya.  His  funeral  ceremonies  were  conducted  by  the  arch- 
bishop, and  his  honored  remains  interred  in  the  church  of  San 
Fernando. 

The  audiencia  real  assumed  the  government  of  Mexico,  inas- 
much as  the  Spanish  ministry  had  provided  no  successor  in  the 
event  of  the  count's  death.  Its  power  continued  until  the  follow- 
ing February,  during  which  period  no  event  of  note  occurred  in 
New  Spain,  save  the  destruction  by  fire  of  valuable  mining  prop- 
erty at  Bolanos,  and  a  violent  hurricane  at  Acapulco,  accompanied 
by  earthquakes,  which  swept  the  sea  over  the  coast  and  caused 
great  losses  to  the  farmers  and  herdsmen  who  dwelt  on  the  neigh- 
boring lowlands. 

But  on  February  25,  1787,  Nunez  de  Haro,  Archbishop  of 
Mexico,  was  appointed  viceroy,  ad  interim,  of  New  Spain.  The 
selection  of  this  eminent  prelate  was  perhaps  one  of  those  strokes 
of  policy  by  which  the  Spanish  ministry  strove  to  reconcile  and 
connect  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  unity  of  the  American  empire. 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  215 

1787 

The  sway  of  the  archbishop,  complimentary  as  it  was  to  himself 
and  to  the  church,  was  exceedingly  brief,  for  he  was  superseded  by 
Flores  in  the  same  )rear.  New  Spain  was  undisturbed  during  his 
government;  and  no  event  is  worthy  of  historical  record  in  these 
brief  annals  of  the  country,  save  the  effort  that  was  made  to  pro- 
hibit the  repartimiento  or  subdivision  of  the  Indians  among  the 
agriculturists  and  miners  by  the  sub-delegados,  who  had  succeeded 
the  alcaldes  mayores  in  the  performance  of  this  odious  task.  The 
conduct  of  the  latter  personages  had  been  extremely  cruel  to  the 
natives.  They  either  used  their  power  to  oppress  the  Indians  or 
had  trafficked  in  the  dispensation  of  justice  by  allowing  the  suffer- 
ers to  purchase  exemption  from  punishment;  and  it  is  related  that 
in  certain  alcaldais  mayors  in  Oaxaca,  the  alcaldes  had  enriched 
themselves  to  the  extent  of  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars by  these  brutal  exactions.  Inhumanity  like  this  was  severely 
denounced  to  the  king  by  the  Bishop  Ortigoza,  who  merited,  ac- 
cording to  Revilla-Gigedo,  the  title  of  the  Saint  Paul  of  his  day, 
and  the  eloquent  prelate  complained  in  behalf  of  his  beloved 
Indians  as  vehemently  as  Las  Casas  at  an  earlier  period,  of  this 
loathsome  oppression.  But  interest  has  overcome  the  appeals  of 
mercy  in  almost  all  instances  since  the  foundation  of  the  American 
empire.  The  Spaniards  required  laborers.  The  ignorant  and 
unarmed  Indians  of  the  south  and  of  the  tablelands  were  docile 
or  unorganized,  and  although  the  Spanish  court  and  Council  of  the 
Indies  seconded  the  viceroy's  zeal  in  attempting  to  suppress  the 
cruelty  of  the  planters  and  miners,  the  unfortunate  aborigines  only 
experienced  occasional  brief  intervals  of  respite  in  the  system  of 
forced  labor  to  which  they  were  devoted  by  their  legal  task- 
masters. 

Don  Manuel  Flores  received  the  reins  of  government  from 
the  hands  of  the  archbishop  on  May  16,  1787,  but  his  power  over 
the  finances  of  the  nation  was  taken  from  him  and  given  to  Fer- 
nando Mangino,  with  the  title  of  Superintendente  Sub-delegado  de 
Hacienda.  Flores  was  thus  left  in  possession  solely  of  the  civil 
administration  generally,  and  of  the  military  organization  of  the 
viceroyalty.  Being  satisfied  that  the  ordinary  militia  system  of 
New  Spain  was  inadequate  for  national  protection  during  war,  he 
immediately  devoted  himself  to  the  forced  levy  and  equipment  of 
three  regiments  of  infantry,  named  "  Puebla,"  "  Mexico "  and 
"  New  Spain."    The  command  of  these  forces  was  given  to  the 


216  MEXICO 

1787-1788 

most  distinguished  and  noble  young  men  of  Mexico;  and  as  the 
minister  Galvez  died,  and  Mangino  was  about  this  period  trans- 
ferred to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  the  superintendence  of  the 
finances  of  Mexico  was  appropriately  restored  again  to  the  vice- 
royal  government. 

The  northern  part  of  Mexico  in  1788  and  for  many  previous 
years  had  been  constantly  ravaged  by  the  wild  Indian  tribes  that 
ranged  across  the  whole  frontier  from  the  western  limits  of  Sonora 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Immense  sums  were  squandered  in  the 
support  of  garrisons  or  the  maintenance  of  numerous  officers 
whose  duty  it  was  to  hold  these  barbarians  in  check.  But  their 
efforts  had  been  vain.  The  fine  agricultural  districts  of  Chihuahua, 
New  Leon,  New  Mexico,  and  even  in  parts  of  Texas  had  attracted 
large  numbers  of  adventurous  pioneers  into  that  remote  region; 
yet  no  sooner  did  their  fields  begin  to  flourish  and  their  flocks  or 
herds  to  increase  than  these  savages  descended  upon  the  scattered 
settlers  and  carried  off  their  produce  and  their  families.  When- 
ever the  arms  of  New  Spain  obtained  a  signal  victory  over  one  of 
these  marauding  bands,  the  Indians  would  talk  of  peace  and  even 
consent  to  bind  themselves  by  treaties.  But  these  compacts  were 
immediately  broken  as  soon  as  they  found  the  country  beginning 
to  flourish  again  or  the  military  power  in  the  least  degree  relaxed. 

Flores  appears  to  have  understood  the  condition  of  the  north- 
ern frontier  and  the  temper  of  the  Indians.  He  did  not  believe 
that  treaties,  concessions,  or  kindness  would  suffice  to  protect  the 
Spanish  pioneers,  and  yet  he  was  satisfied  that  it  was  necessary  to 
sustain  the  settlements  in  that  quarter  in  order  to  prevent  the 
southern  progress  of  European  adventurers  who  were  eager  to 
seize  the  wild  and  debatable  lands  lying  on  both  sides  of  the  Rio 
Grande.  Accordingly  he  proposed  to  the  Spanish  court  to  carry 
on  a  war  of  most  inexorable  character  against  the  Apaches,  Lipans, 
and  Mesclaros.  He  characterized  in  his  dispatches  all  the  Indian 
tribes  dwelling  or  wandering  between  the  Presidio  of  the  Bay  of 
Espiritu  Santo,  in  the  province  of  Texas,  to  beyond  Santa  Ger- 
trudis  del  Altar,  in  Sonora, — the  two  opposite  points  of  the  dan- 
gerous frontier  line, — as  Apaches  or  their  hostile  colleagues;  and 
he  resolved  to  fight  them  without  quarter,  truce,  or  mercy  until 
they  surrendered  unconditionally  to  the  power  of  Spain. 

The  history  of  these  provinces  later  shows  the  wisdom  of  this 
advice  in  regard  to  a  band  of  savages  whose  habits  are  peculiarly 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  217 

1788-1789 

warlike  and  whose  robber  traits  have  made  them  equally  dangerous 
to  all  classes  of  settlers  in  the  lonely  districts  of  the  Rio  Grande  or 
of  the  Gila  and  Colorado  of  the  west.  His  secretary,  Bonilla,  who 
had  fought  bravely  in  the  northern  provinces,  and  was  practically 
acquainted  with  warfare  among  these  barbarians,  seconded  the 
mature  opinion  of  the  viceroy.  The  plan  was  successful  for  the 
time,  and  the  frontier  enjoyed  a  degree  of  peace  while  the  military 
power  was  sustained  throughout  the  line  of  presidios.  Flores  en- 
forced his  system  rigidly  during  his  viceroyalty.  He  equipped  the 
expeditions  liberally,  promoted  the  officers  who  distinguished 
themselves,  rewarded  the  bravest  soldiers,  and  dispatched  a  choice 
regiment  of  dragoons  to  Durango,  whose  officers  formed  in  that 
city  the  nucleus  of  its  future  civilization. 

Nor  was  this  viceroy  stinted  in  his  efforts  to  improve  the  capi- 
tal and  protect  the  growing  arts  and  sciences  of  the  colony.  He 
labored  to  establish  a  botanical  garden,  under  the  auspices  of  Don 
Martin  Sese ;  but  the  perfect  realization  of  this  beneficial  and  useful 
project  was  reserved  for  his  successor,  the  Count  Revilla-Gigedo. 

The  mining  interests,  too,  were  prospering,  and  improve- 
ments on  the  ancient  Spanish  system  were  sought  to  be  introduced 
through  the  instrumentality  of  eleven  German  miners  whose 
services  had  been  engaged  by  the  home  government  in  Dresden 
through  its  envoy,  Don  Luis  Orcis.  These  personages  presented 
themselves  in  New  Spain  with  the  pompous  title  of  practical  pro- 
fessors of  mineralogy,  but  they  were  altogether  unskilled  in  the 
actual  working  of  mines,  and  unable  to  render  those  of  Mexico 
more  productive.  The  only  benefit  derived  from  this  mineralogical 
mission  was  the  establishment  of  a  course  of  chemical  lectures  in 
the  seminary  of  mines  under  the  direction  of  Lewis  Leinder,  who 
set  up  the  first  laboratory  in  Mexico. 

On  December  23,  1788,  the  minister  of  the  Indies  apprised 
the  viceroy  of  the  death  of  Charles  III.,  which  had  occurred  in  the 
middle  of  that  month.  Funeral  ceremonies  were  celebrated  with 
great  pomp  in  Mexico  in  honor  of  the  defunct  monarch,  and  on  Feb- 
ruary 22,  1789,  the  resignation  of  the  viceroyalty  by  Flores — who 
desired  heartily  to  retire  from  public  life — was  graciously  accepted 
by  the  Spanish  court,  and  his  successor  named,  in  the  person  of  the 
second  Count  Revilla-Gigedo. 

This  distinguished  nobleman,  who  was  the  fifty-second  vice- 
roy and  whose  name  figures  so  favorably  in  the  annals  of  Mexico, 


218  MEXICO 

1789 

reached  Guadalupe  on  October  16,  1789,  and  on  the  following  day 
entered  the  capital  with  all  the  pompous  ceremonies  usual  in  New 
Spain  upon  the  advent  of  a  new  ruler.  In  the  following  month  the 
new  sovereign  Charles  IV.  was  proclaimed,  and  the  viceroy  at  once 
set  about  the  regulation  of  the  municipal  police  of  his  capital,  which 
seems  to  have  been  somewhat  relaxed  since  the  days  of  his  dreaded 
and  avaricious  father.  Assassinations  of  the  most  scandalous  and 
daring  character  had  recently  warned  the  viceroy  of  the  insecurity 
of  life  and  property  even  in  the  midst  of  his  guards.  But  Revilla- 
Gigedo  possessed  some  of  the  sterner  qualities  that  distinguished 
his  parent,  and  never  rested  until  the  guilty  parties  were  discovered 
and  brought  to  prompt  and  signal  justice.  The  capital  soon  ex- 
hibited a  different  aspect  under  his  just  and  rigorous  government. 
He  did  not  trust  alone  to  the  reports  of  his  agents  in  order  to 
satisfy  his  mind  in  regard  to  the  wants  of  Mexico,  for  he  visited 
every  quarter  of  the  city  personally,  and  often  descended  unex- 
pectedly upon  his  officers  when  they  least  expected  a  visit  from 
such  a  personage.  The  poor  as  well  as  the  rich  received  his  pater- 
nal notice.  He  inquired  into  their  wants  and  studied  their 
interests.  One  of  his  most  beneficent  schemes  was  the  erection  of 
a  Monte  Pio  for  their  relief,  yet  the  sum  he  destined  for  this  object 
was  withheld  by  the  court  and  used  for  the  payment  of  royal 
debts.  Agriculture,  horticulture,  and  botany  were  especially  fos- 
tered by  this  enlightened  nobleman.  He  carried  out  the  project 
of  his  predecessor  by  founding  the  botanical  garden,  and  liberally 
rewarded  and  encouraged  the  pupils  of  this  establishment,  for  he 
rightly  deemed  the  rich  vegetable  resources  of  Mexico  quite  as 
worthy  of  national  attention  as  the  mines  which  had  hitherto  ab- 
sorbed the  public  interest.  Literature,  too,  did  not  escape  his 
fostering  care,  as  far  as  the  jealous  rules  of  the  inquisition  and  of 
royal  policy  permitted  its  liberal  encouragement  by  a  viceroy.  He 
found  the  streets  of  the  capital  and  its  suburbs  badly  paved  and 
kept,  and  he  rigidly  enforced  all  the  police  regulations  which  were 
necessary  for  their  purity  and  safety.  As  he  knew  that  one  of  the 
best  means  of  developing  and  binding  together  the  provinces  of  the 
empire  was  the  construction  of  substantial  and  secure  roads,  he 
proposed  that  the  highways  to  Vera  Cruz,  Acapulco,  Meztitlan  de 
la  Sierra,  and  Toluca  should  be  reconstructed  in  the  most  enduring 
manner.  But  the  Junta  Superior  de  Hacienda  opposed  the  meas- 
ure, and  the  count  was  obliged  to  expend  from  his  own  purse  the 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  219 

1789 

requisite  sums  for  the  most  important  repairs.  He  established 
weekly  posts  between  the  capitals  of  the  intendencies ;  regulated 
and  restricted  the  cutting  of  timber  in  the  adjacent  mountains ;  es- 
tablished a  professorship  of  anatomy  in  the  Hospital  de  Naturales ; 
destroyed  the  provincial  militia  system  and  formed  regular  corps 
out  of  the  best  veterans  found  in  the  ranks.  Knowing  the  difficulty 
with  which  the  poor  or  uninfluential  reached  the  ear  of  their  Mexi- 
can governors,  he  placed  a  locked  case  in  one  of  the  halls  of  his 
palace  into  which  all  persons  were  at  liberty  to  throw  their  memori- 
als designed  for  the  viceroy's  scrutiny.  It  was  in  reality  a  secret 
mode  of  espionage,  but  it  brought  to  the  count's  knowledge  many 
an  important  fact  which  he  would  never  have  learned  through  the 
ordinary  channels  of  the  court.  Without  this  secret  chest,  whose 
key  was  never  out  of  his  possession,  Revilla-Gigedo  with  all  his 
personal  industry  might  never  have  comprehended  the  actual  con- 
dition of  Mexico,  or  have  adopted  the  numerous  measures  for  its. 
improvement  which  distinguished  his  reign. 

Besides  this  provident  measure  for  the  internal  safety  and 
progressive  comfort  of  New  Spain,  the  count  directed  his  attention 
to  the  western  coast  of  America,  upon  which  he  believed  the  future 
interests  of  Spain  would  materially  rely.  The  settlement  of  the 
Californias  had  engaged  the  attention  of  many  preceding  viceroys, 
as  we  have  already  related,  and  their  coasts  had  been  explored  and 
missionary  settlements  made  wherever  the  indentures  of  the  sea 
shore  indicated  the  utility  of  such  enterprises.  But  the  count  fore- 
saw that  the  day  would  come  when  the  commercial  enterprises  of 
European  nations,  and  especially  of  the  English,  would  render  this 
portion  of  the  Mexican  realm  an  invaluable  acquisition.  Accord- 
ingly he  dispatched  an  expedition  to  the  Californias  to  secure  the 
possessions  of  Spain  in  that  quarter;  and  has  left  for  posterity  an 
invaluable  summary  or  recopilacion  of  all  the  enterprises  of  dis- 
covery made  by  the  Spaniards  in  that  portion  of  the  west  coast 
of  America.  This  document — more  useful  to  the  antiquarian  than 
the  politician — may  be  found  in  the  third  volume  of  "  Los  Trcs 
Siglos  de  Mcjico,"  a  work  which  was  commenced  by  the  Jesuit 
Father  Cavo,  and  continued  to  the  year  182 1,  by  Don  Carlos 
Maria  Bustamante.  Revilla-Gigedo  recommended  the  Spanish 
court  to  avoid  all  useless  parade  or  expense,  but  resolutely  to  pre- 
vent the  approach  of  the  English  or  of  any  other  foreign  power 
to  their  possessions  in  California,  and  promptly  to  occupy  the  port 


220  MEXICO 

1790 

of  Bodega,  and  even  the  shores  of  the  Columbia  River,  if  it  was 
deemed  necessary.  He  advised  the  minister,  moreover,  to  fortify 
these  two  points;  to  garrison  strongly  San  Francisco,  Monterey, 
San  Diego  and  Loreto;  to  change  the  department  of  San  Bias  to 
Acapuko;  and  to  guard  the  fondos  piadosos  of  the  missions,  as 
well  as  the  salt  works  of  Zapotillo,  by  which  the  treasury  would 
be  partly  relieved  of  the  ecclesiastical  expenses  of  California,  while 
the  needful  marine  force  was  suitably  supported.  These  safe- 
guards were  believed  by  the  viceroy  sufficient  to  confine  the  enter- 
prising English  to  the  regions  in  which  they  might  traffic  for 
peltries  without  being  tempted  into  the  dominions  of  Spain,  at  the 
same  time  that  they  served  as  safeguards  against  all  illicit  or  con- 
traband commerce.1 

We  have  thus  endeavored  to  describe  rather  than  to  narrate 
historically  the  principal  events  that  occurred  in  the  reign  of  the 
second  Count  Revilla-Gigedo,  all  of  which  have  characterized  him 
as  a  just,  liberal,  and  far-seeing  ruler.  In  the  account  of  his 
father's  reign  we  have  already  noticed  some  of  this  viceroy's 
meritorious  qualities;  but  we  shall  now  break  the  ordinary  tenor 
of  these  brief  annals  by  inserting  a  few  anecdotes  which  are  still 
traditionally  current  in  the  country  whose  administration  he  so 
honestly  conducted. 

The  count  was  accustomed  to  make  nightly  rounds  in  the  city 
in  order  to  assure  himself  that  its  regulations  for  quiet  and  security 
were  carried  into  effect.  On  one  occasion,  it  is  related  that,  in 
passing  through  a  street  which  he  had  ordered  to  be  paved,  he  sud- 
denly stopped  and  dispatched  a  messenger  to  the  director  of  the 
work,  requiring  his  instant  presence.  The  usual  phrase  with  which 
he  wound  up  such  commands  was  "  le  espero  aqui," — "  I  await 
him  here," — which  had  the  effect  of  producing  an  extraordinary 
degree  of  celerity  in  those  who  received  the  command.  On  this 
occasion  the  officer,  who  was  enjoying  his  midnight  repose,  sprang 
from  his  bed  on  receiving  the  startling  summons,  and  rushed,  half 
dressed,  to  learn  the  purport  of  what  he  presumed  to  be  an  im- 
portant business.  He  found  the  viceroy  standing  stiff  and  com- 
posed on  the  sidewalk.  When  the  panting  officer  had  paid  his 
obeisance  to  his  master,  "  I  regret  to  have  disturbed  you,  serior," 
said  the  latter,  "  in  order  to  call  your  attention  to  the  state  of  your 

1  During  the  administration  of  the  second  Count  Revilla-Gigedo  the  sum  of 
$109,704,417   was  coined  in  gold  and  silver  in  Mexico. 


INTERNAL     RESOURCES  221 

1792 

pavement.  You  will  observe  that  this  flagstone  is  not  perfectly 
even,"  touching  with  his  toe  one  which  rose  about  half  an  inch 
above  the  rest  of  the  sidewalk.  "  I  had  the  misfortune  to  strike 
my  foot  against  it  this  evening,  and  I  fear  that  some  others  may 
be  as  unlucky  as  myself  unless  the  fault  be  immediately  remedied. 
You  will  attend  to  it,  sir,  and  report  to  me  to-morrow  morning!  " 
With  these  words  he  continued  his  round,  leaving  the  officer  in  a 
state  of  stupefaction;  but  it  is  asserted  that  the  pavements  of 
Mexico  for  the  rest  of  his  excellency's  government  were  unex- 
ceptionable. 

Another  anecdote  of  this  kind  places  his  peculiarity  of  temper 
in  a  still  stronger  light.  In  perambulating  the  city  one  pleasant 
evening  about  sunset,  he  found  that  the  street  in  which  he  was 
walking  terminated  abruptly  against  a  mass  of  wretched  tenements, 
apparently  the  lurking  places  of  vice  and  beggary.  He  inquired 
how  it  happened  that  the  highway  was  carried  no  farther,  or  why 
these  hovels  were  allowed  to  exist;  but  the  only  information  he 
could  gain  was  that  such  had  always  been  the  case,  and  that  none 
of  the  authorities  considered  themselves  bound  to  remedy  the  evil. 
Revilla-Gigedo  sent  immediately  to  the  corregidor.  "  Tell  him 
that  I  await  him  here,"  he  concluded,  in  a  tone  that  had  the  effect 
of  bringing  that  functionary  at  once  to  the  spot,  and  he  received 
orders  to  open,  without  delay,  a  broad  and  straight  avenue  through 
the  quarter  as  far  as  the  barrier  of  the  city.  It  must  be  finished 
— was  the  imperious  command — that  very  night,  so  as  to  allow 
the  viceroy  to  drive  through  it  on  his  way  to  mass  the  next  morn- 
ing. With  this  the  count  turned  on  his  heel,  and  the  corregidor 
was  left  to  reflect  upon  his  disagreeable  predicament. 

The  fear  of  losing  his  office,  or  perhaps  worse  consequences, 
stimulated  his  energy.  No  time  was  to  be  wasted.  All  his  subor- 
dinate officers  were  instantly  summoned,  and  laborers  were  col- 
lected from  all  parts  of  the  city.  The  very  buildings  that  were  to 
be  removed  sent  forth  crowds  of  leperos  willing  for  a  few  reales  to 
aid  in  destroying  the  walls  which  had  once  harbored  them.  A 
hundred  torches  shed  their  radiance  over  the  scene.  All  night 
long  the  shouts  of  the  workmen,  the  noise  of  pickax  and  crowbar, 
the  crash  of  falling  roofs,  and  the  rumbling  of  carts  kept  the  city 
in  a  fever  of  excitement.  Precisely  at  sunrise  the  state  carriage 
with  the  viceroy,  his  family  and  suite  left  the  palace  and  rattled 
over  the  pavements  in  the  direction  from  which  the  noise  had  pro- 


222  MEXICO 

1794 

ceeded.  At  length  the  new  street  opened  before  them,  a  thousand 
workmen  in  double  file  fell  back  on  either  side  and  made  the  air 
resound  with  vivas  as  they  passed.  Through  clouds  of  dust  and 
dirt,  over  the  unpaved  earth,  strewn  with  fragments  of  stone  and 
plaster,  the  coach  and  train  swept  onward,  till  at  the  junction  of 
the  new  street  with  the  road  leading  to  the  suburbs  the  corregidor, 
hat  in  hand,  with  a  smile  of  conscious  desert,  stepped  forward  to 
receive  his  excellency  and  to  listen  to  the  commendation  bestowed 
on  the  prompt  and  skillful  execution  of  his  commands! 

Should  anyone  doubt  the  truth  of  this  story,  let  him  be  aware 
that  the  Calle  de  Revilla-Gigedo  still  remains  in  Mexico  to  attest 
its  verity.  These  anecdotes  impart  some  idea  of  the  authority  ex- 
ercised by  the  viceroys,  which  was  certainly  far  more  arbitrary  and 
personal  than  that  of  their  sovereign  in  his  Spanish  dominions. 


Chapter    XXII 

THE   EFFECT   OF    EUROPEAN   WARS    ON    COLONIAL 
DEVELOPMENT.     1 794-1809 

CONTRASTING  unfavorably  with  the  illustrious  Revilla- 
Gigedo  is  the  next  viceroy,  the  Marques  Branci forte,  who 
reached  Mexico  July  n,  1794.  Partaking  of  the 
avaricious  qualities  of  the  first  Count  Revilla-Gigedo,  he  seems 
to  have  possessed  but  few  of  the  latter's  virtues,  and  probably  ac- 
cepted the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain  with  no  purpose  but  that  of 
plunder. 

Scarcely  had  he  begun  to  reign  when  his  rapacity  was  signally 
exhibited.  It  is  said  that  his  first  essay  in  extortion  was  the  sale 
of  the  sub-delegation  of  Villa-Alta  to  a  certain  Don  Francisco  Ruiz 
de  Conejares,  for  the  sum  of  forty  thousand  dollars,  and  the 
bestowal  of  the  office  of  apoderado  on  the  Count  de  Contramina, 
the  offices  of  whose  subordinates  were  bought  and  sold  in  the 
political  market  like  ordinary  merchandise. 

At  this  epoch  the  warlike  hostility  to  France  was  excessive, 
and  orders  had  been  received  to  exercise  the  strictest  vigilance  over 
the  subjects  of  that  nation  who  resided  in  Mexico.  Their  number, 
however,  was  small,  for  Spanish  America  was  almost  as  closely 
sealed  as  China  against  the  entrance  of  strangers.  Nevertheless 
Branciforte  encouraged  a  most  disgraceful  persecution  against 
these  unfortunate  persons,  by  arresting  them  on  the  slightest  pre- 
texts, throwing  them  into  prison,  and  seizing1  their  possessions.  He 
found  in  his  assessor  general,  Don  Pedro  Jacinto  Valenzuela,  and 
in  his  criminal  prosecutor,  Francisco  Xavier  de  Borbon,  fitting  in- 
struments to  carry  out  his  inexorable  determinations.  Upon  one 
occasion  he  even  demanded  of  the  Sala  de  Audiencia  that  certain 
Frenchmen,  after  execution,  should  have  their  tongues  impaled 
upon  iron  spikes  at  the  city  gates  because  they  had  spoken  slight- 
ingly of  the  virtue  of  the  queen,  Maria  Louisa !  Fortunately,  how- 
ever, for  the  wretched  culprits,  the  Sala  was  composed  of  virtuous 
magistrates,  who  refused  to  sanction  the  cruel  demand,  and  the 

223 


224  MEXICO 

1796-1798 

victims  were  only  despoiled  of  their  valuable  property.  These 
acts,  it  may  well  be  supposed,  covered  the  name  of  Branciforte  with 
infamy. 

On  October  7,  1796,  war  was  declared  by  Spain  against  Eng- 
land, in  consequence  of  which  the  viceroy  immediately  dis- 
tributed the  colonial  army,  consisting  of  not  less  than  eight  thou- 
sand men,  in  Orizaba,  Cordova,  Jalapa,  and  Perote;  and  in  the 
beginning  of  the  following  year  he  left  the  capital,  to  command 
the  forces  from  his  headquarters  near  the  eastern  coast.  This 
circumstance  enabled  him  to  leave,  with  an  air  of  triumph,  a  city 
in  which  he  was  profoundly  hated.  The  people  manifested  their 
contempt  of  so  despicable  an  extortioner  and  flatterer  of  royalty 
not  only  by  words,  but  by  caricatures.  When  the  sovereign  sent 
him  the  order  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  they  depicted  Branciforte  with 
a  collar  of  the  noble  order,  but  in  lieu  of  the  lamb,  which  termi- 
nates the  insignia,  they  placed  the  figure  of  a  cat.  At  his  depart- 
ure the  civil  and  financial  government  of  the  capital  wras  entrusted 
to  the  regency  of  the  audiencia,  while  its  military  affairs  were  con- 
ducted by  the  Brigadier  Davalos.  In  Orizaba  the  conduct  of 
Branciforte  was  that  of  an  absolute  monarch.  All  his  troops  were 
placed  under  the  best  discipline,  but  none  of  them  were  permitted 
to  descend  to  Vera  Cruz;  yet  scarcely  had  he  been  established  in 
this  new  military  command,  when  it  was  known  that  Don  Miguel 
Jose  de  Azanza  was  named  as  his  viceroyal  successor.  Never- 
theless Branciforte  continued  in  control,  with  the  same  domineer- 
ing demeanor  as  in  the  first  days  of  his  government,  relying  for 
justification  and  defense  in  Spain  upon  the  support  of  his  relative, 
Manuel  de  Godoy.  In  Orizaba  he  was  surrounded  by  flatterers 
and  his  court  was  a  scene  of  disgraceful  orgies;  yet  the  day  of 
his  fall  was  at  hand.  The  ship  Monarch  anchored  at  Vera  Cruz 
on  May  17,  1798,  and  on  the  31st  of  the  same  month  Azanza,  the 
new  viceroy  who  reached  America  in  her,  received  the  viceroyal 
baton  from  Branciforte.  That  supercilious  peculator  departed 
from  New  Spain  with  five  millions  of  dollars,  a  large  portion  of 
which  was  his  private  property,  in  the  vessel  that  had  brought  his 
successor,  and  arrived  at  Ferol,  after  a  narrow  escape  from  the 
English  in  the  waters  of  Cadiz.  But  he  returned  to  Spain  loaded 
with  wealth  and  curses,  for  never  had  the  Mexicans  complained  so 
bitterly  against  any  Spaniard  who  was  commissioned  to  rule  them. 
The  respectable  and  wealthy  inhabitants  of  the  colony  were  loudest 


COLONIAL     DEVELOPMENT  225 

1798-1799 

in  their  denunciations  of  the  "  Italian  adventurer  "  who  enriched 
himself  at  the  expense  of  their  unfortunate  country,  nor  was  his 
conduct  less  hateful  because  he  had  been  the  immediate  successor 
of  so  just  and  upright  a  viceroy  as  Revilla-Gigedo. 

Azanza,  who,  as  we  have  related,  assumed  the  viceroyalty  in 
May,  1798,  was  exceedingly  well  received  in  Mexico.  His 
worthy  character  was  already  known  to  the  people,  and  almost  any 
new  viceroy  would  have  been  hailed  as  a  deliverer  from  the  odious 
administration  of  Branciforte.  Azanza  was  urbane  toward  all 
classes,  and  his  discreet  conversation  at  once  secured  the  respect 
and  confidence  of  the  colonists.  Besides  this,  the  early  measures 
of  his  administration  were  exceedingly  wise.  He  dissolved  the 
various  military  encampments  established  and  maintained  at 
enormous  cost  by  his  predecessor  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  east- 
ern coasts.  This  heavy  charge  on  the  treasury  was  distasteful  to 
the  people,  while  so  large  an  assemblage  of  colonial  troops  neces- 
sarily withdrew  multitudes  from  agricultural  and  commercial 
pursuits,  and  greatly  interfered  with  the  business  of  New  Spain. 
Anxious,  however,  to  protect  the  important  post  of  Vera  Cruz,  the 
viceroy  formed  a  less  numerous  encampment  in  its  neighborhood; 
but  the  greater  portion  of  its  officers  and  men  perished  in  that 
unhealthful  climate. 

The  war  with  England  was  not  altogether  disadvantageous  to 
Mexico,  for  although  the  royal  order  of  November  18,  1797,  was 
repeated  on  April  20,  1799,  by  which  a  commerce  in  neutral  vessels 
had  been  permitted  with  the  colony's  ports,  yet,  as  the  seas  were 
filled  with  enemy's  cruisers,  the  Spanish  trade  in  national  vessels 
was  narrowed  chiefly  to  exports  from  the  mother  country.  This 
course  of  commerce  resulted  in  retaining  the  specie  of  Mexico 
within  her  territory,  for  the  precious  metals  had  hitherto  been  the 
principal  article  of  export  to  Spain  in  return  for  merchandise  dis- 
patched from  Cadiz.  The  internal  trade  of  Mexico  was  accord- 
ingly fostered  and  beneficially  sustained  by  the  continuance  of  its 
large  annual  metallic  products  within  the  viceroyalty  until  peace 
permitted  their  safe  transmission  abroad.  The  beneficial  retention 
of  silver  and  gold  in  the  country  was  not  only  manifested  in  the 
activity  of  domestic  trade,  but  also  in  the  improvement  of  its  towns 
and  cities  and  in  the  encouragement  of  manufactures  of  silk,  cot- 
ton, and  wool.  In  Oaxaca,  Guadalaxara,  Valladolid,  Puebla, 
Cuautitlan,  San  Juan,  Teotihuacan,  Cempoalla,  Metepec,  Ixtlahuaca, 


226  MEXICO 

1799-1800 

and  Tulancingo  the  number  of  looms  increased  rapidly  between 
1796  and  1800.  In  Oaxaca  thirty  were  added;  in  San  Juan 
Teotihuacan  thirty-three;  in  Queretaro  thirty-four  hundred  persons 
were  employed ;  while,  in  the  town  of  Cadereita  there  existed  more 
than  two  hundred  looms,  giving  employment  to  more  than  five 
hundred  individuals. 

In  attending  wisely  and  justly  to  the  civil  administration  of 
New  Spain  and  in  fostering  the  internal  trade  and  industry,  Azanza 
bestirred  himself  while  the  war  continued.  There  were  but  few 
actions  between  the  combatants,  but  as  the  contest  between  the 
nations  sealed  the  ports  in  a  great  degree,  Mexico  was  made  chiefly 
dependent  on  herself  for  the  first  time  since  her  national  existence. 
The  politics  and  intrigues  of  the  Old  World  thus  acquainted  the 
colony  with  her  resources  and  taught  her  the  value  of  independ- 
ence. 

Azanza's  administration  was  for  a  while  disturbed  by  a  threat- 
ened outbreak  among  the  lower  classes,  whose  chief  conspirators 
assembled  in  an  obscure  house  in  the  capital,  and  designed  at  a 
suitable  moment  rising  in  great  numbers  and  murdering  without 
discrimination  all  the  wealthiest  or  most  distinguished  Spaniards. 
This  treasonable  project  was  discovered  to  the  viceroy,  who  went 
in  person  with  a  guard  to  the  quarters  of  the  leaguers  and  arrested 
them  on  the  spot.  They  were  speedily  brought  to  trial,  but  the 
cause  hung  in  the  courts  until  after  the  departure  of  Azanza,  when 
powerful  and  touching  intercessions  were  made  with  his  successor 
to  save  the  lives  of  the  culprits.  The  project  of  a  pardon  was 
maturely  considered  by  the  proper  authorities,  and  it  was  resolved 
not  to  execute  the  guilty  chiefs,  inasmuch  as  it  was  believed  that 
their  appearance  upon  a  scaffold  would  be  the  signal  for  a  general 
revolt  of  the  people  against  the  dominion  of  the  parent  country. 
The  sounds  of  the  approaching  storm  were  already  heard  in  the 
distance,  and  justice  yielded  to  policy. 

Azanza,  with  all  his  excellent  qualities  as  a  governor  in 
America,  did  not  give  satisfaction  to  the  court  at  home.  There  is 
no  doubt  of  the  value  of  his  administration  in  Mexico,  and  it  is 
therefore  difficult  to  account  for  his  loss  of  favor,  except  upon  the 
ground  of  intrigue  and  corruption  which  were  rife  in  Madrid.  The 
reign  of  Charles  IV.  and  the  administration  of  Godoy,  the  "  Prince 
of  Peace  "  are  celebrated  in  history  as  the  least  respectable  in  mod- 
ern Spanish  annals.     While  the  royal  favorite  controlled  the  king's 


COLONIAL     DEVELOPMENT  W 

1800-1801 

councils,  favoritism  and  intrigue  ruled  the  day.  Among-  other 
legends  of  the  time,  it  is  asserted  by  Bustamante,  in  his  continua- 
tion of  Cavo's  "  Los  Tres  Siglos  dc  Mejico,"  that  the  Mexican  vice- 
royalty  was  almost  put  up  at  auction  in  Madrid,  and  offered  for 
eighty  thousand  dollars  to  the  secretary  Bonilla.  In  consequence 
of  this  personage's  inability  to  procure  the  requisite  sum,  it  was 
conferred,  through  another  bargain  and  sale,  upon  Don  Felix 
Berenguer  de  Marquina,  an  obscure  officer  who  was  unknown  to 
the  king  either  personally  or  as  a  meritorious  servant  of  the  crown 
and  people. 

The  Mexican  author  to  whom  we  have  just  referred  charac- 
terizes Azanza  as  the  wisest,  most  politic,  and  amiable  viceroy  ever 
sent  by  Spain  to  rule  over  his  beautiful  country. 

The  next  viceroy,  Don  Felix  Berenguer  de  Marquina,  took 
charge  on  April  30,  1800,  after  a  sudden  and  mysterious  arrival  in 
New  Spain,  having  passed  through  the  enemy's  squadron  and  been 
taken  prisoner.  It  was  inconceivable  to  the  Mexicans  why  the 
vice-admiral  of  Jamaica  deemed  it  proper  to  release  a  Spanish  offi- 
cer who  came  to  America  on  a  warlike  mission ;  yet  it  is  now 
known  that  in  November,  of  1800,  the  king  ordered  forty  thou- 
sand dollars  to  be  paid  the  viceroy  to  reimburse  the  extraordinary 
expenses  of  his  voyage! 

The  government  of  this  personage  was  not  remarkable  in  the 
development  of  the  colony.  The  war  with  England  still  continued, 
but  it  was  of  a  mild  character,  and  vessels  constantly  passed  be- 
tween the  belligerents  with  flags  of  truce,  through  whose 
intervention  the  Mexicans  were  permitted  to  purchase  in  Jamaica 
the  paper,  quicksilver,  and  other  European  commodities  which 
the  British  cruisers  had  captured  from  Spanish  ships  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico. 

In  1 80 1  an  Indian  named  Mariano,  of  Tepic  in  Jalisco,  son  of 
the  governor  of  the  village  of  Tlascala  in  that  department,  at- 
tempted to  excite  a  revolution  among  the  people  of  his  class  by 
means  of  an  anonymous  circular  which  proclaimed  him  king. 
Measures  were  <  immediately  taken  to  suppress  this  outbreak,  and 
numbers  of  the  natives  were  apprehended  and  carried  to  Guadala- 
jara. The  fears  of  Marquina  were  greatly  excited  by  this  paltry 
rebellion,  which  he  imagined,  or  feigned  to  believe,  a  widespread 
conspiracy  excited  by  the  North  Americans  and  designed  to  over- 
throw the  Spanish  power.     The  viceroy  accordingly  detailed  his 


228  MEXICO 

1801-1803 

services  in  exaggerated  terms  to  the  home  government,  and  it  is 
probably  owing  to  the  eulogium  passed  by  him  upon  the  conduct 
of  Abascal,  president  of  Guadalajara,  that  this  personage  was 
made  viceroy  of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  afterward  honored  with  the 
government  of  Peru  and  created  Marques  de  la  Concordia. 

A  definitive  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  between  the  prin- 
cipal European  and  American  belligerents  in  1802,  and  soon  after, 
Marquina,  who  was  offended  by  some  slights  received  from  the 
Spanish  ministry,  resigned  an  office  for  the  performance  of  whose 
manifold  duties  and  intricate  labors  he  manifested  no  ability  save 
that  of  a  good  disposition.  He  was  probably  better  fitted  to  govern 
a  village  of  fifty  inhabitants  than  the  vast  and  important  empire  of 
New  Spain. 

On  the  morning  of  January  4,  1803,  Don  Jose  Iturrigaray 
reached  Guadalupe  near  Mexico,  where  he  received  the  staff  of 
viceroyalty  from  his  predecessor  and  was  welcomed  by  the  au- 
diencia,  tribunals,  and  nobility  of  the  capital. 

The  revolution  in  the  British  provinces  of  North  America  had 
been  successful,  and  they  had  consolidated  themselves  into  nation- 
ality under  the  title  of  United  States.  France  followed  in  the  foot- 
steps of  liberty,  and,  overthrowing  the  rotten  throne  of  the  Bour- 
bons, was  the  first  European  state  to  give  an  impulse  to  freedom  in 
the  Old  World.  The  whole  western  part  of  that  continent  was 
more  or  less  agitated  by  the  throes  of  the  moral  and  political  vol- 
cano whose  fiery  eruption  was  soon  to  cover  Europe  with  destruc- 
tion. In  the  midst  of  this  epoch  of  convulsive  change  Spain  alone 
exhibited  the  aspect  of  passive  insignificance,  for  the  king,  queen, 
and  "  Prince  of  Peace,"  still  conducted  the  government  of  that 
great  nation,  and  their  corrupt  rule  has  become  a  proverb  of  imbe- 
cility and  contempt.  Godoy,  the  misnamed  "  Prince  of  Peace," 
was  the  virtual  ruler  of  the  nation.  His  administration  was  at  once 
selfish,  depraved,  and  silly.  The  favorite  of  the  king,  and  the 
alleged  paramour  of  the  queen,  he  controlled  both  whenever  it  was 
necessary,  while  the  colonies,  as  well  as  the  parent  state,  naturally 
experienced  all  the  evil  consequences  of  his  debauched  government. 
Bad  as  had  been  the  management  of  affairs  in  America  during  the 
reign  of  the  long  series  of  viceroys  who  commanded  on  the  conti- 
nent, it  became  even  worse  while  Godoy  swayed  Charles  IV. 
through  the  influence  of  his  dissolute  queen.  Most  of  the  serious 
and  exciting  annoyances  which  afterwards  festered  and  broke  out 


FKIKDK1CH     HE1XRICH     ALEXANDER,     BARON     VON     UL'MBOLDT 

(  Horn     i  769.      I  !ied     1859) 
Daguerreotype    by    Biow 


COLONIAL     DEVELOPMENT  229 

1803-1805 

in  the  Mexican  Revolution  owe  their  origin  to  this  epoch  of  Spanish 
misrule. 

Iturrigaray  was  exceedingly  well  received  in  Mexico,  where 
his  reputation  as  an  eminent  servant  of  the  crown  preceded  him. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  undertook  a  journey  to  the  interior,  in 
order  to  examine  personally  into  the  condition  of  the  mining  dis- 
tricts; and  after  his  return  to  the  capital  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
ordinary  routine  of  colonial  administration  until  it  became  neces- 
sary, in  consequence  of  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  between  Spain 
and  England,  to  adopt  measures  for  the  protection  of  his  vice- 
royalty.  In  consequence  of  this  rupture  Iturrigaray  received 
orders  from  the  court  to  put  the  country  in  a  state  of  complete 
defense,  and  accordingly  he  gathered  in  haste  the  troops  of  Mexico, 
Puebla,  Perote,  Jalapa,  and  Vera  Cruz,  and,  descending  several  times 
to  the  latter  place,  personally  inspected  all  the  encampments  and 
garrisons  along  the  route.  Besides  this,  he  made  a  rapid  military 
reconnoissance  of  the  country  along  the  coast  and  the  chief  high- 
ways to  the  interior.  The  road  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico  was 
constructed  in  the  best  manner  under  his  orders,  and  the  celebrated 
bridge  called  El  Puente  del  Rey,  now  known  as  El  Puente  Nacional, 
was  finally  completed. 

These  preparations  were  designed  not  only  to  guard  New 
Spain  from  the  invasions  of  the  English,  but  also  from  a  dreaded 
attack  by  the  people  of  the  United  States.  This  fear  seems  to  have 
been  fostered  by  the  Marques  de  Casa  Irujo,  who  was  Spanish 
envoy  in  Washington  at  this  epoch,  and  informed  the  government 
that  the  menaced  expedition  against  Mexico  would  throw  twenty 
thousand  men  upon  her  shores.  Nor  was  the  attention  of  Iturri- 
garay diverted  from  the  enterprise  which  was  projected  by  Don 
Francisco  Miranda  to  secure  the  independence  of  Caraccas;  and 
although  the  scheme  failed,  it  appears  to  have  aroused  the  whole  of 
Spanish  America  to  assert  and  maintain  its  rights. 

It  was  during  the  government  of  this  viceroy  that  the  cele- 
brated Baron  Humboldt  visited  Mexico, — by  permission  of  the 
patriotic  minister,  D'Urquijo, — authorized  by  the  home  govern- 
ment to  examine  its  dominions  and  their  archives,  and  to  receive 
from  the  colonial  authorities  all  the  information  they  possessed  in 
regard  to  America.  He  was  the  first  writer  who  developed  the 
resources  or  described  the  condition  of  the  Spanish  portion  of  the 
American  continent,   which  until  that  time  had  been  studiously 


230  MEXICO 

1805-1808 

veiled  from  the  examination  of  all  strangers  who  were  likely  to 
reveal  their  knowledge  to  the  world. 

In  1806  the  news  of  the  destruction  of  the  combined  fleets  in 
the  waters  of  Cadiz  became  known  in  Mexico,  and  the  resident 
Spaniards,  exhibiting  a  lively  sympathy  with  the  mother  country  in 
this  sad  affliction,  collected  upwards  of  thirty  thousand  dollars  for 
the  widows  of  their  brave  companions  who  had  fallen  in  action. 
Meanwhile  the  war  in  Europe  was  not  only  destroying  the  sub- 
jects of  the  desperate  belligerents,  but  was  rapidly  consuming  their 
national  substance.  In  this  state  of  things  America  was  called  upon 
to  contribute  for  the  maintenance  of  a  bloody  struggle  in  which 
she  had  no  interest  save  that  of  loyal  dependence.  Taxes,  duties, 
and  exactions  of  all  sorts  were  laid  upon  the  Mexicans,  and  under 
this  dread  infliction  the  domestic  and  foreign  trade  languished, 
notwithstanding  the  extraordinary  yield  of  the  mines,  which,  in 
1805,  sent  upwards  of  twenty  millions  into  circulation.  Of  all  the 
royal  interferences  with  Mexican  interests  and  capital,  none  seems 
to  have  been  more  vexatiously  unpopular  than  the  decree  for  the 
consolidation  of  the  capitals  of  obras  pias,  or,  charitable  and  pious 
revenues,  which  was  issued  by  the  court;  and  Iturrigaray,  as  the 
executive  officer  employed  in  this  consolidation,  drew  upon  himself 
the  general  odium  of  all  the  best  classes  in  the  colony. 

Charles  IV.  fell  before  the  revolutionary  storm  in  Europe,  and 
signed  his  abdication  on  August  9,  1808,  in  favor  of  his  son  Ferdi- 
nand VII.  But  the  weak  and  irresolute  monarch  soon  protested 
against  this  abdication,  alleging  that  the  act  had  been  extorted 
from  him  by  threats  against  his  life;  and  while  the  supreme  council 
of  Spain  was  examining  into  the  validity  of  Charles's  renunciation, 
and  Ferdinand  was  treating  his  father's  protest  with  contempt, 
Napoleon,  who  had  steadily  advanced  to  supreme  power  after  the 
success  of  the  French  Revolution,  took  prompt  advantage  of  the 
dissensions  in  the  Peninsula,  and,  making  himself  master  of  it, 
seated  his  brother  Joseph  on  the  Spanish  throne.  As  soon  as 
Joseph  was  firmly  placed  in  power  Ferdinand  congratulated  him 
upon  his  elevation,  and  ordered  all  his  Spanish  and  colonial  sub- 
jects to  recognize  the  upstart  king.  But  the  servility  of  Ferdinand 
to  the  ascending  star  of  European  power  did  not  meet  with  obe- 
dience from  the  people  of  Mexico,  who,  resolving  to  continue  loyal 
to  their  legitimate  sovereign,  forthwith  proclaimed  Ferdinand  VII. 
throughout  Xew  Spain.     The  conduct  of  the  colonists  was  secretly 


COLONIAL     DEV  E  L  O  P  M  E  X  T  231 

1808 

approved  by  the  dissembling  monarch,  although  he  ratified  a  decree 
of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  commanding  the  Mexicans  to  obey 
Joseph.  The  natives  of  the  Peninsula  dwelling  in  New  Spain  were 
nearly  all  opposed  to  the  Bourbons  and  faithful  to  the  French  prop- 
agandists, while  the  Creoles,  or  American  natives,  denounced  the 
adherents  of  Joseph  and  burned  the  proclamation  which  declared 
him  to  be  their  king.  The  orders  received  at  this  period  by  Iturri- 
garay  from  Ferdinand,  Joseph,  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies  were 
of  course  all  in  conflict  with  each  other;  and,  in  order  to  relieve 
himself  from  the  political  dilemma  in  which  he  was  placed  by  these 
mixed  commands,  Iturrigaray  determined  to  summon  a  Junta  of 
Notable  Persons,  similar  to  that  of  Seville,  which  was  to  be  com- 
posed of  the  viceroy,  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  and  representa- 
tives from  the  army,  the  nobility,  the  principal  citizens,  and  the 
ayuntamiento  of  the  capital.  But  inasmuch  as  this  plan  of  concord 
leaned  in  favor  of  the  people,  by  proposing  to  place  the  Creoles  of 
America  upon  an  equality  with  the  natives  of  Spain,  the  old  hatred 
or  jealousy  between  the  races  was  at  once  aroused.  The 
Europeans  who  composed  the  partisans  of  France,  headed  by  Don 
Gabriel  Yermo,  a  rich  Spaniard  and  proprietor  of  some  of  the 
finest  sugar  estates  in  the  valley  of  Cuernavaca,  at  once  resolved  to 
frustrate  the  viceroy's  design.  Arming  themselves  hastily,  they 
proceeded  on  the  night  of  September  15,  1808,  to  his  palace,  where 
they  arrested  Iturrigaray  and,  accusing  him  of  heresy  and  treason, 
sent  him  as  prisoner  to  Spain.  This  revolutionary  act  was  openly 
countenanced  by  the  audiencia,  the  oidores,  Aguirre  and  Bataller, 
and  the  body  of  Spanish  traders.  For  three  years,  until  released 
by  an  act  of  amnesty  in  181 1,  Iturrigaray  continued  in  close  con- 
finement; and  although  he  was  not  regarded  favorably  by  all 
classes  of  Mexicans,  this  outrage  against  his  person  by  the  Span- 
ish emigrants  seems  to  have  produced  a  partial  reaction  in  his  favor 
among  the  loyal  natives. 

Iturrigaray's  successor  was  Field  Marshal  Don  Pedro  Gari- 
bay,  who,  though  more  than  eighty  years  of  age,  in  1808  was 
honored  with  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain.  He  had  passed  the 
greater  portion  of  his  life  in  Mexico,  and  rose  from  the  humble 
grade  of  lieutenant  of  provincial  militia  to  the  highest  post  in  the 
colony.  He  was  familiar  with  the  habits  and  feelings  of  the  peo- 
ple, was  generally  esteemed  for  the  moderation  with  which  he 
conducted  himself  in  office,  and  was  altogether  the  most  endurable 


232  MEXICO 

1808 

viceroy  who  could  have  been  imposed  upon  the  Mexicans  at  that 
revolutionary  period. 

During  the  government  of  the  preceding  viceroy  the  troubles 
which  began,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  Old  World  had  extended  to 
the  New,  and  we  shall  therefore  group  the  history  of  the  war  that 
resulted  in  Mexican  independence  under  the  titles  of  the  last  vice- 
roys who  were  empowered  by  Peninsular  authorities  to  stay,  if  they 
could  not  entirely  control,  the  progress  of  American  liberty. 


Chapter    XXIII 


SPREAD    OF   THE    REVOLT   AGAINST    FOREIGN 
DOMINATION.    1809-1815 


THE  pictures  presented  in  the  introductory  chapter  to  the 
viceroyal  history  and  in  the  subsequent  detailed  narrative 
of  that  epoch  will  suffice,  we  presume,  to  convince  our 
readers  that  they  need  not  penetrate  deeply  for  the  true  causes 
of  misery  and  misrule  in  Spanish  America.  The  decadence  of 
Spain  as  well  as  the  unhappiness  of  nearly  all  her  ancient  col- 
onies may  be  fairly  attributed  to  the  same  source  of  national 
ruin — bad,  unnatural  government.  A  distinguished  statesman  of 
our  country  has  remarked  that  "  the  European  alliance  of  emperors 
and  kings  assumed,  as  the  foundation  of  human  society,  the  doc- 
trine of  unalienable  allegiance,  while  our  doctrine  was  founded  on 
the  principle  of  unalienable  right."  x  This  mistaken  European 
view,  or  rather  assumption  of  royal  prerogative  and  correlative 
human  duties,  was  the  baleful  origin  of  colonial  misrule.  The 
house  of  Austria  did  not  govern  Spain  as  wisely  as  its  predecessors. 
The  Spain  that  Philip  I.  received  and  the  Spain  of  those  who  fol- 
lowed him  present  a  sad  contrast.  As  the  conquest  of  America 
had  not  been  conceived,  although  it  was  declared  to  be,  in  a  benefi- 
cent spirit,  the  sovereigns  continued  the  system  of  plunder  with 
which  it  was  begun.  Its  results  are  known.  The  Americans  were 
their  subjects,  bound  to  them  by  "  unalienable  allegiance  " ;  vassals, 
serfs,  creatures  whose  human  rights  in  effect  were  nothing  when 
compared  to  the  monarch's  will.  This  doctrine  at  once  converted 
the  southern  portions  of  the  American  continent  into  a  soulless 
machine,  which  the  king  had  a  right  to  use  as  he  pleased,  and  es- 
pecially as  he  deemed  most  beneficial  for  his  domestic  realm.  The 
consequence  was  that  in  concurrence  with  the  Council  of  the  Indies 
he  established,  as  we  have  seen,  an  entirely  artificial  system,  which 
contradicted  nature  and  utterly  thwarted  both  physical  and  in- 
tellectual development.. 

1John  Quincy  Adams's  letter  to  Anderson,  minister  to  Columbia,  May  27, 
1823. 

333 


234  MEXICO 

1809-1810 

The  Indians  and  Creoles  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  ignorant  and 
stupid  as  they  were  believed  to  be  by  Spain,  had  nevertheless  sense 
enough  to  understand  and  feel  the  wretchedness  of  their  condition. 
They  cherished  in  their  hearts  an  intense  hatred  for  their  foreign 
masters.  There  was  no  positive  or  merely  natural  enmity  of  races 
in  this,  but  rather  a  suppressed  desire  to  avenge  their  wrongs. 

When  the  French  seized  Spain,  the  colonies  in  America  were 
for  a  period  forced  to  rely  upon  themselves  for  temporary  govern- 
ment. They  did  not  at  once  desire  to  adopt  republican  institutions, 
but  rather  adhered  to  monarchy,  provided  they  could  free  them- 
selves from  bad  rulers  and  vicious  laws.  This  especially  was  the 
case  in  Mexico.  Her  war  against  the  mother  country  originated  in 
a  loyal  desire  to  be  completely  independent  of  France.  The  news 
of  the  departure  of  Ferdinand  VII.  for  Bayonne,  and  the  alleged 
perfidy  of  Napoleon  in  that  city,  excited  an  enthusiasm  among 
the  Mexicans  for  the  legitimate  king,  and  created  a  mortal  hatred 
against  the  conqueror  of  Europe.  All  classes  of  original  Mexican 
society  seem  to  have  been  united  in  these  sentiments.  Subscrip- 
tions were  freely  opened,  and  in  a  few  months  seven  millions  were 
collected  to  aid  their  Peninsular  friends  who  were  righting  for 
religion,  king,  and  nationality.  The  idea  did  not  strike  any  Mex- 
ican that  it  was  a  proper  time  to  free  his  native  land  entirely  from 
colonial  thraldom.2  But  after  a  short  time  the  people  began  to 
reflect.  The  prestige  of  Spanish  power,  to  which  we  have  alluded 
heretofore,  was  destroyed.  A  French  king  sat  upon  the  Spanish 
throne.  The  wand  of  the  enchanter,  with  which  he  had  spell- 
bound America  across  the  wide  Atlantic,  was  broken.  The  treas- 
ured memory  of  oppression,  conquest,  bad  government  and  misery 
was  suddenly  refreshed,  and  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  that  when 
the  popular  rising  finally  took  place  it  manifested  its  bitterness  in 
an  universal  outcry  against  the  Spaniards. 

After  the  occurrences  at  Bayonne,  emissaries  from  King 
Joseph  Bonaparte  spread  themselves  over  the  continent  to  prepare 
the  people  for  the  ratification  and  permanence  of  the  French  govern- 
ment. These  political  propagandists  were  charged,  as  we  have 
stated,  with  orders  from  Ferdinand  VII.  and  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  to  transfer  the  allegiance  of  America  to  France.3  It  may  be 
imagined  that  this  would  have  gratified  the  masses  in  America, 

2  Zavala,  "  Historia,"  voL   I.  p.   38. 

3  Robinson's  "  History  of  the  Mexican  Revolution,"  p.  10. 


SPREAD     OF     REVOLT  235 

1810 

who  perhaps  had  heard  that  the  French  were  the  unquestionable 
patrons  of  "  liberty  and  equality."  But  the  exact  reverse  was  the 
case  among  the  Creoles,  while  the  Spaniards  in  America  received 
the  emissaries  with  welcome  and  bowed  down  submissively  to  the 
orders  they  brought.  Blinded  for  centuries  to  all  ideas  of  govern- 
ment save  those  of  regal  character,  the  Mexicans  had  no  notion  of 
rule  or  ruler  except  their  traditionary  Spanish  king.  They  clung 
to  him,  therefore,  with  confidence,  for  they  felt  the  necessity  of 
some  paramount  authority,  as  political  self-control  was  as  yet  an 
utter  impossibility. 

A  secret  union  among  leading  men  was  therefore  formed  in 
1 8 10,  which  contemplated  a  general  rising  throughout  the  prov- 
inces, but  the  plot  was  detected  at  the  moment  when  it  was  ripe 
for  development.  This  conspiracy  was  based  upon  a  desire  to 
overthrow  the  Spaniards.  "  They  felt,''  says  Ward,  "  that  the 
question  was  not  now  one  between  themselves  as  subjects,  but 
between  themselves  and  their  fellow-subjects,  the  European  Span- 
iards, as  to  which  should  possess  the  right  of  representing  the  ab- 
sent king  "  as  guardians  and  preservers  of  the  rights  of  Ferdinand. 
The  Europeans  claimed  this  privilege  exclusively,  with  customary 
insolence.  "  The  ayuntamiento  of  Mexico  was  told  by  the  au- 
diencia  that  it  possessed  no  authority  except  over  the  leperos  "■ — 
or  mob  of  the  capital ;  and  it  was  a  favorite  maxim  of  the  oidor 
Battaller  that  "  while  a  Manchego  mule  or  a  Castilian  cobbler  re- 
mained in  the  Peninsula  he  had  a  right  to  govern." 

In  those  times  a  certain  country  curate  by  name  Miguel  Hi- 
dalgo y  Costilla  dwelt  in  the  Indian  village  of  Dolores,  adjacent  to 
the  town  of  San  Miguel  el  Grande,  lying  in  the  province  of  Gua- 
najuato. One  of  the  conspirators,  being  about  to  die,  sent  for  his 
priest,  and,  confessing  the  plot,  revealed  also  the  names  of  his  ac- 
complices. The  curate  Hidalgo  was  one  of  the  chiefs  of  this 
revolutionary  band,  and  the  viceroy  Venegas,  hoping*  to  crush  the 
league  in  its  bud,  dispatched  orders  for  his  arrest  and  imprisonment 
as  soon  as  the  confession  of  the  dead  conspirator  was  disclosed  to 
him.  Hidalgo's  colleagues  were  also  included  in  this  order,  but 
some  of  the  secret  friends  of  the  insurgents  learned  what  was  oc- 
curring at  court  and  appraised  the  patriot-priest  of  his  imminent 
danger.  The  news  first  reached  Don  Ignacio  Allende,  who  com- 
manded a  small  body  of  the  king's  troops  in  San  Miguel,  and  who 
hastened  with  the  disastrous  tidings  to  his  friend  at  Dolores.    Con- 


236  MEXICO 

1810 

cealment  and  flight  were  now  equally  unavailing.  The  troops  of 
Allende  were  speedily  won  to  the  cause  of  their  captain,  while  the 
Indians  of  Dolores  rushed  to  defend  their  beloved  pastor.  As 
they  marched  from  their  village  to  San  Miguel  and  thence  to 
Zelaya,  the  natives,  armed  with  clubs,  slings,  staves,  and  missiles, 
thronged  to  their  ranks  from  every  mountain  and  valley.  The 
wretched  equipment  of  the  insurgents  shows  their  degraded  con- 
dition as  well  as  the  passionate  fervor  with  which  they  blindly 
rushed  upon  the  enemies  of  their  race.  Hidalgo  put  on  his  military 
coat  over  the  cassock,  and,  perhaps  unwisely,  threw  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  revolution,  which  rallied  at  the  cry  of  "  Death  to  the 
Gachupines."  4 

The  result  of  this  onslaught  was  dreadful.  Wherever  the 
rebellious  army  passed  Spaniards  and  uncomplying  Creoles  they 
were  indiscriminately  slaughtered,  and  though  many  of  the  latter 
were  originally  combined  with  the  conspirators  and  eagerly  longed 
for  the  emancipation  of  their  country,  they  were  dismayed  by  the 
atrocities  of  the  wild  insurgents.  As  the  rebel  chief,  armed  with 
the  sword  and  cross,  pressed  onward,  immense  numbers  of  Indians 
flocked  to  his  banner,  so  that  when  he  left  Zelaya  a  fierce  and  un- 
disciplined mob  of  twenty  thousand  hailed  him  as  undisputed  com- 
mander. At  the  head  of  this  predatory  band  he  descended  upon  the 
noble  city  of  Guanajuato,  in  the  heart  of  the  wealthiest  mining 
district  of  Mexico.  The  Spaniards  and  some  of  the  Creoles  re- 
solved upon  a  stout  resistance,  shut  themselves  up  in  the  city  and 
refused  the  humane  terms  offered  by  Hidalgo  upon  condition  of 
surrender.  This  rash  rejection  led  to  an  immediate  attack  and 
victory.  When  the  city  fell  it  was  too  late  for  the  insurgent  priest 
to  stay  the  savage  fury  of  his  troops.  The  Spaniards  and  their 
adherents  were  promiscuously  slaughtered  by  the  troops,  and  for 
three  days  the  sacking  of  the  city  continued,  until,  wearied  with 
conquest,  the  rebels  at  length  stopped  the  plunder  of  the  town. 
Immense  treasures  hoarded  in  this  place  for  many  years  were  the 
fruits  of  this  atrocious  victory  which  terrified  the  Mexican  authori- 
ties and  convinced  them  that  the  volcanic  nature  of  the  people  had 
been  fully  roused,  and  that  safety  existed  alone  in  uncompromising 
resistance. 

4  This  term  has  been  variously  interpreted;  it  is  supposed  to  be  an  ancient 
Indian  word  significant  of  contempt.  It  is  applied  by  the  natives  to  the 
European  Spaniards  or  their  full-blooded  descendants.  See  Robinson's  "His- 
tory of  the  Mexican  Revolution,"  p.   15. 


SPREAD     OF     REVOLT  237 

1810 

The  original  rebellion  was  thus  thrown  from  the  hands  of  the 
Creoles  into  those  of  the  Indians.  A  war  of  races  was  about  to 
break  out ;  and  although  there  were  not  among  the  insurgents  more 
than  a  thousand  muskets,  yet  the  mere  numerical  force  of  such  an 
infuriate  crowd  was  sufficient  to  dismay  the  staunchest.  The 
viceroy  Venegas  and  the  church  therefore  speedily  combined  to 
hurl  their  weapons  against  the  rebels.  While  the  former  issued 
proclamations  or  decrees  and  dispatched  troops  under  the  command 
of  Truxillo  to  check  Hidalgo,  who  was  advancing  on  the  capital, 
the  latter  declared  all  the  rebels  to  be  heretics,  and  excommunicated 
them  in  a  body. 

But  the  arms  of  the  Spanish  chiefs  and  the  anathemas  of  the 
Roman  Church  were  unequal  to  the  task  of  resistance.  Hidalgo 
was  attacked  by  Truxillo  at  Las  Cruces,  about  eight  leagues  from 
the  capital,  where  the  Indian  army  overwhelmed  the  Spanish  gen- 
eral and  drove  him  back  to  Mexico,  with  the  loss  of  his  artillery. 
In  this  action  we  find  it  difficult  to  apportion,  with  justice,  the 
ferocity  between  the  combatants,  for  Truxillo  boasted  in  this  dis- 
patch that  he  had  defended  the  defile  with  the  "  obstinacy  of 
Leonidas,"  and  had  even  "  fired  upon  the  bearers  of  a  flag  of  truce 
which  Hidalgo  sent  him." 

The  insurgents  followed  up  their  success  at  Las  Cruces  by 
pursuing  the  foe  until  they  arrived  at  the  hacienda  of  Quaximalpa, 
within  fifteen  miles  of  the  City  of  Mexico.  But  here  a  fatal  distrust 
of  his  powers  seems  first  to  have  seized  the  warrior  priest.  Vene- 
gas, it  is  said,  contrived  to  introduce  secret  emissaries  into  his 
camp,  who  impressed  Hidalgo  and  his  officers  with  the  belief  that 
the  capital  was  abundantly  prepared  for  defense,  and  that  an 
assault  upon  the  disciplined  troops  of  Spain  by  a  disordered  multi- 
tude without  firearms  would  only  terminate  in  the  rout  and  destruc- 
tion of  all  his  forces.  In  fact,  he  seems  to  have  been  panic-stricken, 
and  to  have  felt  unable  to  control  the  revolutionary  tempest  he  had 
raised.  Accordingly,  in  an  evil  moment  for  his  cause,  he  com- 
menced a  retreat,  after  having  remained  several  days  in  sight  of 
the  beautiful  City  of  Mexico,  upon  which  he  might  easily  have 
swept  down  from  the  mountain  like  an  eagle  to  his  prey. 

It  is  related  by  the  historians  of  these  wars  that  in  spite  of  all 
Venegas's  boasted  valor  and  assurance,  he  was  not  a  little  dismayed 
by  the  approach  of  Hidalgo.  The  people  shared  his  alarm,  and 
would  probably  have  yielded  at  once  to  the  insurgents,  whose  im- 


MEXICO 

1810 

posing  forces  were  crowding  into  the  valley.  But  in  this  strait 
the  viceroy  had  recourse  to  the  well-known  superstitions  of  the 
people  in  order  to  allay  their  fears.  He  caused  the  celebrated  image 
of  the  Virgin  of  Remedios  to  be  brought  from  the  mountain  vil- 
lage, where  it  was  generally  kept  in  a  chapel,  to  the  cathedral,  with 
great  pomp  and  ceremony.  Thither  he  proceeded,  in  full  uniform, 
to  pay  his  respects  to  the  figure,  and  after  imploring  the  Virgin  to 
take  the  government  into  her  own  hands,  he  terminated  his  appeal 
by  laying  his  baton  of  command  at  her  feet. 

It  is  now  that  we  first  encounter  in  Mexican  history  the  name 
of  Don  Felix  Maria  Calleja,  a  name  that  is  coupled  with  all  that  is 
shameless,  bloody,  and  atrocious  in  modern  warfare.  Calleja  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  a  well-appointed  Creole  army  of  ten  thousand 
men  and  a  train  of  artillery,  and  with  these  disciplined  forces, 
which  he  had  been  for  some  time  concentrating,  he  was  ordered  to 
pursue  Hidalgo.0  The  armies  met  at  Aculco,  and  the  Indians  in 
their  first  encounter  with  a  body  of  regulars  exhibited  an  enthusi- 
astic bravery  that  nearly  defies  belief.  They  were  almost  as  com- 
pletely ignorant  of  the  use  or  power  of  firearms  as  their  Aztec  an- 
cestors three  hundred  years  before.  They  threw  themselves  upon 
the  serried  ranks  of  infantry  with  clubs  and  staves.  Rushing  up 
to  the  mouths  of  the  cannon  they  drove  their  sombreros  or  hats  of 
straw  into  the  muzzles.  Order,  command,  or  discipline  was  en- 
tirely unknown  to  them.  Their  effort  was  simply  to  overwhelm 
by  superiority  of  numbers.  But  the  cool  phalanx  of  Creoles  stood 
firm,  until  the  Indian  disorder  became  so  great,  and  their  strength 
so  exhausted  by  repeated  yet  fruitless  efforts,  that  the  regulars 
commenced  the  work  of  slaughter  with  impunity.  Calleja  boasts 
that  Hidalgo  lost  "  ten  thousand  men,  of  whom  five  thousand  were 
put  to  the  sword."  It  seems,  however,  that  he  was  unable  to 
capture  or  disband  the  remaining  insurgents,  for  Hidalgo  retreated 
to  Guanajuato,  and  then  fell  back  on  Guadalaxara,  leaving  in  the 
former  city  a  guard  under  his  friend  Allende. 

Calleja  next  attacked  the  rebel  forces  at  the  hacienda  of  Marfil, 
and  having  defeated  Allende,  who  defended  himself  bravely, 
rushed  onward  toward  the  city  of  Guanajuato.      This  place  he 

0  Ward,  "  Mexico  in  1827,"  vol.  I.  p.  169. 

°The  Creoles,  although  unfriendly  to  the  Spaniards  and  ready  to  rebel  against 
them,  were  nevertheless  willing  to  aid  them  against  the  Indians,  whom  they 
more  reasonably  regarded,  under  the  circumstances,  as  the  more  dangerous  of 
the   two   classes. 


SPREAD     OF     REVOLT  239 

1810-1811 

entered  as  conqueror.  "  The  sacrifice  of  the  prisoners  of  Marfil," 
says  Robinson,  "  was  not  sufficient  to  satiate  his  vindictive  spirit. 
He  glutted  his  vengeance  on  the  defenseless  population  of  Guana- 
juato. Men,  women,  and  children  were  driven  by  his  orders  into 
the  great  square;  and  fourteen  thousand  of  these  wretches,  it  is 
alleged,  were  butchered  in  a  most  barbarous  manner.  Their 
throats  were  cut.  The  principal  fountain  of  the  city  literally  over- 
flowed with  blood.  But  far  from  concealing  these  savage  acts, 
Calleja  in  his  account  of  the  conflict  exults  in  the  honor  of  com- 
municating the  intelligence  that  he  had  purged  the  city  of  its  rebel- 
lious population.  The  only  apology  offered  for  the  sacrifice  was 
that  it  would  have  wasted  too  much  powder  to  have  shot  them,  and 
therefore  on  the  principle  of  economy  he  cut  their  throats.  Thus 
was  this  unfortunate  city,  in  a  single  campaign,  made  the  victim  of 
both  loyalists  and  insurgents. 

Hidalgo  and  his  division  were  soon  joined  by  Allende,  and  al- 
though they  suffered  all  the  disasters  of  a  bad  retreat  as  well  as  of 
Spanish  victories,  he  still  numbered  about  eighty  thousand  under 
his  banners.  He  awaited  Calleja  at  Guadalaxara,  which  he  had 
surrounded  with  fortifications  and  armed  with  cannon,  dragged  by 
the  Indians  over  mountain  districts  from  the  port  of  San  Bias 
on  the  Pacific;  but  it  is  painful  to  record  the  fact  that  in  this  city 
Hidalgo  was  guilty  of  great  cruelties  to  all  the  Europeans.  Ward 
relates  that  between  seven  and  eight  hundred  victims  fell  beneath 
the  assassin's  blade.  A  letter,  produced  on  Hidalgo's  trial,  written 
to  one  of  his  lieutenants,  charges  the  officer  to  seize  as  many 
Spaniards  as  he  possibly  can,  and  moreover  directs  him,  if  he  has 
any  reason  to  suspect  his  prisoners  of  entertaining  seditious  or 
restless  ideas,  to  bury  them  at  once  in  oblivion  by  putting  such 
persons  to  death  in  some  secret  and  solitary  place,  where  their  fate 
may  remain  forever  unknown !  As  the  cruelty  of  Old  Spain  to  the 
Mexicans  had  well-nigh  driven  them  to  despair,  such  savage  assas- 
sinations in  turn  drove  the  Spaniards  to  revenge,  or  at  least  fur- 
nished them  with  an  excuse  for  their  horrible  atrocities. 

Calleja,  intent  on  the  pursuit  of  his  Indian  prey,  was  not  long- 
in  following  Hidalgo.  The  insurgent  chief  endeavored  to  excite 
the  ardor  of  his  troops,  while  he  preserved  some  show  of  discipline 
in  their  ranks ;  and,  thus  prepared,  he  gave  battle  to  the  Spaniards, 
at  the  bridge  of  Calderon,  on  January  17,  181 1.  At  first  Hidalgo 
was  successful,  but  the  rebels  were  no  match  for  the  royal  troops 


240  MEXICO 

1811-1812 

kept  in  reserve  by  Calleja.  With  these  he  made  a  fierce  charge 
upon  the  Indians,  and  sweeping  through  their  broken  masses  he 
"  pursued  and  massacred  them  by  thousands." 

Calleja  was  not  a  person  either  to  conciliate  or  to  pause  in 
victory.  He  believed  that  rebellion  could  only  be  rooted  out  by 
utter  destruction  of  the  insurgents  and  their  seed.  Accordingly 
orders  were  issued  to  "  exterminate  the  inhabitants  of  every  town 
or  village  that  showed  symptoms  of  adherence  to  the  rebels,"  while 
from  the  pulpit  new  denunciations  were  fulminated  against  all  who 
opposed  the  royal  authority.  The  insurgent  chiefs  fled,  and 
reached  Saltillo  with  about  four  thousand  men.  There  it  was 
resolved  to  leave  Rayon  in  command,  while  Hidalgo,  Allende,  Al- 
dama,  and  Absolo  endeavored  to  reach  the  United  States  with  an 
escort  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  munitions  of  war  with  the 
treasure  they  had  saved  from  the  sacking  of  Guanajuato.  But 
these  fierce  and  vindictive  soldiers  were  destined  to  end  their  lives 
by  treachery.  Hidalgo's  associate  rebel,  Ignacio  Elizondo,  hoping 
to  make  his  peace  with  the  government  by  betraying  so  rich  a 
prize,  delivered  them  up  to  the  authorities  on  March  21,  181 1,  at 
Acatila  de  Bajan.  Hidalgo  was  taken  to  Chihuahua,  and,  after 
being  degraded  from  holy  orders,  was  shot  on  July  27,  while 
Calleja  was  rewarded  for  his  victories  with  the  title  of  Conde  de 
Calderon,  won  by  his  brilliant  charge  at  the  bridge  near 
Guanajuato.7 

Such  is  an  outline  of  the  warfare  between  the  Sylla  and  Marius 
of  this  continent,  and  of  some  of  the  most  prominent  events  in  the 
origin  of  that  revolution  which  finally  resulted  in  the  Mexican 
independence. 

After  Hidalgo's  death  the  country  was  for  a  considerable 
time  involved  in  a  guerrilla  warfare  which  extended  throughout 
the  whole  territory  of  Mexico  to  the  provincas  internets  of  the 
north.  Rayon  assumed  command  of  the  fragments  of  Hidalgo's 
forces  at  Saltillo  and  retired  to  Zacatecas,  but  he  had  no  command, 
or  indeed  authority,  except  over  his  own  men.  The  whole  country 
was  in  ferment.  The  valley  of  Mexico  was  full  of  eager  partisans, 
who  lassoed  the  sentinels  even  at  the  gates  of  the  town ;  yet  in  all 
the  chief  cities  the  viceroy's  authority  was  still  acknowledged. 

7  Hidalgo's  head  was  cut  off  and  sent  as  a  present  to  the  city  of  Guanajuato, 
where  it  was  exposed  upon  a  pike  on  the  roof  of  the  Granaditas  Castle.  To-day 
that  pike  is  considered  as  a  most  sacred  relic,  and  in  front  of  the  castle,  now  used 
as  a  prison,  stands  a  bronze  statue  of  the  patriot  priest. 


SPREAD     OF     REVOLT  241 

1811-1812 

Men  of  reflection  immediately  saw  that  the  cause  of  liberation 
would  be  lost  if,  amid  all  these  elements  of  boiling  discontent,  there 
was  no  unity  of  opinion  and  action.  The  materials  of  success  were 
ample  throughout  the  nation,  but  they  required  organization  under 
men  in  whose  judgment  and  bravery  the  insurgent  masses  could  rely. 

Such  were  the  opinions  of  Rayon  and  his  friends  who,  in 
May,  1811,  occupied  Zitacuaro,  when  on  the  10th  of  the  following 
September  they  assembled  a  junta,  or  central  government,  com- 
posed of  five  members  chosen  by  a  large  body  of  the  most  respecta- 
ble landed  proprietors  in  the  neighborhood,  in  conjunction  with  the 
ayuntamiento  and  inhabitants  of  the  town. 

The  doctrines  of  this  junta  were  liberal,  but  they  main- 
tained a  close  intimacy  with  Spain,  and  even  admitted  the  people's 
willingness  to  receive  Ferdinand  VII.  as  sovereign  of  Mexico, 
provided  he  abandoned  his  European  possessions  for  New  Spain. 
When  Morelos  joined  the  junta  he  disapproved  this  last  concession 
to  the  royalists,  though  it  was  chiefly  defended  by  Rayon  as  an 
expedient  measure  when  dealing  with  people  over  whom  the  name 
of  king  still  exercised  the  greatest  influence.  This  junta  was  finally 
merged  in  the  congress  of  Chilpanzingo.  Its  manifesto,  directed  to 
the  viceroy  in  March,  18 12,  is  worthy  of  remembrance,  as  it  con- 
tains the  several  doctrines  of  the  revolution  admirably  expressed 
by  its  author,  Dr.  Cos.  He  paints  in  forcible  language  the 
misery  created  by  the  fifteen  months  of  civil  war,  and  the  small 
reliance  that  Spain  could  place  on  Creole  troops,  whose  sympathies 
at  present,  and  whose  efforts  in  the  end,  would  all  be  thrown  into  the 
scale  of  their  country.  He  assumes  as  fundamental  principles  that 
America  and  Spain  are  naturally  equal;  that  America  has  as  much 
right  to  her  Cortes  as  Spain  has  to  hers ;  that  the  existing  rulers  in 
the  Peninsula  have  no  just  authority  over  Mexico  as  long  as  their 
sovereign  is  a  captive,  and,  finally,  he  proposes  that  if  "  the  Europ- 
eans will  consent  to  give  up  the  offices  they  hold  and  allow  the 
assemblage  of  a  general  congress,  their  persons  and  property  shall 
be  religiously  respected,  their  salaries  paid,  and  the  same  privileges 
granted  them  as  to  native  Mexicans,  who,  on  their  side,  will  ac- 
knowledge Ferdinand  as  the  legitimate  sovereign,  and  assist  the 
Peninsula  with  their  treasure,  while  they  will  at  all  times  regard 
the  Spaniards  as  fellow-subjects  of  the  same  great  empire." 

The  alternative  of  war  was  presented  to  the  viceroy  together 
with  these  moderate  demands,  but  he  was  only  requested  to  abate 


242  MEXICO 

1811-1812 

the  personal  cruelties  that  had  hitherto  been  committed,  and  to  save 
the  towns  and  villages  from  sacking  or  destruction  by  fire.  Yet 
the  insane  Venegas  would  listen  to  no  terms  with  the  rebels,  and 
caused  the  manifesto  to  be  burned  in  the  great  square  by  the  com- 
mon executioner.  The  principles  of  the  document,  however,  had 
been  spread  abroad  among  the  people,  and  the  flames  of  the  hang- 
man could  no  longer  destroy  the  liberal  doctrines  which  were 
deeply  sown  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

The  distinguished  revolutionary  chief,  Morelos,  a  clergyman, 
now  appears  prominently  upon  the  stage.  He  had  been  commis- 
sioned by  Hidalgo  as  captain-general  of  the  provinces  on  the  south- 
west coast  in  1810,  and  departed  for  his  government  with  as  sorry 
an  army  as  the  troop  of  Falstaff.  His  escort  consisted  of  a  few 
servants  from  his  curacy,  armed  with  six  muskets  and  some  old 
lances.  But  he  gathered  forces  as  he  advanced.  The  Galeanas 
joined  him  with  their  adherents  and  swelled  his  numbers  to  near  a 
thousand.  They  advanced  to  Acapulco,  and  having  captured  it 
with  abundant  booty,  the  insurgents  soon  found  their  ranks  joined 
by  numerous  important  persons,  and  among  them  the  Cura  Mata- 
moros  and  the  Bravos,  whose  names  have  ever  since  been  promi- 
nently connected  with  the  history  and  development  of  Mexico. 

The  year  181 1  was  passed  in  a  series  of  petty  engagements, 
but  in  January,  1812,  the  insurgents  penetrated  within  twenty- 
five  leagues  of  the  capital,  where  Galeana  and  Bravo  took  the 
town  of  Tasco. 

Morelos  was  victorious  in  several  other  actions  in  the  same 
and  succeeding  months,  and  pushed  his  advance  guards  into  the 
valley  of  Mexico,  where  he  occupied  Chalco  and  San  Agustin  de 
las  Cuevas,  about  twelve  miles  from  the  metropolis.  Morelos 
finally  resolved  to  make  his  stand  at  Cuautla,  in  the  tierra  caliente, 
on  the  other  side  of  the  mountain  ranges  which  hem  in  the  valley, 
and  to  this  place  the  viceroy  Venegas  dispatched  Calleja,  who  was 
summoned  from  the  north  and  west,  where,  as  may  readily 
be  imagined,  so  fiery  a  spirit  had  not  been  idle  or  innocent  since  the 
defeat  of  Hidalgo. 

On  January  1,  181 2,  Calleja  reached  Zitacuaro,  whence  the 
alarmed  junta  fled  to  Sultepec.  The  insatiate  Spaniard  took  the 
town,  decimated  the  inhabitants,  razed  the  walls  to  the  ground,  and 
burned  the  dwellings,  sparing  only  the  churches  and  convents. 
After  this  dreadful   revenge   upon  a  settlement  which   had   com- 


SPREAD     OF     REVOLT  243 

1812 

mitted  no  crime  but  in  harboring1  the  junta,  he  made  a  triumphal 
entrance  into  Mexico,  and  on  February  14,  after  a  quarrel  with  the 
viceroy,  and  a  solemn  Te  Dcum,  he  departed  toward  Morelos,  who 
was  shut  up  in  Cuautla  de  Amilpas. 

On  the  19th  Calleja  attacked  the  town,  but  was  forced  to 
retreat.  He  then  regularly  besieged  the  place  and  its  insurgent 
visitors  for  more  than  two  months  and  a  half.  In  this  period  the 
troops  on  both  sides  were  not  unoccupied.  Various  skirmishes 
took  place,  but  without  signal  results  of  importance  to  either  party. 
Morelos  strove  to  prolong  the  siege  until  the  rainy  season  set  in, 
when  he  felt  confident  that  Calleja  would  be  forced  to  withdraw  his 
troops,  who  could  not  endure  the  combined  heat  and  moisture  of 
the  tierra  caliente  during  the  summer  months.  Calleja,  on  the 
other  hand,  supposed  that  by  sealing  the  town  hermetically,  and 
cutting  off  all  supplies,  its  inhabitants  and  troops  would  soon  be 
forced  to  surrender.  Nor  did  he  act  unwisely  for  the  success  of  his 
master.  Famine  prevailed  in  the  besieged  garrison.  Corn  was 
almost  the  only  food.  A  cat  sold  for  six  dollars,  a  lizard  for  two, 
and  rats  and  other  vermin  for  one.  But  Morelos  still  continued 
firm,  hoping  by  procrastination  and  endurance  to  preserve  the  con- 
stancy of  his  men  until  the  month  of  June,  when  the  country  is 
generally  deluged  with  rain  and  rendered  insalubrious  to  all  who 
dwell  habitually  in  colder  regions  or  are  unacclimated  in  the  lower 
valleys  and  tablelands  of  Mexico.  His  hopes,  however,  were  not 
destined  to  be  realized,  for  upon  consultation  it  was  found  abso- 
lutely necessary  to  risk  a  general  engagement  or  to  abandon  the 
town.  The  general  engagement  was  considered  injudicious  in  the 
present  condition  of  his  troops,  so  that  no  alternative  remained  but 
that  of  retreat.  This  was  safely  effected  on  the  night  of  May  2, 
1 81 2,  notwithstanding  the  whole  army  of  the  insurgents  was 
obliged  to  pass  between  the  enemy's  batteries.  After  quitting  the 
town,  the  forces  were  ordered  to  disperse,  so  as  to  avoid  forming 
any  concentrated  point  of  attack  for  the  pursuing  Spaniards,  and  to 
reunite  as  soon  as  possible  at  Izucar,  which  was  held  by  Don 
Miguel  Bravo.  Calleja  entered  the  abandoned  town  cautiously 
after  the  departure  of  the  besieged,  but  the  cruel  revenge  he  took 
on  the  innocent  inhabitants  and  harmless  edifices  is  indelibly  im- 
printed in  Mexican  history  as  one  of  the  darkest  stains  on  the 
character  of  a  soldier  whose  memory  deserves  the  execration  of 
civilized  men. 


244  MEXICO 

1812-1813 

From  Izucar,  Morelos  entered  Tehuacan  triumphantly,  whence 
he  passed  to  Orizaba,  where  he  captured  artillery,  vast  quantities 
of  tobacco,  and  a  large  amount  of  treasure.  But  he  was  not  allow- 
ed to  rest  long  in  peace.  The  regular  forces  pursued  his  partisan 
warriors;  and  we  next  hear  of  him  at  Oaxaca,  where  he  took  pos- 
session of  the  town  after  a  brief  resistance.  It  was  at  this  place 
that  Guadalupe  Victoria,  afterwards  president  of  the  republic,  per- 
formed a  feat  which  merits  special  remembrance  as  an  act  of  ex- 
traordinary heroism  and  daring  in  the  face  of  an  enemy.  The 
town  was  moated  and  the  single  drawbridge  suspended,  so  as  to 
cut  off  the  approach  of  the  insurgents.  There  were  no  boats  to 
cross  the  stagnant  water,  and  the  insurgents,  as  they  approached, 
were  dismayed  by  the  difficulty  of  reaching  a  town  which  seemed 
almost  in  their  grasp.  At  this  moment  Guadalupe  Victoria  sprang 
into  the  moat,  swam  across  the  strait  in  sight  of  the  soldiers  in  the 
town,  who  seem  to  have  been  paralyzed  by  his  signal  courage,  and 
cut  the  ropes  that  suspended  the  drawbridge,  which,  immediately 
falling  over  the  moat,  allowed  the  soldiers  of  Morelos  a  free 
entrance  into  the  city. 

Here  Morelos  rested  for  some  time  undisturbed  by  the 
Spaniards.  He  conquered  the  whole  of  the  province  with  the 
exception  of  Acapulco,  to  which  he  laid  siege  in  February,  1813, 
but  it  did  not  lower  its  flag  until  the  following  August.  The 
control  of  a  whole  province,  and  the  victories  of  Bravo  and  Mata- 
moros  elsewhere  in  181 2  and  181 3,  considerably  increased  the 
importance  and  influence  of  Morelos,  who  now  devoted  himself 
to  the  assemblage  of  a  national  congress  at  Chilpanzingo,  composed 
of  the  original  junta  of  Zitacuaro,  the  deputies  elected  by  the 
province  of  Oaxaca,  and  others  selected  by  them  as  representatives 
of  the  provinces  which  were  in  the  royalists'  hands.  On  November 
13,  1 81 3,  this  body  published  a  declaration  of  the  absolute  inde- 
pendence of  Mexico.8 

8  We  must  mention  an  event  characteristic  of  Bravo,  which  occurred  during 
this  period.  Bravo  took  Palmar  by  storm,  after  a  resistance  of  three  days.  Three 
hundred  prisoners  fell  into  his  hands,  who  were  placed  at  his  disposal  by  Morelos. 
Bravo  immediately  offered  them  to  the  viceroy  Venegas  in  exchange  for  his 
father,  Don  Leonardo  Bravo,  who  had  been  sentenced  to  death  in  the  capital. 
The  offer  was  rejected,  and  Don  Leonardo  ordered  to  immediate  execution. 
But  the  son  at  once  commanded  the  prisoners  to  be  liberated,  saying  that  he 
"  wished  to  put  it  out  of  his  power  to  avenge  his  parent's  death,  lest,  in  the 
first  moments  of  grief  the  temptation  should  prove  irresistible." — Ward,  vol.  I. 
p.  204. 


SPREAD     OF     REVOLT  245 

1813-1815 

This  was  the  period  at  which  the  star  of  the  great  leader, 
Morelos,  culminated.  Bravo  was  still  occasionally  successful, 
and  the  commander-in-chief,  concentrating  his  forces  at  Chilpan- 
zingo,  prepared  an  expedition  against  the  province  of  Valladolid. 
He  departed  on  November  8,  1813,  and,  marching  across  a  hitherto 
untraversed  country  of  a  hundred  leagues,  he  reached  this  point 
about  Christmas.  But  here  he  found  a  large  force  under  Llano 
and  Colonel  Iturbide,  who  was  still  a  loyalist,  drawn  up  to  en- 
counter him.  He  attacked  the  enemy  rashly  with  his  jaded 
troops,  and  on  the  following  day  was  routed,  with  the  loss  of  his 
best  regiments  and  all  his  artillery. 

At  Puruaran,  Iturbide  again  assailed  Morelos  successfully, 
and  Matamoros  was  taken  prisoner.  Efforts  were  made  to  save 
the  life  of  this  eminent  soldier,  yet  Don  Felix  Maria  Calleja,  who 
had  succeeded  Venegas  as  viceroy  in  181 3,  was  too  cruelly  ungen- 
erous to  spare  so  daring  a  rebel.  He  was  shot,  and  his  death  was 
avenged  by  the  slaughter  of  all  the  prisoners  who  were  in  the  hands 
of  the  insurgents. 

For  a  while  Morelos  struggled  bravely  against  adversity,  his 
character  and  resources  rising  with  every  new  danger,  difficulty,  or 
loss.  But  the  die  was  cast.  Oaxaca  was  recaptured  by  the  royalists 
on  March  28,  18 14.  Miguel  Bravo  died  at  Puebla  on  the  scaffold, 
Galeana  fell  in  battle,  and  the  congress  was  driven  from  Chilpan- 
zingo  to  the  forest  of  Apatzingo,  where,  on  October  22,  18 14,  it 
enacted  the  constitution  which  bears  the  name  of  its  wild  birthplace. 

From  this  temporary  refuge  the  insurgents  resolved  to  cross 
the  country  by  rapid  marches  to  Tehuacan  in  the  province  of 
Puebla,  where  Mier  y  Teran  had  gathered  a  considerable  force, 
which  Morelos  imagined  would  become  the  nucleus  of  an  over- 
whelming army  as  soon  as  he  joined  them.  But  his  hopes  were 
not  destined  to  be  realized.  He  had  advanced  as  far  as  Tesma- 
luca  when  the  Indians  of  the  village  betrayed  his  slender  forces  to 
General  Concha,  who  fell  upon  them  on  November  5,  181 5,  in  the 
narrow  gorge  of  a  mountain  road.  The  assault  was  from  the  rear, 
so  that  Morelos,  ordering  Nocalas  Bravo  to  hasten  his  march  with 
the  main  body  of  the  army  as  an  escort  for  the  ill-starred  congress, 
resolved  to  fight  the  royalists  until  he  placed  the  national  legisla- 
ture out  of  danger.  "  My  life,"  said  he,  "  is  of  little  consequence, 
provided  congress  be  saved ;  my  race  was  run  when  I  saw  an  inde- 
pendent government  established !  " 


246  MEXICO 

1815 

The  brave  soldier-priest,  with  fifty  men,  maintained  the  pass 
against  Concha  until  only  one  trooper  was  left  beside  him.  So 
furious  was  his  personal  bearing  during  this  mortal  conflict,  that 
the  royalists  feared  to  advance  until  he  was  bereft  of  all  support. 
When  finally  captured,  he  was  stripped,  chained,  treated  with  the 
most  shameless  cruelty,  and  carried  back  to  Tesmaluca.  Concha, 
however,  was  less  cruel  than  his  men.  He  received  the  rebel  chief 
politely,  and  dispatched  him  to  the  capital  for  trial.  Crowds  of 
eager  citizens  flocked  to  see  the  celebrated  partisan  warrior  who 
had  so  long  held  the  Spanish  forces  at  bay.  But  his  doom  was 
sealed;  and  on  December  22,  181 5,  Concha  removed  him  to  the 
hospital  of  San  Cristoval.  After  dining  with  the  general,  and 
thanking  him  for  his  kindness,  he  walked  to  the  rear  of  the  build- 
ing, where,  kneeling  down,  he  bound  a  handkerchief  over  his  eyes 
and,  uttering  the  simple  ejaculation,  "  Lord,  if  I  have  done  well, 
Thou  knowest  it;  if  ill,  to  Thy  infinite  mercy  I  commend  my  soul," 
he  gave  the  fatal  signal  to  the  soldiers  who  were  drawn  up  to 
shoot  him. 


Chapter  XXIV 

THE   SUCCESS   OF  THE   POPULAR   CAUSE.     1815-1824 

WITH  the  death  of  Morelos  the  hopes  of  the  insurgents 
were  crushed  and  their  efforts  paralyzed.  This  ex- 
traordinary man,  so  fertile  in  resources,  and  blending 
in  himself  the  mingled  power  of  priest  and  general,  had  secured  the 
confidence  of  the  masses,  who  found  among  his  officers  none  upon 
whom  they  could  rely  with  perfect  reliance.  Besides  this,  the 
congress  which  had  been  conducted  safely  to  Tehuacan  by  Bravo, 
was  summarily  dissolved  by  General  Teran,  who  considered  it  an 
"  inconvenient  appendage  of  a  camp."  We  cannot  but  regard  this 
act  of  the  general's  as  unwise  at  a  moment  when  the  insurgents  lost 
such  a  commander  as  Morelos.  By  the  dissolution  of  the  congress 
the  nation  abandoned  another  point  of  reunion;  and  from  that 
moment  the  cause  began  to  fail  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 

The  constitution  sanctioned  by  the  Cortes  in  181 2  had  mean- 
while been  proclaimed  in  Mexico,  on  September  29  of  that  year; 
and  while  the  people  felt  somewhat  freer  under  it,  they  were 
enabled  by  the  liberty  of  the  press,  which  lasted  sixty-six  days,  to 
expend  their  newborn  patriotism  on  paper  instead  of  in  battles. 
These  popular  excitements  served  to  sustain  the  spirits  of  the 
people,  notwithstanding  the  losses  of  the  army;  so  that  when 
Apodaca  assumed  the  reins  of  the  viceroyalty  in  1816  the  country 
was  still  republican  at  heart,  though  all  the  insurgent  generals 
were  either  captured  or  hidden  in  the  wilderness,  while  their  dis- 
banded forces  in  most  instances  had  accepted  the  indulto,  or  pardon, 
proffered  for  their  return  to  allegiance. 

The  remaining  officers  of  Morelos  spread  themselves  over  the 
country,  as  there  was  no  longer  any  center  of  action,  and  each  of 
them,  occupying  a  different  district,  managed  for  a  while  to  sup- 
port revolutionary  fervor  throughout  the  neighborhood.  Guerrero 
occupied  the  west  coast,  where  he  maintained  himself  until  the 
year  1821,  when  he  joined  Iturbide.  Rayon  commanded  in  the 
vicinity  of  Tlalpujahua,  where  he  successively  maintained  two 
fortified  camps  on  the  Cerro  del  Gallo,  and  on  Coporo.     Teran 

247 


248  MEXICO 

1815-1816 

held  the  district  of  Tehuacan,  in  Puebla.  Bravo  was  a  wanderer 
throughout  the  country.  The  Bajio  was  tyrannized  over  by  the 
Padre  Torres,  while  Guadalupe  Victoria  occupied  the  important 
province  of  Vera  Cruz. 

The  chief  spite  of  the  royalists,  who  hunted  these  republican 
heroes  among  the  forests  and  mountain  fastnesses  of  Mexico,  as 
the  Covenanters  had  been  hunted  in  Scotland,  seems  to  have  fallen 
upon  the  last  named  of  these  patriot  generals.  Victoria's  haunt 
was  chiefly  in  the  passes  near  the  Puente  del  Rey,  now  the  Puente 
Nacional,  or  national  bridge,  on  the  road  leading  from  the  port  of 
Vera  Cruz  to  the  capital.  He  was  prepared  to  act  either  with  a 
large  force  of  guerrillas,  or  with  a  simple  bodyguard;  and,  knowing 
the  country  perfectly,  he  was  enabled  to  descend  from  his  fastnesses 
among  the  rocks  and  thus  to  cut  off  almost  entirely  all  communica- 
tion between  the  coast  and  the  metropolis.  At  length  superior 
forces  were  sent  to  pursue  him  with  relentless  fury.  His  men 
gradually  deserted  when  the  villages  that  formerly  supplied  them 
with  food  refused  further  contributions.  Efforts  were  made  to 
seduce  him  from  his  principles  and  to  ensure  his  loyalty.  But  he 
refused  the  rank  and  rewards  offered  by  the  viceroy  as  the  price  of 
his  submission.  At  length  he  found  himself  alone  in  his  resistance, 
in  the  midst  of  countrymen  who,  if  they  would  no  longer  fight 
under  his  banner,  were  too  faithful  to  betray  him.  Yet  he  would 
not  abandon  the  cause,  but,  taking  his  sword  and  a  small  stock  of 
raiment,  departed  for  the  mountains,  where  he  wandered  for  thirty 
months,  living  on  the  fruits  of  the  forest  and  gnawing  the  bones 
of  dead  animals  found  in  their  recesses.  Nor  did  he  emerge  from 
this  impenetrable  concealment  until  two  faithful  Indians,  whom  he 
had  known  in  prosperous  days,  sought  him  out  with  great  difficulty, 
and.  communicating  the  joyous  intelligence  of  the  revolution  of 
182 1,  brought  him  back  once  more  to  their  villages,  where  he  was 
received  with  enthusiastic  reverence  as  a  patriot  raised  from  the 
dead.  When  discovered  by  the  Indians  he  was  worn  to  a  skeleton, 
covered  with  hair,  and  clad  in  a  tattered  wrapper;  but  amid  all 
his  distress  and  losses  he  had  preserved  and  treasured  his  loyalty 
to  the  cause  of  liberty  and  his  untarnished  sword ! 

Meanwhile  another  actor  in  this  revolutionary  army  had  ap- 
peared upon  the  stage.  This  was  Xavier  Mina.  a  guerrilla  chief  of 
old  Spain,  who  fled  from  his  country  in  consequence  of  the  unfor- 
tunate effort  to  organize  an  outbreak  in  favor  of  the  Cortes,  at 


POPULAR     CAUSE  249 

1816-1817 

Pampeluna,  after  the  dissolution  of  that  assembly  by  the  king.  He 
landed  on  the  coast  of  Mexico  at  Soto  la  Marina  with  a  brave  band 
of  foreigners,  chiefly  North  Americans,  on  April  15,  1817.  His 
forces  amounted  to  only  359  men,  including  officers,  of  whom  51 
deserted  before  he  marched  into  the  interior.  Leaving  100  of  these 
soldiers  at  Soto  la  Marina  under  the  command  of  Major  Sarda,  he 
attempted  with  the  remainder  to  join  the  independents  in  the  heart 
of  the  country. 

Mina  pressed  onwards  successfully,  defeating  several  royalist 
parties,  until  he  reached  Sombrero,  whence  he  sallied  forth  upon 
numerous  expeditions,  one  of  which  was  against  the  fortified 
hacienda  or  plantation  of  the  Marques  de  Jaral,  a  creole  nobleman, 
from  which  the  inhabitants  and  the  owner  fled  at  his  approach. 
His  troops  sacked  this  wealthy  establishment,  and  Mina  transferred 
to  the  public  chest  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  dollars,  found 
concealed  in  the  house.  This  nobleman,  it  is  true,  had  given  in  his 
adhesion  to  the  royal  cause  and  fortified  his  dwelling  against  the 
insurgents  who  hitherto  refrained  from  attacking  him.  Neverthe- 
less, the  unprovoked  blow  of  an  independent  leader  against  a  native 
of  the  country,  and  especially  against  a  man  whose  extensive  farm- 
ing operations  concentrated  the  interests  of  so  large  a  laboring 
class,  was  not  calculated  to  inspire  confidence  in  Mina  among  the 
masses  of  the  people. 

While  the  guerrilla  chief  was  thus  pursuing  his  way  success- 
fully in  the  heart  of  the  country,  and  receiving  occasional  reinforce- 
ments from  the  natives,  the  garrison  he  left  at  Soto  la  Marina  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Spanish  levies,  two  thousand  of  whom  surrounded 
the  slender  band.  Notwithstanding  the  inequality  of  forces  be- 
tween the  assailants  and  the  besieged,  the  royalists  were  unable  to 
take  the  place  by  storm;  but  after  repeated  repulses  General  Arre- 
dondo  proposed  terms,  which  were  accepted  by  Major  Sarda,  the 
independent  commander.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  this 
condition  was  not  fulfilled  by  the  Spaniards,  who  sent  the  capitu- 
lated garrison  in  irons,  by  a  circuitous  journey,  to  the  Castle 
of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  at  Vera  Cruz,  whence  some  .of  the  unfortunate 
wretches  were  marched  into  the  interior,  while  others  were  dis- 
patched across  the  sea  to  the  dungeons  of  Cadiz,  Melilla,  and  Ceuta. 
This  was  a  severe  blow  to  Mina,  who  nevertheless  was  unparalyzed 
by  it,  but  continued  active  in  the  vicinity  of  Sombrero,  to  which  he 
retreated  after  an  ill-judged  attempt  upon  the  town  of  Leon,  where 


i>50  MEXICO 

1817-1818 

the  number  of  his  troops  was  considerably  diminished.  Sombrero 
was  invested  soon  after  by  a  force  of  3540  soldiers  under  Don 
Pascual  Lifian,  who  had  been  appointed  field  marshal  by  Apodaca, 
and  dispatched  to  the  Bajio.  This  siege  was  ultimately  successful 
on  the  part  of  the  royalists.  The  fresh  supplies  promised  to  Mina 
did  not  arrive.  Colonel  Young,  his  second  in  command,  died  in 
repulsing  an  assault ;  and  upon  the  garrison's  attempting  to  evacu- 
ate the  town,  under  Colonel  Bradburn,  on  the  night  of  August  19, 
the  enemy  fell  upon  the  independents  with  such  vigor  that  but  fifty 
of  Mina's  whole  corps  escaped.  "  No  quarter,"  says  Ward,  "was 
given  in  the  field,  and  the  unfortunate  wretches,  who  had  been  left 
in  the  hospital  wounded,  were  by  Lilian's  orders  carried  or  dragged 
along  the  ground  from  their  beds  to  the  square  where  they  were 
stripped  and  shot !  " 

Mina  as  a  last  resort  threw  himself  into  the  fort  of  Los  Reme- 
dios,  a  natural  fortification  on  the  lofty  mountain  chain  rising  out 
of  the  plains  of  the  Bajio  between  Silao  and  Benjamo,  separated 
from  the  rest  by  precipices  and  deep  ravines. 

Lifian's  army  sat  down  before  Remedios  on  August  27.  Mina 
left  the  town  so  as  to  assail  the  army  from  without  by  his  guerrillas, 
while  the  garrison  kept  the  main  body  engaged  with  the  fort. 
During  this  period  he  formed  the  project  of  attacking  the  town  of 
Guanajuato,  which,  in  fact,  he  accomplished;  yet  after  his  troops 
had  penetrated  the  heart  of  the  city  their  courage  failed  and  they 
retreated  before  the  loyalists,  who  rallied  after  the  panic  created  by 
the  unexpected  assault  at  nightfall.  On  retreating  from  Guana- 
juato our  partisan  warrior  took  the  road  to  the  Rancho  del  Vena- 
dito,  where  he  designed  passing  the  night  in  order  to  consult  upon 
his  future  plans  with  his  friend,  Mariano  Herrera.  Here  he  was 
detected  by  a  friar,  who  apprised  Orrantia  of  the  brave  Mina's 
presence,  and  on  the  morning  of  October  27  he  was  seized  and 
conveyed  to  Irapuato.  On  November  11,  1817,  in  the  twenty- 
eighth  year  of  his  age,  he  was  shot,  by  order  of  Apodaca,  on  a  rock 
in  sight  of  Los  Remedios. 

At  the  end  of  December  the  ammunition  of  the  insurgents  in 
this  stronghold  was  entirely  exhausted,  and  its  evacuation  was 
resolved  on.  This  was  attempted  on  January  1,  1818,  but,  with 
the  exception  of  Padre  Torres,  the  commander,  and  twelve  of 
Mina's  division,  few  or  none  of  the  daring  fugitives  escaped.  The 
wretched  inmates  of  the  fort,  the  women,  and  garrison  hospitals  of 


POPULAR     CAUSE  251 

1818-1820 

wounded  were  cut  down,  bayoneted,  and  burned.  On  March  6  the 
fort  of  Jauxilla,  the  insurgents'  last  strong-hold  in  the  central  parts 
of  the  country,  fell,  while  toward  the  middle  of  the  year  all  the 
revolutionary  chiefs  were  dislodged  and  without  commands,  ex- 
cept Guerrero,  who  still  maintained  himself  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  River  Zacatula,  near  Colima,  on  the  Pacific.  But  even  he 
was  cut  off"  from  communication  with  the  interior,  and  was  al- 
together without  hope  of  assistance  from  without.  The  heart  of 
the  nation  and  the  east  coast — which  was  of  most  importance  so  far 
as  the  reception  of  auxiliaries  by  the  independents  was  concerned 
— were  thus  in  complete  possession  of  the  royalists ;  so  that  the 
viceroy  declared  in  his  dispatches  to  Spain  that  "  he  would  be 
answerable  for  the  safety  of  Mexico  without  a  single  additional 
soldier  being  sent  out  to  reinforce  the  armies  that  were  in  the 
field." 

But  the  viceroy  Apodaca,  confident  as  he  was  of  the  defeat  of 
the  insurrection,  did  not  know  the  people  with  whom  he  dealt  as 
well  as  his  predecessor,  Calleja,1  who,  with  all  his  cruelty,  seems 
to  have  enjoyed  sagacious  intervals  in  which  he  comprehended 
perfectly  the  deep-seated  causes  of  the  revolutionary  feeling  in 
Mexico,  even  if  he  was  indisposed  to  sympathize  with  them  or  to 
permit  their  manifestation  by  the  people.  In  fact,  the  revolution 
was  not  quelled.  It  slept,  for  want  of  a  leader;  but  at  last  he 
appeared  in  the  person  of  Agustin  de  Iturbide,  a  native  Mexican 
whose  military  career  in  the  loyalist  cause  had  been  not  only  bril- 
liant, but  eminently  useful,  for  it  was  in  consequence  of  the  two 
severe  blows  inflicted  by  him  upon  the  insurgents  in  the  actions  of 
Valladolid  and  Puruaran  that  the  great  army  of  Morelos  was 
routed  and  destroyed. 

In  1820  Apodaca,  who  was  no  friend  of  the  constitution,  and 
who  suffered  a  diminution  of  power  by  its  operation,  was  well- 
disposed  to  put  it  down  by  force  and  to  proclaim  once  more  the 
absolute  authority  of  the  king-.  The  elective  privileges  which  the 
constitution  secured  to  the  people,  together  with  the  principles  of 
freedom  which  those  elections  were  calculated  to  foster  among 
the  masses,  were  considered  by  the  viceroy  as  dangerous  in  a 
country  so  recently  the  theater  of  revolution.  The  insurrection 
was  regarded  by  him  as  ended  forever.      He  despised,  perhaps,  the 

1  Sec   Calleja's  confidential   letter  to  the   Spanish  minister  of  war,   with   a 
private  report  on  the  Mexican  Revolution.     Ward,  vol.  I.  p.  509 — Appendix. 


252  MEXICO 

1820-1821 

few  distinguished  persons  who  yet  quietly  manifested  their  pref> 
erence  for  liberalism;  and,  like  all  men  of  despotic  character  and 
confident  of  power,  he  undervalued  the  popular  masses,  among 
whom  there  is  ever  to  be  found  common  sense,  true  appreciation 
of  natural  rights,  and  firmness  to  vindicate  them  whenever  they 
are  confident  of  the  leaders  who  are  to  control  their  destiny  when 
embarked  upon  the  stormy  sea  of  rebellion. 

Apodaca,  in  pursuit  of  his  project  to  restore  absolutism  on  the 
continent,  fixed  his  eyes  upon  the  gallant  Iturbide,  whose  polished 
manners,  captivating  address,  elegant  person,  ambitious  spirit,  and 
renowned  military  services  signalized  him  a?  a  person  likely  to 
play  a  distinguished  part  in  the  restoration  of  a  supreme  power 
whose  first  favors  would  probably  be  showered  upon  the  successful 
soldier  of  a  crusade  against  constitutional  freedom. 

Accordingly  the  viceroy  offered  Iturbide  the  command  of  a 
force  upon  the  west  coast,  at  the  head  of  which  he  was  to  proclaim 
the  reestablishment  of  the  king's  absolute  authority.  The  com- 
mand was  accepted ;  but  Iturbide,  who  had  been  for  four  years 
unemployed,  had  in  this  interval  of  repose  reflected  well  upon  the 
condition  of  Mexico,  and  was  satisfied  that  if  the  Creoles  could  be 
induced  to  cooperate  with  the  independents,  the  Spanish  yoke 
might  be  cast  off.  There  were  only  eleven  Spanish  expeditionary 
regiments  in  the  whole  of  Mexico,  and  although  there  were  upwards 
of  seventy  thousand  old  Spaniards  in  the  different  provinces  who 
supported  these  soldiers,  they  could  not  effectually  oppose  the 
seven  veteran  and  seventeen  provincial  regiments  of  natives,  aided 
by  the  masses  of  people  who  had  signified  their  attachment  to 
liberalism. 

Instead,  therefore,  of  allying  himself  with  the  cause  of  a 
falling  monarchy,  whose  reliance  must  chiefly  be  confined  to  succors 
from  across  the  ocean,  Iturbide  resolved  to  abandon  the  viceroy 
and  his  criminal  project  against  the  constitution,  and  to  throw  him- 
self with  his  forces  upon  the  popular  cause  of  the  country.  It  was 
a  bold  but  successful  move. 

On  February  2,  1821,  he  was  at  the  small  town  of  Iguala,  on 
the  road  to  Acapulco;  and  on  that  day,  at  his  headquarters,  he 
proclaimed  the  celebrated  Plan  of  Iguala,  the  several  principles  of 
which  are :  "  Independence,  the  maintenance  of  Roman  Catholic- 
ity, and  Union ; "  whence  his  forces  obtained  the  name  of  the 
"Army  of  the  Three  Guaranties." 


POPULAR     CAUSE  253 

1M1 

As  this  is  probably  one  of  the  most  important  state  papers  in 
the  history  of  Mexico,  and  is  often  referred  to  without  being  fully 
understood,  we  shall  present  it  to  the  reader  entire: 


Plan  of  Iguala. 

Article  i. — The  Mexican  nation  is  independent  of  the  Span- 
ish nation,  and  of  every  other,  even  on  its  own  continent. 

Art.  2. — Its  religion  shall  be  the  Catholic,  which  all  its  in- 
habitants profess. 

Art.  3. — They  shall  all  be  united,  without  any  distinction 
between  Americans  and  Europeans. 

Art.  4. — The  government  shall  be  a  constitutional  monarchy. 

Art.  5. — A  junta  shall  be  named,  consisting  of  individuals 
who  enjoy  the  highest  reputation  in  different  parties  which  have 
shown  themselves. 

Art.  6. — This  junta  shall  be  under  the  presidency  of  his  ex- 
cellency the  Conde  del  Venadito,  the  present  viceroy  of  Mexico. 

Art.  7. — It  shall  govern  in  the  name  of  the  nation,  according 
to  the  laws  now  in  force,  and  its  principal  business  will  be  to  con- 
voke, according  to  such  rules  as  it  shall  deem  expedient,  a  congress 
for  the  formation  of  a  constitution  more  suitable  to  the  country. 

Art.  8. — His  Majesty  Ferdinand  VII.  shall  be  invited  to  the 
throne  of  the  empire,  and  in  case  of  his  refusal,  the  Infantes  Don 
Carlos  and  Don  Francisco  De  Paula. 

Art.  9. — Should  his  Majesty  Ferdinand  VII.  and  his  august 
brothers  decline  the  invitation,  the  nation  is  at  liberty  to  invite  to 
the  imperial  throne  any  member  of  reigning  families  whom  it  may 
choose  to  select. 

Art.  10. — The  formation  of  the  constitution  by  the  congress, 
and  the  oath  of  the  emperor  to  observe  it,  must  precede  his  entry 
into  the  country. 

Art.  11. — The  distinction  of  castes  is  abolished,  which  was 
made  by  the  Spanish  law,  excluding  them  from  the  rights  of  citi- 
zenship. All  the  inhabitants  are  citizens,  and  equal,  and  the  door 
of  advancement  is  open  to  virtue  and  merit. 

Art.  12. — An  army  shall  be  formed  for  the  support  of  re- 
ligion, independence,  and  union,  guaranteeing  these  three  princi- 
ples, and  therefore  shall  be  called  the  army  of  the  three  guaranties. 


254  MEXICO 

1821 

Art.  13. — It  shall  solemnly  swear  to  defend  the  fundamental 
basis  of  this  plan. 

Art.  14. — It  shall  strictly  observe  the  military  ordinances 
now  in  force. 

Art.  15. — There  shall  be  no  other  promotions  than  those 
which  are  due  to  seniority,  or  which  are  necessary  for  the  good  of 
the  service. 

Art.  16. — The  army  shall  be  considered  as  of  the  line. 

Art.  17. — The  old  partisans  of  independence  who  shall  ad- 
here to  this  plan  shall  be  considered  as  individuals  of  this  army. 

Art.  18. — The  patriots  and  peasants  who  shall  adhere  to  it 
hereafter  shall  be  considered  as  provincial  militiamen. 

Art.  19. — The  secular  and  regular  priests  shall  be  continued 
in  the  state  which  they  now  are. 

Art.  20. — All  the  public  functionaries,  civil,  ecclesiastical,  po- 
litical, and  military,  who  adhere  to  the  cause  of  independence  shall 
be  continued  in  their  offices,  without  any  distinction  between 
Americans  and  Europeans. 

Art.  21. — Those  functionaries,  of  whatever  degree  and  condi- 
tion who  dissent  from  the  cause  of  independence,  shall  be  divested 
of  their  offices,  and  shall  quit  the  territory  without  taking  with 
them  their  families  and  effects. 

Art.  22. — The  military  commandants  shall  regulate  them- 
selves according  to  the  general  instructions  in  conformity  with  this 
plan,  which  shall  be  transmitted  to  them. 

Art.  23. — No  accused  person  shall  be  condemned  capitally  by 
the  military  commandants.  Those  accused  of  treason  against  the 
nation,  which  is  the  next  greatest  crime  after  that  of  treason  to 
the  Divine  Ruler,  shall  be  conveyed  to  the  fortress  of  Barbaras, 
where  they  shall  remain  until  congress  shall  resolve  on  the  punish- 
ment that  ought  to  be  inflicted  on  them. 

Art.  24. — It  being  indispensable  to  the  country  that  this  plan 
should  be  carried  into  effect,  inasmuch  as  the  welfare  of  that  coun- 
try is  its  object,  every  individual  of  the  army  shall  maintain  it,  to 
the  shedding  (if  it  be  necessary)  of  the  last  drop  of  his  blood. 

Tozcn  of  Iguala,  February  24,  1821. 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  Plan  of  Iguala  that  Mexico  was  designed 
to  become  an  independent  sovereignty  under  Ferdinand  VII.  or, 
in  the  event  of  his  refusal,  under  the  Infantes  Don  Carlos  and 


POPULAR     CAUSE  255 

1821 

Don  Francisco  de  Paula.  Iturbide  was  still  a  royalist,  not  a  repub- 
lican; and  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  he  would  ever  have  as- 
sented to  popular  authority,  even  had  his  life  been  spared  to 
witness  the  final  development  of  the  revolution.  It  is  probable  that 
his  penetrating*  mind  distinguished  between  popular  hatred  of 
unjust  restraint  and  the  genuine  capacity  of  a  nation  for  liberty, 
nor  is  it  unlikely  that  he  found  among  his  countrymen  but  few  of 
those  self-controlling,  self-sacrificing,  and  progressive  elements 
which  constitute  the  only  foundation  upon  which  a  republic  can  be 
securely  founded.  His  ambition  had  not  yet  been  fully  developed 
by  success,  and  it  cannot  be  imagined  that  he  had  already  fixed  his 
heart  upon  the  imperial  throne. 

When  the  Plan  of  Iguala  was  proclaimed,  the  entire  army  of 
the  future  emperor,  consisted  of  only  eight  hundred  men,  all  of 
whom  took  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  project,  though  mam- 
deserted  when  they  found  the  country  was  not  immediately  unani- 
mous in  its  approval. 

In  the  capital  the  viceroy  appears  to  have  been  paralyzed  by 
the  sudden  and  unexpected  movement  of  his  officer.  He  paused, 
hesitated,  failed  to  act,  and  was  deposed  by  the  Europeans,  who 
treated  him  as  they  had  Iturrigaray  in  1808.  Don  Francisco  de 
Novella,  an  artillery  officer,  was  installed  temporarily  in  his  stead, 
but  the  appointment  created  a  dissension  among  the  people  in  the 
capital  and  the  country,  and  this  so  completely  prostrated  the  action 
of  the  central  authorities,  who  might  have  crushed  the  revolution 
by  a  blow,  that  Iturbide  was  enabled  to  prosecute  his  designs 
throughout  the  most  important  parts  of  the  interior  of  the  country 
without  the  slightest  resistance. 

He  seized  a  million  of  dollars  on  their  way  to  the  west  coast, 
and  joined  Guerrero,  who  still  held  out  on  the  River  Zacatula  with 
the  last  remnant  of  the  old  revolutionary  forces.  Guerrero  gave 
in  his  adhesion  to  Iturbide  as  soon  as  he  ascertained  that  it  was  the 
general's  design  to  make  Mexico  independent,  though  in  all  likeli- 
hood he  disapproved  the  other  features  of  the  plan.  Guerrero's 
act  was  of  the  greatest  national  importance.  It  rallied  all  the 
veteran  fighters  and  friends  of  Morelos  and  the  Bravos.  Almost 
all  of  the  former  leaders  and  their  dispersed  bands  came  forth  at 
the  cry  of  "  independence,"  under  the  banner  of  Iturbide.  Vic- 
toria even  for  a  while  befriended  the  rising  hero ;  but  he  had  fought 
for  a  liberal  government,  and  did  not  long  continue  on  amicable 


256  MEXICO 

1821-1822 

terms  with  one  who  could  not  control  his  truly  independent  spirit. 
The  clergy  as  well  as  the  people  signified  their  intention  to  support 
the  gallant  insurgent;  and  in  fact  the  whole  country,  from  Vera 
Cruz  to  Acapulco,  with  the  exception  of  the  capital,  was  soon  open 
in  its  adhesion  to  him  and  his  army. 

Iturbide  was  now  in  full  authority,  and  while  preparing  to 
march  on  the  City  of  Mexico,  in  which  the  viceroy  ad  interim  was 
shut  up,  he  learned  that  Don  Juan  O'Donoju  had  arrived  at  San 
Juan  de  Ulua  to  fill  the  place  of  Apodaca  as  viceroy.  Proposals 
were  immediately  sent  by  the  general  to  this  new  functionary,  and 
in  an  interview  with  him  at  Cordova  Iturbide  proposed  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Plan  of  Iguala  by  treaty,  as  the  only  project  by 
which  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico  could  be  saved  from  the  fury 
of  the  people  and  the  sovereignty  of  the  colony  preserved  for 
Ferdinand. 

We  shall  not  pause  to  inquire  whether  the  viceroy  was  justified 
or  even  empowered  to  compromise  the  rights  of  Spain  by  such  a 
compact.  O'Donoju,  though  under  the  safeguard  of  a  truce,  was  in 
truth  a  helpless  man  as  soon  as  he  touched  the  soil  of  Mexico,  for 
no  portions  of  it  were  actually  under  the  Spanish  authority  except 
the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  and  the  capital,  whose  garrisons 
were  chiefly  composed  of  European  levies.  Humanity,  perhaps, 
ultimately  controlled  his  decision,  and  in  the  name  of  his  master  he 
recognized  the  independence  of  Mexico  and  yielded  the  metropolis 
to  the  "  army  of  the  three  guaranties,"  which  entered  it  peacefully 
on  September  27,  1S21.  A  provisional  junta  of  thirty-six  persons 
immediately  elected  a  regency  of  five,  of  which  Iturbide  was  presi- 
dent, and  at  the  same  time  he  was  created  generalissimo,  lord  high 
admiral,  and  assigned  a  yearly  stipend  of  $120,000. 

On  February  24.  1822,  the  first  Mexican  congress,  or  cortes, 
met;  but  it  contained  within  it  the  germ  of  all  the  future  discon- 
tents which  since  that  day  have  harassed  and  nearly  ruined  Mexico. 
Scarcely  had  this  body  met  when  three  parties  manifested  their 
bitter  animosities  and  personal  ambitions.  The  Bourbonists  ad- 
hered loyally  to  the  Plan  of  Iguala,  a  constitutional  monarchy  and 
the  sovereignty  of  Ferdinand.  The  Republicans  discarded  the  plan 
as  a  device  that  had  served  its  day,  and  insisted  upon  a  central  or 
federal  republic;  and,  last  of  all,  the  partisans  of  the  successful 
soldier  still  clung  to  all  of  the  plan  save  the  clause  which  gave  the 
throne  to  a  Bourbon  prince,   for  at  heart  they  desired  to  place 


POPULAR     CAUSE  257 

1822-1823 

Iturbide  himself  upon  it,  and  thus  to  cut  off  their  country  forever 
from  all  connection  with  Europe. 

As  soon  as  O'Donoju's  treaty  of  Cordova  reached  Spain,  it 
was  nullified  by  the  Cortes,  and  the  Bourbon  party  in  Mexico  of 
course  fell  with  it.  The  Republicans  and  Iturbidists  alone  re- 
mained on  the  field  to  contend  for  the  prize,  and  after  congress 
had  disgraced  itself  by  incessant  bickerings  over  the  army  and  the 
public  funds,  a  certain  Pio  Marcha,  first  sergeant  of  the  first  regi- 
ment of  infantry,  gathered  a  band  of  leperos  before  the  palace  of 
Iturbide  on  the  night  of  May  18,  1822,  and  proclaimed  him  em- 
peror, with  the  title  of  Agustin  I.  A  show  of  resistance  was 
made  by  Iturbide  against  the  proffered  crown,  but  it  is  likely  that 
it  was  in  reality  as  faint  as  his  joy  was  unbounded  at  the  sud- 
den elevation  from  a  barrack  room  to  the  imperial  palace.  Con- 
gress of  course  approved  the  decision  of  the  mob  and  army.  The 
provinces  sanctioned  the  acts  of  their  representatives,  and  Iturbide 
ascended  the  throne. 

But  his  reign  was  brief.  Rapid  success,  love  of  power,  impa- 
tience of  restraint, — all  of  which  are  characteristic  of  the  Spanish 
soldier, — made  him  strain  the  bonds  of  constitutional  right.  His 
struggles  for  control  were  incessant.  "  He  demanded,"  says 
Ward,  "  a  veto  upon  all  articles  of  the  constitution  then  under  dis- 
cussion, and  the  right  of  appointing  and  removing  at  pleasure  the 
members  of  the  supreme  tribunal  of  justice.  He  recommended 
also  the  establishment  of  a  military  tribunal  in  the  capital,  with 
powers  but  little  inferior  to  those  exercised  by  the  Spanish  com- 
mandants during  the  revolution;  and  when  these  proposals  were 
firmly  rejected,  he  arrested,  on  the  night  of  August  26,  1822,  four- 
teen of  the  deputies  who  had  advocated  during  the  discussion 
principles  but  little  in  unison  with  the  views  of  the  government." 

This  high-handed  measure  and  the  openly  manifested  dis- 
pleasure of  congress  produced  so  complete  a  rupture  between  the 
emperor  and  the  popular  representatives  that  it  was  impossible  to 
conduct  public  affairs  with  any  concert  of  action.  Accordingly 
Iturbide  dissolved  the  assembly,  and  on  October  30,  1822,  created 
an  instituent  junta  of  forty-five  persons  selected  by  himself  from 
among  the  most  pliant  members  of  the  recent  congress.  This  ir- 
regularly formed  body  was  intolerable  to  the  people,  while  the 
expelled  deputies,  who  had  returned  to  their  respective  districts,  soon 
spread    the    spirit    of    discontent    and    proclaimed    the    American 


258  MEXICO 

1823-1824 

usurper  to  be  as  dangerous  to  the  welfare  of  the  country  as  had 
been  the  European  despot. 

In  November  General  Garza  headed  a  revolt  in  the  northern 
provinces.  Santa  Anna,  then  governor  of  Vera  Cruz,  declared 
against  the  emperor.  General  Echavari,  sent  by  Iturbide  to  crush 
the  future  president  of  Mexico,  resolved  not  to  stem  the  torrent  of 
public  opinion,  and  joined  the  general  he  had  been  commissioned 
to  capture.  Guadalupe  Victoria,  driven  to  his  fastnesses  by  the 
emperor,  who  was  unable  to  win  the  incorruptible  patriot,  de- 
scended once  more  from  the  mountain  forests,  where  he  had  been 
concealed,  and  joined  the  battalions  of  Santa  Anna.  And  on  Feb- 
ruary I,  1823,  a  convention,  called  the  "  Act  of  Casa-Mata,"  was 
signed,  by  which  the  reestablishment  of  the  national  representa- 
tive assembly  was  pledged. 

The  country  was  soon  in  arms.  The  Marques  Vibanco,  Gen- 
erals Guerrero,  Bravo,  and  Negrete,  in  various  sections  of  the 
nation,  proclaimed  their  adhesion  to  the  popular  movement;  and 
on  March  8,  1823,  Iturbide,  finding  that  the  day  was  lost,  offered 
his  abdication  to  such  members  of  the  old  congress  as  he  was  able 
to  assemble  hastily  in  the  metropolis.  The  abdication  was,  how- 
ever, twice  refused  on  the  ground  that  congress,  by  accepting  it, 
would  necessarily  sanction  the  legality  of  his  right  to  wear  the 
crown;  nevertheless,  that  body  permitted  his  departure  from 
Mexico,  after  endowing  him  liberally  with  an  income  of  twenty- 
five  thousand  dollars  a  year,  besides  providing  a  vessel  to  bear  him 
and  his  family  to  Leghorn  in  Italy. 

Victoria,  Bravo,  and  Negrete  entered  the  capital  on  March 
27,  and  were  chosen  by  the  old  congress,  which  quickly  reassem- 
bled, as  a  triumvirate  to  exercise  supreme  executive  powers  until 
the  new  congress  assembled  in  the  following  August.  In  October, 
1824,  this  body  finally  sanctioned  the  federal  constitution,  which, 
after  various  revolutions,  overthrows,  and  reforms,  was  readopted- 
in  the  year  1847. 

On  July  14,  1824,  a  vessel  under  British  colors  was  perceived 
on  the  Mexican  coast  near  the  mouth  of  the  Santander.  On  the 
next  day  a  Polish  gentleman  came  on  shore  from  the  ship,  and, 
announcing  himself  as  Charles  de  Beneski,  visited  General  Felix  la 
Garza,  commandant  of  the  district  of  Soto  la  Marina.  He  pro- 
fessed to  visit  that  remote  district  with  a  friend  for  the  purpose  of 
purchasing  land   from   the  government   on   which   they   designed 


POPULAR     CAUSE  259 

1824 

establishing  a  colony.  Garza  gave  them  leave  to  enter  the  country 
for  this  purpose,  but  suspicions  were  soon  aroused  against  the 
singular  visitors,  and  they  were  arrested.  As  soon  as  the  friend 
of  the  Pole  was  stripped  of  his  disguise,  the  Emperor  Iturbide  stood 
in  front  of  Garza,  whom  he  had  disgraced  for  his  participation  in 
the  revolt  during  his  brief  reign. 

La  Garza  immediately  secured  the  prisoner  and  sent  him  to 
Padilla,  where  he  delivered  him  to  the  authorities  of  Tamaulipas. 
The  state  legislature  being  in  session,  promptly  resolved,  in  the 
excess  of  patriotic  zeal,  to  execute  a  decree  of  the  congress  passed 
in  the  preceding  April,  by  condemning  the  royal  exile  to  death. 
Short  time  was  given  Iturbide  to  arrange  his  affairs.  He  was 
allowed  no  appeal  to  the  general  government.  He  confessed  to  a 
priest  on  the  evening  of  July  19,  and  was  led  to  the  place  of  exe- 
cution, where  he  fell,  pierced  with  four  balls,  two  of  which  took 
effect  in  his  brain  and  two  in  his  heart. 

Thus  perished  the  hero  who,  suddenly,  unexpectedly,  and 
effectually,  crushed  the  power  of  Spain  in  North  America.  It  is 
not  fair  to  judge  him  by  the  standards  that  are  generally  applied 
to  the  life  of  a  distinguished  civilian,  or  even  of  a  successful  soldier, 
in  countries  where  the  habits  and  education  of  the  people  fit  them 
for  duties  requiring  forbearance,  patience,  or  high  intellectual 
culture.  Iturbide  was,  according  to  all  reliable  accounts,  a  refined 
gentleman ;  yet  he  was  tyrannical  and  sometimes  cruel,  for  it  is 
recorded  in  his  own  handwriting,  that  on  Good  Friday,  1814,  "in 
honor  of  the  day,  he  had  just  ordered  three  hundred  excommuni- 
cated wretches  to  be  shot !  "  His  early  life  was  passed  in  the  saddle 
and  the  barrack  room;  nor  had  he  much  leisure  to  pursue  the 
studies  of  a  statesman,  even  if  his  mind  had  been  capable  of  resolv- 
ing all  their  mysteries.  His  temper  was  not  calculated  for  the 
liberal  debates  of  a  free  senate.  He  was  better  fitted  to  discipline 
an  army  than  to  guide  a  nation.  Educated  in  a  school  in  which 
subordination  is  a  necessity,  and  where  unquestioning  obedience  is 
exacted,  he  was  unable  to  appreciate  the  rights  of  deliberative  as- 
semblies. He  felt,  perhaps,  that  in  the  disorganized  condition  of 
his  country  it  was  needful  to  control  the  people  by  force  in  order 
to  save  the  remnant  of  civilization  from  complete  anarchy.  But 
he  wanted  conciliatory  manners  to  seduce  the  congress  into  obedi- 
ence to  his  behests,  and  he  therefore  unfortunately  and  unwisely 
played  the  military  despot  when  he  should  have  acted  the  part  of  a 


260  MEXICO 

1824 

quiet  diplomatist.  Finding  himself,  in  two  years,  emperor  of 
Mexico,  after  being  at  the  commencement  of  that  period  nothing 
more  than  commander  of  a  regiment,  it  may  be  pardoned  if  he  was 
bewildered  by  the  rapidity  of  his  rise,  and  if  the  air  he  breathed  in 
his  extraordinary  ascent  was  too  ethereal  for  a  man  of  so  excitable 
a  temperament. 

In  every  aspect  of  his  character  we  must  regard  him  as  one 
altogether  inadequate  to  shape  the  destiny  of  a  nation  emerging 
from  the  blood  and  smoke  of  two  revolutions — a  nation  whose 
political  tendencies  toward  absolute  freedom  were  at  that  time 
naturally  the  positive  reverse  of  his  own. 

Death  sealed  the  lips  of  men  who  might  have  clamored  for 
him  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  when  the  insubordinate  spirit 
that  was  soon  manifested  needed  as  bold  an  arm  as  that  of  Iturbide 
in  his  best  days  to  check  or  guide  it.  Public  opinion  was  decidedly 
opposed  to  his  sudden  and  cruel  slaughter.  Mexicans  candidly 
acknowledged  that  their  country's  independence  was  owing  to  him ; 
and  while  they  admitted  that  Garza's  zeal  for  the  emperor's  execu- 
tion might  have  been  lawful,  they  believed  that  revenge  for  his 
former  disgrace,  rather  than  patriotism,  induced  the  rash  and  ruth- 
less soldier  to  hasten  the  death  of  the  noble  victim  whom  fortune 
had  thrown  in  his  lonely  path. 


Chapter     XXV 

STRUGGLES    OF   THE   POLITICAL   PARTIES.     1824-1843 

WE  must  pause  a  moment  over  the  past  history  of  Mexico, 
for  the  portion  we  now  approach  has  few  of  the  ele- 
ments either  of  union  or  patriotism  which  characterized 
the  early  struggles  for  national  independence.  The  revolutionary 
war  had  merited  and  received  the  commendation  of  freemen 
throughout  the  world.  The  prolonged  struggle  exhibited  powers 
of  endurance,  an  unceasing  resolution,  and  a  determination  to 
throw  off  European  thraldom  which  won  the  respect  of  those 
northern  powers  in  America  which  were  most  concerned  in  se- 
curing to  themselves  a  republican  neighborhood.  But  as  soon  as 
the  domination  of  Spain  was  crushed  the  domestic  quarrels  of 
Mexico  began,  and  we  have  already  shown  that  in  the  three  parties 
formed  in  the  first  congress  were  to  be  found  the  germs  of  all  the 
feuds  that  have  since  vexed  the  republic  or  impeded  its  successful 
progress  toward  national  grandeur.  After  the  country  had  been 
so  long  a  battlefield,  it  was  perhaps  difficult  immediately  to  accus- 
tom the  people  to  civil  rule  or  to  free  them  from  the  baleful  influ- 
ence which  military  glory  is  apt  to  throw  round  individuals  who 
render  important  services  to  their  country  in  war.  Even  in  the 
United  States,  where  the  ballot-box  instead  of  the  bayonet  has 
always  controlled  elections,  and  where  loyalty  to  the  constitution 
would  blast  the  effort  of  ambitious  men  to  place  a  conqueror  in 
power  by  any  other  means  than  that  of  peaceful  election,  we  con- 
stantly find  how  difficult  it  is  to  screen  the  people's  eyes  from  the 
bewildering  glare  of  military  glory.  What  then  could  be  expected 
from  a  country  in  which  the  self-relying,  self-ruling,  civil  idea 
never  existed  at  any  period  of  its  previous  history?  The  revolu- 
tion of  the  North  American  colonies  was  not  designed  to  obtain 
liberty,  for  they  were  already  free;  but  it  was  excited  and  success- 
fully pursued  in  order  to  prevent  the  burdensome  and  aggressive 
impositions  of  England,  which  would  have  curtailed  that  freedom, 
and  reduced  the  states  to  colonial  dependence  as  well  as  royal  or 
ministerial   dictation.     Mexico,  on  the  contrary,  had  never  been 

261 


262  MEXICO 

1824 

free.  Spain  regarded  the  country  as  a  mine  which  was  to  be 
diligently  wrought,  and  the  masses  of  the  people  as  acclimated  serfs 
whose  services  were  the  legitimate  perquisites  of  a  court  and  aris- 
tocracy beyond  the  sea.  There  had  been,  among  the  kings  and 
viceroys  who  controlled  the  destinies  of  New  Spain,  men  who  were 
swayed  by  just  and  amiable  views  of  colonial  government ;  but  the 
majority  considered  Mexico  as  a  speculation  rather  than  an  infant 
colony  whose  progressive  destiny  it  was  their  duty  to  foster  with 
all  the  care  and  wisdom  of  Christian  magistrates.  The  minor 
officials  of  the  viceroyal  government  misruled  and  peculated. 
They  were  all  men  of  the  hour,  and  even  the  viceroys  them- 
selves regarded  their  governments  oh  the  American  continent  as 
rewards  for  services  in  Europe,  enabling  them  to  secure  fortunes 
with  which  they  returned  to  the  Castilian  court,  forgetful  of  the 
Indian  miner  and  agriculturist  from  whose  sweat  their  wealth  was 
coined.  The  Spaniard  never  identified  himself  with  Mexico.  His 
home  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Few  of  the  best  class 
formed  permanent  establishments  in  the  viceroyalty;  and  all  of 
them  were  too  much  interested  in  maintaining  both  the  state  of 
society  and  the  castes  which  had  been  created  by  the  conquerors  to 
spend  a  thought  upon  the  amelioration  of  the  people.  We  do  not 
desire  to  blacken  by  our  commentary  the  fame  of  a  great  nation 
like  that  of  Spain ;  yet  this  dreary  but  true  portrait  of  national 
selfishness  has  been  so  often  verified  by  all  the  colonial  historians 
of  America,  and  especially  by  Pazo  and  Zavala  in  their  admirable 
historical  sketches  of  Castilian  misrule,  that  we  deem  it  fair 
to  introduce  these  palliations  of  Mexican  misconduct  since  the 
revolution. 

The  people  of  New  Spain  were  poor  and  uneducated;  the 
aristocracy  was  rich,  supercilious,  and  almost  equally  illiterate.  It 
was  a  society  without  a  middle  ground,  in  which  gold  stood  out  in 
broad  relief  against  rags.  Was  such  a  state  of  barbaric  semi-civili- 
zation entitled  or  fitted  to  emerge  at  once  into  republicanism  ?  Was 
it  to  be  imagined  that  men  who  had  always  been  controlled,  could 
learn  immediately  to  control  themselves?  Was  it  to  be  believed 
that  the  military  personages,  whose  ambition  is  as  proverbial  as  it 
is  natural,  would  voluntarily  surrender  the  power  they  possessed 
over  the  masses  and  retire  to  the  obscurity  and  poverity  of  private 
life  when  they  could  enjoy  the  wealth  and  influence  of  political 
control  so  long  as  they  maintained  their  rank  in  the  army?    This 


STRUGGLES      OF     PARTIES  263 

1824 

would  have  been  too  much  to  expect  from  the  self-denial  of  Creole 
chiefs;  nor  is  it  surprising  to  behold  the  people  themselves  looking 
toward  these  very  men  as  proper  persons  to  consolidate  or  shape 
the  government  they  had  established.  It  was  the  most  natural 
thing  conceivable  to  find  Iturbide,  Guerrero,  Bustamante,  Negrete, 
Bravo,  Santa  Anna,  Paredes,  and  the  whole  host  of  revolutionary 
heroes  succeeding  each  other  in  power,  either  constitutionally  or 
by  violence.  The  people  knew  no  others.  The  military  idea,  mili- 
tary success,  a  name  won  in  action,  and  repeated  from  lip  to  lip 
until  the  traditionary  sound  became  a  household  word  among  the 
herdsmen,  rancheros,  vaqueros,  and  Indians — these  were  the 
sources  of  Mexican  renown  or  popularity,  and  the  appropriate 
objects  of  political  reward  and  confidence.  What  individual  among 
the  four  or  five  millions  of  Indians  knew  anything  of  the  statesmen 
of  their  country  who  had  never  mixed  in  the  revolutionary  war  or 
in  the  domestic  brawls  constantly  occurring?  There  were  no 
gazettes  to  spread  their  fame  or  merit,  and  even  if  there  had  been 
the  people  were  unable  to  buy  or  peruse  them.  Among  the  mixed 
breeds  and  lower  classes  of  Creoles  an  equal  degree  of  ignorance  pre- 
vailed ;  and  thus  from  the  first  epoch  of  independence  the  people 
ceased  to  be  a  true  republican  tribunal  in  Mexico,  while  the  city  was 
surrendered  as  the  battlefield  of  all  the  political  aspirants  who  had 
won  reputations  in  the  camp  which  were  to  serve  them  for  other 
purposes  in  the  capital.  By  this  means  the  army  rose  to  immediate 
significance  and  became  the  general  arbiter  in  all  political  contro- 
versies. Nor  was  the  church — that  other  overshadowing  influence 
in  all  countries  in  which  religion  and  the  state  are  combined — a 
silent  spectator  in  the  division  of  national  power.  The  Roman 
hierarchy,  a  large  landholder,  had  much  at  stake  in  Mexico  besides 
the  mere  authority  which  so  powerful  a  body  is  always  anxious  to 
maintain  over  the  consciences  of  the  multitude.  The  church  was 
thus  a  political  element  of  great  strength ;  and,  combined  with  the 
army,  created  and  sustained  an  important  party,  which  has  been 
untiring  in  its  efforts  to  support  centralism  as  the  true  political 
principle  of  Mexican  government. 

On  October  4,  1824,  a  federal  constitution,  framed  partly 
upon  the  model  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  with  some 
grafts  from  the  Spanish  constitution,  was  adopted  by  congress; 
and  by  it  the  territory  comprehended  in  the  old  viceroyalty  of  New 
Spain,  the  captaincy-general  of  Yucatan,  the  commandancies  of  the 


264  MEXICO 

1824-1825 

eastern  and  western  Internal  Provinces,  Upper  and  Lower  Cali- 
fornia, with  the  lands  and  isles  adjacent  to  both  seas,  were  placed 
under  the  protection  of  this  organic  law.  The  religion  of  the 
Mexican  nation  was  declared  to  be,  in  perpetuity,  the  Catholic 
Apostolic  Roman ;  and  the  nation  pledged  its  protection,  at  the  same 
time  prohibiting  the  exercise  of  any  other! 

Previous,  however,  to  these  constitutional  enactments  the 
country  had  not  been  entirely  quiet,  for  as  early  as  January  of  this 
year  General  Echavari,  who  occupied  the  state  of  Puebla,  raised 
the  standard  of  revolt  against  the  triumvirate.  This  seditious 
movement  was  soon  suppressed  by  the  staunch  old  warrior, 
Guerrero,  who  seized  and  bore  the  insurgent  chief  to  the  capital 
as  a  prisoner.  Another  insurrection  occurred  not  long  after  in 
Cuernavaca,  which  was  also  quelled  by  Guerrero.  Both  of  these 
outbreaks  were  caused  by  the  centralists,  who  strove  to  put  down 
by  violence  the  popular  desire  for  the  federal  system.  Instead  of 
destroying  the  favorite  charter,  however,  they  only  served  to 
cement  the  sections  who  sustained  liberal  doctrines  in  the  different 
provinces  or  states  of  the  nation,  and  finally  aided  materially  in 
enforcing  the  adoption  of  the  federal  system. 

Another  insurrection  occurred  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  growing 
out  of  the  old  and  national  animosity  between  the  Creoles  and  the 
European  Spaniards.  The  expulsion  of  the  latter  from  all  public 
employments  was  demanded  by  the  Creoles  of  the  capital,  backed 
by  the  garrison  commanded  by  Colonels  Lobato  and  Staboli.  The 
revolt  was  suppressed  at  the  moment,  but  it  was  deemed  advisable 
to  conciliate  feeling  in  regard  to  the  unfortunate  foreigners;  and 
accordingly  changes  were  made  in  the  departments,  in  which  the 
offices  were  given  to  native  Mexicans,  while  the  Spaniards  were 
allowed  a  pension  for  life  of  one-third  of  their  pay.  At  this  period, 
moreover,  the  supreme  executive  power  was  altered,  and  Nicholas 
Bravo,  Vicente  Guerrero,  and  Miguel  Dominguez  were  appointed 
to  control  public  affairs  until  a  president  was  elected  under  the  new 
constitution. 

Early  in  1825  the  general  congress  assembled  in  the  City  of 
Mexico.  Guadalupe  Victoria  was  declared  president,  and  Nicolas 
Bravo  vice-president.  The  national  finances  were  recruited  by  a 
loan  from  England,  and  a  legislative  effort  was  made  to  narrow 
the  influence  of  the  priesthood,  according  to  the  just  limits  it  should 
occupy  in  a  republic. 


STRUGGLES      OF     PARTIES  £65 

1825-1826 

All  Spanish  America  had  been  in  a  ferment  for  several  years, 
and  the  power  of  Castile  was  forever  broken  on  the  continent. 
Peru,  as  well  as  Mexico,  had  cast  off  the  bonds  of  dependence,  for 
the  brilliant  battle  of  Ayacucho  rescued  the  republican  banner 
from  the  danger  with  which  for  a  while  it  was  menaced.  The 
European  forces  had  never  been  really  formidable,  except  for  their 
superior  discipline  and  control  under  royalist  leaders,  but  they  were 
now  driven  out  of  the  heart  of  the  continent,  while  the  few  perti- 
nacious troops  and  generals  who  still  remained  were  confined  to 
the  coasts  of  Mexico,  Peru,  and  Chile,  where  they  clung  to  the 
fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  the  castle  of  Callao,  and  the  strong- 
holds of  Chiloe. 

Victoria  was  sworn  into  office  on  April  15,  1825.  Several 
foreign  nations  had  already  recognized  the  independence  of  Mex- 
ico, or  soon  hastened  to  do  so ;  for  all  were  eager  to  grasp  a  share 
of  the  commerce  and  mines  which  they  imagined  had  been  so 
profitable  to  Spain.  The  British  especially,  who  had  become 
holders  of  Mexican  bonds,  were  particularly  desirous  to  open  com- 
mercial intercourse  and  to  guard  it  by  international  treaties. 

In  the  winter  of  1826- it  was  discovered,  by  the  discussions  in 
congress  of  projects  for  their  suppression,  that  the  party  leaders, 
fearing  an  open  attempt  to  conduct  their  unconstitutional  machina- 
tions, had  sought  the  concealment  of  masonic  institutions  in  which 
they  might  foster  their  antagonistic  schemes.  The  rival  lodges 
were  designated  as  Escocesses  and  Yorkinos,  the  former  number- 
ing among  its  members  the  vice-president,  Nicolas  Bravo,  Gomez 
Pedraza,  and  Jose  Montayno,  while  the  Yorkinos  boasted  of  Gen- 
erals Victoria,  Santa  Anna,  Guerrero,  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  and 
Bustamante. 

The  adherents  of  the  Escocesses  were  said  to  be  in  favor 
of  a  limited  monarchy  with  a  Spanish  prince  at  its  head;  but 
the  Yorkinos  maintained  the  supremacy  of  the  constitution  and 
declared  themselves  hostile  to  all  movements  of  a  central  character. 
The  latter  party  was  by  far  the  most  numerous.  The  intelligent 
liberals  of  all  classes  sustained  it;  yet  its  leaders  had  to  contend 
with  the  dignitaries  of  the  church,  the  opulent  agriculturists,  land- 
holders and  miners,  and  many  of  the  high  officers  of  the  army 
whose  names  had  been  identified  with  the  early  struggles  of  the 
independents  against  the  Spaniards. 

These  party  discussions,  mainly  excited  by  the  personal  ambi- 


266  MEXICO 

1826-1827 

tions  of  the  disputants,  which  were  carried  on  not  only  openly  in 
congress,  but  secretly  in  the  lodges,  absorbed  for  a  long  time  the 
entire  attention  of  the  selfish  but  intelligent  persons  who  should 
have  forgotten  themselves  in  the  holy  purpose  of  consolidating 
the  free  and  republican  principles  of  the  constitution  of  1824.  The 
result  of  this  personal  warfare  was  soon  exhibited  in  the  total  neg- 
lect of  popular  interests,  so  far  as  they  were  to  be  fostered  or  ad- 
vanced by  the  action  of  congress.  The  states,  however,  were  in 
some  degree  free  from  these  internecine  contests,  for  the  boldest 
of  the  various  leaders,  and  the  most  ambitious  aspirants  for  power, 
had  left  the  provinces  to  settle  their  quarrels  in  the  capital.  This 
was  fortunate  for  the  country,  inasmuch  as  the  states  were  in  some 
measure  recompensed  by  their  own  care  of  the  various  domestic 
industrial  interests  for  the  neglect  they  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
national  legislators. 

At  the  close  of  1827  Colonel  Jose  Montayno,  a  member  of  the 
Escocesses,  proclaimed  in  Otumba  the  plan  which  in  the  history 
of  Mexican  pronunciamientos,  or  revolts,  is  known  by  the  name  of 
this  leader.  Another  attempt  of  a  similar  character  had  been 
previously  made  against  the  federative  system  and  in  favor  of 
centralism  by  Padre  Arenas ;  but  both  of  these  outbreaks  were  not 
considered  dangerous,  until  Bravo  denounced  President  Victoria 
for  his  union  with  the  Yorkinos,  and,  taking  arms  against  the  gov- 
ernment, joined  the  rebels  in  Tulancingo,  where  he  declared  him- 
self in  favor  of  the  central  plan  of  Montayno.  The  country  was 
aroused.  The  insurgents  appeared  in  great  strength.  The  army 
exhibited  decided  symptoms  of  favor  toward  the  revolted  party, 
and  the  church  strengthened  the  elements  of  discontent  by  its 
influence  with  the  people.  Such  was  the  revolutionary  state  of 
Mexico  when  the  patriot  Guerrero  was  once  more  summoned  by  the 
executive  to  use  his  energetic  efforts  in  quelling  the  insurrection. 
Nor  was  he  unsuccessful  in  his  loyal  endeavors  to  support  the  con-n 
stitution.  As  soon  as  he  marched  against  the  insurgents  they  dis- 
persed throughout  the  country;  so  that  without  bloodshed  he  was 
enabled  to  crush  the  revolt  and  save  the  nation  from  the  civil  war. 
Thus,  amid  the  embittered  quarrels  of  parties  who  had  actually 
designed  to  transfer  their  contests  from  congress  and  lodges  to  the 
field  of  battle,  terminated  the  administration  of  Guadalupe  Vic- 
toria, the  first  president  of  Mexico.  His  successor,  Gomez  Pedraza, 
the  candidate  of  the  Escocesses,  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  but 


STRUGGLES     OF     PARTIES  267 

1827-1828 

two  votes  over  his  competitor,  Guerrero,  the  representative  of  the 
liberal  Yorkinos. 

These  internal  discontents  of  Mexico  began  to  inspire  the 
Spanish  court  with  hope  that  its  estranged  colony  would  be  in- 
duced, or  perhaps  easily  compelled,  after  a  short  time  to  return  to 
its  allegiance ;  and  accordingly  it  was  soon  understood  in  Mexico, 
even  during  Victoria's  administration,  that  active  efforts  were 
making  in  Cuba  to  raise  an  adequate  force  for  another  attempt 
upon  the  republic.  This  for  a  moment  restrained  the  fraternal 
hands  raised  against  each  other  within  the  limits  of  Mexico,  and 
forced  all  parties  to  unite  against  the  common  danger  from  abroad. 
Suitable  measures  were  taken  to  guard  the  coasts  where  an  attack 
was  most  imminent,  and  it  was  the  good  fortune  of  the  govern- 
ment to  secure  the  services  of  Commodore  Porter,  a  distinguished 
officer  of  the  United  States  Navy,  who  commanded  the  Mexican 
squadron  most  effectively  for  the  protection  of  the  shores  along  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  took  a  number  of  Spanish  vessels,  even  in  the 
ports  of  Cuba,  some  of  which  were  laden  with  large  and  costly 
cargoes. 

The  success  of  the  centralist  Pedraza  over  the  federalist 
Guerrero — a  man  whose  name  and  reputation  were  scarcely  less 
dear  to  the  genuine  republicans  than  that  of  Guadalupe  Victoria — 
was  not  calculated  to  heal  the  animosities  of  the  two  factions, 
especially  as  the  scant  majority  of  two  votes  had  placed  the  Escoces 
partisan  in  the  presidential  chair.  The  defeated  candidate  and  his 
incensed  companions  of  the  liberal  lodge  did  not  exhibit  upon  this 
occasion  that  loyal  obedience  to  constitutional  law  which  should 
have  taught  them  that  the  first  duty  of  a  republican  is  to  conceal 
his  mortification  at  a  political  defeat  and  to  bow  reverentially  to  the 
lawful  decision  of  a  majority.  It  is  a  subject  of  deep  regret  that 
the  first  bold  and  successful  attack  upon  the  organic  law  of  Mexico 
was  made  by  the  federalists.  They  may  have  deemed  it  their  duty 
to  prevent  their  unreliable  competitors  from  controlling  the  desti- 
nies of  Mexico  even  for  a  moment  under  the  sanction  of  the  con- 
stitution ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  should  have  waited 
until  acts,  instead  of  suspicions  or  fears,  entitled  them  to  exercise 
their  right  of  impeachment  under  the  constitution.  In  an  unregu- 
lated, military  nation  such  as  Mexico  was  at  that  period  men  do 
not  pause  for  the  slow  operations  of  law  when  there  is  a  personal 
or  a  party  quarrel  in  question.     The  hot  blood  of  the  impetuous, 


268  MEXICO 

1828-1829 

tropical  region  combines  with  the  active  intellectual  temperament 
of  the  people,  and  laws  and  constitutions  are  equally  disregarded 
under  the  impulse  of  passion  or  interest.  Such  was  the  case  in  the 
present  juncture.  The  Yorkinos  had  been  outvoted  lawfully,  ac- 
cording to  the  solemn  record  of  congress,  yet  they  resolved  not  to 
submit;  and  accordingly  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  the  grand  master  of 
their  lodge,  and  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  who  was  then  a 
professed  federalist,  in  conjunction  with  the  defeated  candidate, 
Guerrero,  and  Generals  Montezuma  and  Lobato,  determined  to 
prevent  Pedraza  from  occupying  the  chair  of  state.  Santa  Anna, 
who  now  appeared  prominently  on  the  stage,  was  the  chief  agitator 
in  the  scheme,  and  being  in  garrison  at  Jalapa,  in  the  autumn  of 
1828  pronounced  against  the  chief  magistrate-elect,  and  denounced 
his  nomination  as  "  illegal,  fraudulent,  and  unconstitutional."  The 
movement  was  popular,  for  the  people  were  in  fact  friendly  to 
Guerrero.  The  prejudices  of  the  native  or  creole  party  against 
the  Spaniards  and  their  supposed  defenders,  the  Escocesses,  were 
studiously  fomented  in  the  capital;  and,  December  4,  the  pronun- 
ciamiento  of  the  Acordada.  in  the  capital,  seconded  the  sedition 
of  Santa  Anna  in  the  provinces.  By  this  time  the  arch-conspirator 
in  this  drama  had  reached  the  metropolis  and  labored  to  control 
the  elements  of  disorder  which  were  at  hand  to  support  his  favorite 
Guerrero.  The  defenseless  Spaniards  were  relentlessly  assailed  by 
the  infuriate  mob  which  was  let  loose  upon  them  by  the  insurgent 
chiefs.  Guerrero  was  in  the  field  in  person  at  the  head  of  the 
Yorkinos.  The  Parian  in  the  capital  and  the  dwellings  of  many 
of  the  noted  Escocesses  were  attacked  and  pillaged,  and  for  some 
time  the  city  was  given  up  to  anarchy  and  bloodshed.  Pedraza, 
who  still  fulfilled  the  functions  of  minister  of  war  while  awaiting 
his  inauguration,  fled  from  the  official  post,  which  he  abandoned  to 
his  rival,  Santa  Anna;  and  on  January  1,  1829,  congress,  reversing 
its  former  act,  declared  Guerrero  to  have  been  duly  elected  presi- 
dent of  the  republic!  General  Bustamante  was  chosen  vice-presi- 
dent, and  the  government  again  resumed  its  operation  under  the 
federal  system  of  1824. 

Violent  as  was  the  conduct  of  the  pretended  liberals  in  over- 
throwing their  rivals,  the  Escocesses,  and  firmly  as  it  may  be 
supposed  such  a  band  was  cemented  in  opposition  to  the  machina- 
tion of  a  bold  monarchical  party,  we  nevertheless  find  that 
treason    existed    in    the    hearts    of    the    conspirators    against    the 


S  T  K  IT  G  G  L  E  S     OF     PARTI  E  S  269 

1829-1830 

patriot-hero  whom  they  had  used  in  their  usurpation  of  the  presi- 
dency. Scarcely  had  Guerrero  been  seated  in  the  chair  of  state 
when  it  became  known  that  there  was  a  conspiracy  to  displace  him. 
He  had  been  induced  by  the  condition  of  the  country  and  by  the 
bad  advice  of  his  enemies  to  assume  the  authority  of  dictator.  This 
power,  he  alleged,  was  exercised  only  for  the  suppression  of  the 
intriguing  Escocesses;  but  its  continued  exercise  served  as  a  pre- 
text, at  least,  for  the  vice-president,  General  Bustamante,  to  place 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  republican  division  and  pronounce  against 
the  president  he  had  so  recently  contributed  to  place  in  power.  The 
executive  commanded  Santa  Anna  to  advance  against  the  assail- 
ants ;  but  this  chief  at  first  feebly  opposed  the  insurgents,  and  finally, 
fraternizing  with  Bustamante,  marched  on  the  capital,  whence  they 
drove  Guerrero  and  his  partisans  to  Valladolid  in  Michoacan. 
Here  the  dethroned  dictator  organized  a  government,  while  the 
usurping  vice-president,  Bustamante,  assumed  the  reins  in  the  cap- 
ital. In  Michoacan,  Guerrero,  who  was  well  known  and  loved  for 
his  revolutionary  enterprises  in  the  west  of  Mexico,  found  no  diffi- 
culty in  recruiting  a  force  with  which  he  hoped  to  regain  his 
executive  post.  Congress  was  divided  in  opinion  between  the  rival 
factions  of  the  liberalists,  and  the  republic  was  shaken  by  the  con- 
tinual strife,  until  Bustamante  dispatched  a  powerful  division 
against  Guerrero,  which  defeated  and  dispersed  his  army.  This 
was  the  conclusion  of  that  successful  warrior's  career.  He  was  a 
good  soldier,  but  a  miserable  statesman.  His  private  character  and 
natural  disposition  are  represented  by  those  who  knew  him  best  to 
have  been  irreproachable;  yet  he  was  fitted  alone  for  the  early 
struggles  of  Mexico  in  the  field,  and  was  so  ignorant  of  the  admin- 
istrative functions  needed  in  his  country  at  such  a  period  that  it  is 
not  surprising  to  find  he  had  been  used  as  a  tool  and  cast  aside 
when  the  service  for  which  his  intriguing  coadjutors  required  him 
was  performed.  His  historical  popularity  and  character  rendered 
him  available  for  a  reckless  party  in  overthrowing  a  constitutional 
election;  and  even  when  beaten  by  the  new  usurper,  and  with 
scarcely  the  shadow  of  a  party  in  the  nation,  it  was  still  feared 
that  his  ancient  usefulness  in  the  wars  of  independence  might 
render  him  again  the  nucleus  of  political  discontent.  Accordingly 
the  pursuit  of  Guerrero  was  not  abandoned  when  his  army  fled. 
The  west  coast  was  watched  by  the  myrmidons  of  the  usurpers,  and 
the  war-worn  hero  was  finally  betrayed  on  board  a  vessel  by  a  spy, 


270  M  E  X  I  C  O 

1830-1832 

where  he  was  arrested  for  bearing  arms  against  the  government  of 
which  he  was  the  real  head,  according  to  the  solemn  decision  of 
congress.  In  February,  1831,  a  court-martial,  ordered  by  General 
Montezuma,  tried  him  for  this  pretended  crime.  His  sentence  was 
of  course  known  as  soon  as  his  judges  were  named;  and  thus  an- 
other chief  of  the  revolutionary  war  was  rewarded  by  death  for  his 
patriotic  services.  We  cannot  regard  this  act  of  Bustamante  and 
Santa  Anna  except  as  a  deliberate  murder,  for  which  they  richly 
deserve  the  condemnation  of  impartial  history,  even  if  they  had  no 
other  crimes  to  answer  for  at  the  bar  of  God  and  their  country. 

While  these  internal  contests  were  agitating  the  heart  of  Mex- 
ico an  expedition  had  been  fitted  out  at  Havana  composed  of  four 
thousand  troops  commanded  by  Barradas,  designed  to  invade  the 
lost  colony  and  restore  it  to  the  Spanish  crown.  The  accounts 
given  of  this  force  and  its  condition  when  landed  at  Tampico  vary 
according  to  the  partisans  by  whom  they  are  written ;  but  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  the  Spanish  troops  were  so  weakened  by 
disease  and  losses  in  the  summer  of  1830,  that  when  Santa  Anna 
and  a  French  officer,  Colonel  Woll,  attacked  them  in  the  month  of 
September,  they  fell  an  easy  prey  into  the  hands  of  the  Mexicans. 
Santa  Anna,  however,  with  his  usual  talent  for  such  composition, 
magnified  the  defeat  into  a  magnificent  conquest.  He  wras  hailed 
as  the  victor  who  broke  the  last  link  between  Spain  and  her  vice- 
royalty,  Pompous  bulletins  and  dispatches  were  published  in  the 
papers,  and  the  commander-in-chief  returned  to  the  capital  covered 
with  honors,  as  the  savior  of  the  republic. 

There  is  an  anecdote  connected  with  the  final  expulsion  of  the 
Spaniards  from  Mexico  which  deserves  to  be  recorded,  as  it  ex- 
hibits a  fact  which  superstitious  persons  might  conceive  to  be  the 
avenging  decree  of  retributive  providence.  Dona  Isabel  Monte- 
zuma, the  eldest  daughter  of  the  unfortunate  emperor,  had  been 
married  to  his  successor  on  the  Aztec  throne,  and  after  his  wretched 
death  was  united  to  various  distinguished  Spaniards,  the  last 
of  whom  was  Juan  Andrade,  ancestor  of  the  Andrade  Montezumas 
and  Counts  of  Miravalle.  General  Miguel  Barragan,  who  after- 
ward became  president  ad  interim  of  Mexico,  and  to  whom  the 
castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  was  surrendered  by  the  European 
forces,  was  married  to  Manuela  Trebuesta  y  Casasola,  daughter  of 
the  last  Count  of  Miravalle,  and  it  is  thus  a  singular  coincidence 
that  the  husband  of  a  lady  who  was  the  legitimate  descendant  of 


STRUGGLES     OF     PARTIES  271 

1832-1833 

Montezuma  should  have  been  destined  to  receive  the  keys  of  the 
last  stronghold  on  which  the  Spanish  banner  floated ! 

By  intrigue  and  victories  Santa  Anna  had  acquired  so  much 
popular  renown  throughout  the  country  and  with  the  army  that  he 
found  the  time  was  arriving  when  he  might  safely  avail  himself  of 
his  old  and  recent  services  against  Iturbide  and  Barradas.  Under 
the  influence  of  his  machinations  Bustamante  began  to  fail  in  popu- 
lar estimation.  He  was  spoken  of  as  a  tyrant ;  his  administration 
was  characterized  as  inauspicious ;  and  the  public  mind  was  gradu- 
ally prepared  for  an  outbreak  in  1832.  Santa  Anna,  who  had,  in 
fact  placed  and  sustained  Bustamante  in  power,  was  in  reality  the 
instigator  of  this  revolt.  The  ambitious  chief  first  of  all  issued 
his  pronunciamiento  against  the  ministry  of  the  president,  and  then 
shortly  after  against  that  functionary  himself.  But  Bustamante,  a 
man  of  nerve  and  capacity,  was  not  to  be  destroyed  as  easily  as  his 
victim,  Guerrero.  He  threw  himself  at  the  head  of  his  loyal  troops, 
and  encountering  the  rebels  at  Tolomi  routed  them  completely. 
Santa  Anna  therefore  retired  to  Vera  Cruz,  and,  strengthening  his 
forces  from  some  of  the  other  states,  declared  himself  in  favor  of 
the  restoration  of  the  constitutional  president,  Pedraza,  whom  he 
had  previously  driven  out  of  Mexico.  As  Bustamante  advanced 
toward  the  coast  his  army  melted  away.  The  country  was  opposed 
to  him.  He  was  wise  enough  to  perceive  that  his  usurped  power 
was  lost ;  and  prudently  entered  into  a  pacific  convention  with  Santa 
Anna  at  Zavaleta  in  December,  1832.  The  successful  insurgent 
immediately  dispatched  a  vessel  for  the  banished  Pedraza  and 
brought  him  back  to  the  capital  to  serve  out  the  remaining  three 
months  of  his  unexpired  administration! 

The  object  of  Santa  Anna  in  restoring  Pedraza  was  not  to 
sustain  any  one  of  the  old  parties,  which  had  now  become  strangely 
mingled  and  confused  by  the  factions  or  ambitions  of  all  the  lead- 
ers. His  main  design  was  to  secure  the  services  and  influence  of 
the  centralists,  so  far  as  they  were  yet  available,  in  controlling  his 
election  to  the  presidency,  upon  which  he  had  fixed  his  heart.  On 
May  16,  1833,  he  reached  the  goal  of  his  ambition. 

The  congress  of  1834  was  unquestionably  federal  republican 
in  its  character,  and  Santa  Anna  seemed  to  be  perfectly  in  accord 
with  his  vice-presidential  compeer,  Gomez  Farias.  But  the  church 
party,  warned  by  a  bill  introduced  into  congress  the  previous  year 
by  Zavala,  by  which  he  aimed  a  blow  at  the  temporalities  of  the 


272  MEXICO 

1833-1834 

spiritual  lords,  did  not  remain  a  contented  spectator  while  the  power 
reposed  in  the  hands  of  federal  partisans.  However,  it  was 
soon  found  that  the  centralists  were  stronger  represented  in  a 
body  hitherto  regarded  as  altogether  republican.  It  is  charged  in 
Mexico  that  bribery  was  freely  resorted  to ;  and,  when  the  solicita- 
tions became  sufficiently  powerful,  even  the  inflexible  patriotism 
of  Santa  Anna  yielded,  though  the  vice-president,  Farias,  remained 
incorruptible. 

On  May  13,  1834,  the  president  suddenly  and  unwarrantably 
dissolved  congress,  and  maintained  his  arbitrary  decree  and  power 
by  the  army,  which  was  entirely  at  his  service.  In  the  following- 
year  Gomez  Farias  was  deposed  from  the  vice-presidency  by  the 
venal  congress,  and  Barragan  raised  to  the  vacant  post.  The 
militia  was  disarmed,  and  central  forces  strengthened,  and  the 
people  placed  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  executive  and  his  minions, 
who  completed  the  destruction  of  the  constitution  of  1824  by 
blotting  it  from  the  statute  book  of  Mexico. 

Puebla,  Jalisco.  Oaxaca,  parts  of  Mexico,  Zacatecas,  and 
Texas  revolted  against  this  assumption  of  the  centralists,  though 
they  were  finally  not  able  to  maintain  absolutely  their  free  stand 
against  the  dictator.  Zacatecas  and  Texas  alone  presented  a  for- 
midable aspect  to  Santa  Anna,  who  was  nevertheless  too  strong  and 
skillful  for  the  ill-regulated  forces  of  the  former  state.  The  vic- 
torious troops  entered  the  rebellious  capital  with  savage  fury;  and, 
after  committing  the  most  disgusting  acts  of  brutality  and  violence 
against  all  classes  and  sexes,  they  disarmed  the  citizens  entirely 
and  placed  a  military  governor  over  the  province.  In  Coahuila  and 
Texas  symptoms  of  discontent  were  far  more  important,  for  the 
federalists  met  at  Monclova,  and,  after  electing  Agustin  Viesca 
governor,  defied  the  opposite  faction  by  which  a  military  officer 
had  been  assigned  to  perform  the  executive  duties  of  the  state. 
General  Cos,  however,  soon  dispersed  the  legislature  by  violence 
and  imprisoned  the  governor  and  his  companions,  whom  he  ar- 
rested as  they  were  hastening  to  cross  the  Rio  Grande.  These  evil 
doings  were  regarded  sorrowfully  but  sternly  by  the  North  Ameri- 
cans who  had  flocked  to  Texas  under  the  sanctions  and  assurances 
of  the  federal  constitution,  and  they  resolved  not  to  countenance  the 
usurpation  of  their  unquestionable  rights. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  Mexican  Republic  when 
the  Plan  of  Toluca  was  issued,  by  which  the  federal  constitution 


STRUGGLES     OF     PARTIES  273 

1834-1336 

was  absolutely  abolished,  and  the  principles  of  a  consolidated  cen- 
tral government  fully  announced.  Previous  to  this,  however,  a 
pronunciamiento  had  been  made  by  a  certain  Escalada  at  Morelia, 
in  favor  of  the  fueros,  or  especial  privileges  and  rights  of  the 
church  and  army.  This  outbreak  was  of  course  central  in  its  char- 
acter, while  another  ferment  in  Cuautla  had  been  productive  of 
Santa  Anna's  nomination  as  dictator,  an  office  which  he  promptly 
refused  to  accept. 

The  Plan  of  Toluca  was  unquestionably  favored  by  Santa 
Anna,  who  had  gone  over  to  the  centralists.  It  was  a  scheme  de- 
signed to  test  national  feeling  and  to  prepare  the  people  for  the 
overthrow  of  state  governments.  The  supreme  power  was  vested 
by  it  in  the  executive  and  national  congress,  and  the  states  were 
changed  into  departments  under  the  command  of  military  gov- 
ernors, who  were  responsible  for  their  trust  to  the  chief  national 
authorities  instead  of  the  people.  Such  was  the  central  constitu- 
tion of  1836. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  Santa  Anna's  prudent  care  of  himself 
and  his  popularity,  as  well  as  his  military  patriotism,  induced  him 
to  leave  the  government  in  the  hands  of  the  vice-president,  Barra- 
gan,  while  the  new  constitution  was  under  discussion,  and  to  lead- 
the  Mexican  troops  personally  against  the  revolted  Texans,  who 
had  never  desisted  from  open  hostility  to  the  central  usurpations. 
On  April  21,  1836,  the  president  and  his  army  were  completely 
routed  by  General  Houston  and  the  Texans;  and,  instead  of  re- 
turning to  the  metropolis  crowned  with  glory,  as  he  had  done  from 
the  capture  of  Barradas,  Santa  Anna  owed  his  life  to  the  generosity 
of  the  Texas  insurgents,  whose  companions  in  arms  had  recently 
been  butchered  by  his  orders  at  Goliad  and  San  Antonio  de 
Bejar.1 

During  Santa  Anna's  absence  Vice-President  Barragan  rilled 
the  executive  office  up  to  the  time  of  his  death,  when  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Coro,  until  the  return  from  France  of  Bustamante,  who 
had  been  elected  president  under  the  new  central  constitution  of 
1836.  In  the  following  year  Santa  Anna  was  sent  back  to  Mexico 
in  a  vessel  of  the  United  States  government.  But  he  was  a  dis- 
graced man  in  the  nation's  eyes.  He  returned  to  his  hacienda  of 
Manga  de  Clavo,  and,  burying  himself  for  a  while  in  obscurity, 

1  See   General   Waddy  Thompson's    "  Recollections   of   Mexico,"   p.   69,    for 
Santa  Anna's  wretched  vindication  of  these  sanguinary  deeds. 


274  MEXICO 

1836-1838 

was  screened  from  the  open  manifestation  of  popular  odium.  Here 
he  lurked  until  the  brilliant  attempt  was  made  to  disenthral  his 
country  by  Mexia  in  1838.  Demanding  once  more  the  privilege  of 
leading  the  army,  he  was  intrusted  with  its  command,  and,  en- 
countering the  defender  of  federation  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Puebla,  he  gave  him  battle  immediately.  Alexia  lost  the  day;  and, 
with  brief  time  for  shrift  or  communication  with  his  family,  he 
was  condemned  by  a  drum-head  court-martial  and  shot  upon  the 
field  of  battle.  This  was  a  severe  doom,  but  the  personal  animosity 
between  the  commanders  was  equally  unrelenting,  for  when  the 
sentence  was  announced  to  the  brave  but  rash  Mexia,  he  promptly 
and  firmly  declared  that  Santa  Anna  was  right  to  execute  him  on 
the  spot,  inasmuch  as  he  would  not  have  granted  the  usurper  half 
the  time  that  elapsed  since  his  capture,  had  it  been  his  destiny  to 
prove  victorious! 

Soon  after  the  accession  of  Bustamante  there  had  been  clamors 
in  favor  of  federation  and  Gomez  Farias,  who  was  at  that  period 
imprisoned;  but  these  trifling  outbreaks  were  merely  local  and 
easily  suppressed  by  Pedraza  and  Rodriguez. 

In  the  winter  of  1838,  however,  Mexico  was  more  severely 
threatened  from  abroad  than  she  had  recently  been  by  her  internal 
discords.  It  was  at  this  time  that  a  French  fleet  appeared  at  Vera 
Cruz,  under  the  orders  of  Admiral  Baudin,  to  demand  satisfaction 
for  injuries  to  French  subjects  and  unsettled  pecuniary  claims 
which  had  been  long  and  unavailingly  subjects  of  diplomacy.  Dis- 
tracted for  years  by  internal  broils  that  paralyzed  the  industry  of 
the  country  ever  since  the  outbreak  of  the  revolution,  Mexico  was 
in  no  condition  to  respond  promptly  to  demands  for  money.  But 
national  pride  forbade  the  idea  of  surrendering  without  a  blow. 
The  military  resources  of  the  country  and  of  the  castle  of  San 
Juan  .de  Ulua  were  accordingly  mustered  with  due  celerity,  and  the 
assailed  department  of  Vera  Cruz  intrusted  to  the  defense  of  Santa 
Anna,  whose  fame  had  been  somewhat  refreshed  by  his  victory 
over  Mexia.  Meanwhile  the  French  fleet  kept  up  a  stringent  block- 
ade of  Vera  Cruz,  and  still  more  crippled  the  commercial  revenues 
of  Mexico  by  cutting  off  the  greater  part  of  its  most  valuable  trade. 
Finding,  however,  that  neither  the  blockade  nor  additional  diplo- 
macy would  induce  the  stubborn  government  to  accede  to  terms 
which  the  Mexicans  knew  would  finally  be  forced  on  them,  the 
French  squadron  attacked  the  city  with  forces  landed  from  the  ves- 


STRUGGLES     OF     PARTIES  275 

1838-1841 

sels,  while  they  assailed  the  redoubtable  castle  with  three  frigates, 
a  corvette  and  two  bomb  vessels,  whence,  during  an  action  of  six 
hours,  they  threw  302  shells,  177  paixhan,  and  7771  solid  shot. 
The  assaults  upon  the  town  were  not  so  successful  as  those  on  the 
castle,  where  the  explosion  of  a  magazine  forced  the  Mexicans  to 
surrender.  The  troops  that  had  been  landed  were  not  numerous 
enough  to  hold  the  advantages  they  gained ;  and  it  was  in  gallantly 
repulsing  a  storming  party  at  the  gates  of  the  city  that  Santa  Anna 
lost  a  leg  by  a  parting  shot  from  a  small  piece  of  ordnance  as  the 
French  retreated  on  the  quay  to  their  boats. 

The  capture  of  the  castle,  however,  placed  the  city  at  the  mercy 
of  the  French,  and  the  Mexicans  were  soon  induced  to  enter  into 
satisfactory  stipulations  for  the  adjustment  of  all  debts  and  diffi- 
culties. 

In  1839  General  Canales  fomented  a  revolt  in  some  of  the 
northeastern  departments.  The  proposal  of  this  insurgent  was  to 
form  a  republican  confederation  of  Coahuila,  Tamaulipas,  and  Du- 
rango,  which  three  states  or  departments,  he  designed,  should  adopt 
for  themselves  the  federal  constitution  of  1824,  and,  assuming  the 
title  of  the  independent  "  Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande,"  should 
pledge  themselves  to  cooperate  with  Texas  against  Bustamante 
and  the  centralists.  An  alliance  was  entered  into  with  Texas  to  that 
effect,  and  an  expedition  of  united  Texans  and  Republicans  of  the 
Rio  Grande  was  set  on  foot  to  occupy  Coahuila ;  but  at  the  appear- 
ance of  General  Arista  in  the  field  early  in  1840,  and  after  an  action 
in  which  the  combined  forces  were  defeated,  Canales  left  the  dis- 
comfited Texans  to  seek  safety  by  hastening  back  to  their  own 
territory. 

The  administration  of  Bustamante  was  sorely  tried  by  foreign 
and  domestic  broils,  for,  while  Texas  and  the  Republic  of  the  Rio 
Grande  were  assailing  him  in  the  north  the  federalists  attacked  him 
in  the  capital  and  the  Yucatecos  revolted  in  the  south.  This  last 
outbreak  was  not  quelled  so  easily  as  the  rebellion  in  the  north; 
nor  was  it,  in  fact,  until  long  afterward,  during  another  adminis- 
tration, that  the  people  of  the  peninsula  were  again  induced  to 
return  to  their  allegiance.  Bustamante  seems  to  have  vexed  the 
Yucatecos  by  unwise  interference  in  the  commercial  and  industrial 
interests  of  the  country.  The  revolt  was  temporarily  successful. 
On  March  31,  1841,  a  constitution  was  proclaimed  in  Yucatan, 
which  erected  it  into  a  free  and  sovereign  state,  and  exempted  the 


276  MEXICO 

1841-1842 

people  from  many  burdens  that  had  been  imposed  by  both  the  fed- 
eral constitution  of  1824  and  the  central  one  of  1836. 

The  discontent  with  Bustamante's  administration,  arising 
chiefly  from  a  consumption  duty  of  fifteen  per  cent,  which  had  been 
imposed  by  congress,  was  now  well  spread  throughout  the  republic. 
The  pronunciamiento  of  Urrea  on  July  15,  1840,  at  the  palace  of 
Mexico  was  mainly  an  effort  of  the  federalists  to  put  down  vio- 
lently the  constitution  of  1836;  and  although  the  insurgents  had 
possession  at  one  period  of  the  person  of  the  president,  yet  the 
revolt  was  easily  suppressed  by  Valencia  and  his  faithful  troops  in 
the  capital. 

But  a  year  later  the  revolutionary  spirit  had  ripened  into  readi- 
ness for  successful  action.  We  have  reason  to  believe  that  the 
most  extensive  combinations  were  made  by  active  agents  in  all 
parts  of  Mexico  to  insure  the  downfall  of  Bustamante  and  the 
elevation  of  Santa  Anna.  Accordingly  in  August,  1841,  a  pronun- 
ciamiento of  General  Paredes,  in  Guadalajara,  was  speedily  re- 
sponded to  by  Valencia  and  Lombardini  in  the  capital  and  by 
Santa  Anna  himself  at  Vera  Cruz.  But  the  outbreak  was  not  con- 
fined merely  to  proclamations  or  the  adhesion  of  military  garrisons, 
for  a  large  body  of  troops  and  citizens  continued  loyal  to  the  pres- 
ident and  resolved  to  sustain  the  government  in  the  capital.  This 
fierce  fidelity  to  the  constitution  on  the  one  hand  and  bitter  hos- 
tility to  the  chief  magistrate  on  the  other  resulted  in  one  of  the 
most  sanguinary  conflicts  that  had  taken  place  in  Mexico  since  the 
early  days  of  independence.  For  a  whole  month  the  contest  was 
carried  on  with  balls  and  grape  shot  in  the  streets  of  Mexico,  while 
the  rebels,  who  held  the  citadel  outside  the  city,  finished  the  shame- 
less drama  by  throwing  a  shower  of  bombs  into  the  metropolis, 
shattering  the  houses,  and  involving  innocent  and  guilty,  citizens, 
strangers,  combatants,  and  non-combatants,  in  a  common  fate. 
This  cowardly  assault  under  the  orders  of  Valencia  was  made 
solely  with  the  view  of  forcing  the  citizens  who  were  unconcerned 
in  the  quarrel  between  the  factions  into  insisting  upon  the  sur- 
render of  Mexico,  in  order  to  save  their  town  and  families  from 
destruction.  There  was  a  faint  show  of  military  maneuvers  in  the 
fields  adjoining  the  city;  but  the  troops  on  both  sides  shrank  from 
battle  when  they  were  removed  from  the  protecting  shelter  of  walls 
and  houses.  At  length  the  intervention  of  Mexican  citizens  who 
were  most  interested  in  the  cessation  of  hostilities  produced  an  ar- 


STRUGGLES     OF     PARTIES  277 

1842-1843 

rangement  between  the  belligerants  at  Estanzuela  near  the  capital, 
and  finally  the  Plan  of  Tacubaya  was  agreed  on  by  the  chiefs  as  a 
substitute  for  the  constitution  of  1836.  By  the  seventh  article  of 
this  document  Santa  Anna  was  effectually  invested  with  dictatorial 
powers  until  a  new  constitution  was  formed. 

The  Plan  of  Tacubaya  provided  that  a  congress  should  be 
convened  in  1842  to  form  a  new  constitution,  and  in  June  a  body  of 
patriotic  citizens  chosen  by  the  people  assembled  for  that  purpose 
in  the  metropolis.  Santa  Anna  opened  the  session  with  a  speech 
in  which  he  announced  his  predilection  for  a  strong  central  govern- 
ment, but  he  professed  perfect  willingness  to  yield  to  whatever 
might  be  the  decision  of  congress.  Nevertheless,  in  December  of 
the  same  year,  after  the  assembly  had  made  two  efforts  to  form  a 
constitution  suitable  to  the  country  and  the  cabinet,  President  Santa 
Anna,  in  spite  of  his  professed  submission  to  the  national  will  ex- 
pressed through  the  representatives,  suddenly  and  unauthorizedly 
dissolved  the  congress.  It  was  a  daring  act,  but  Santa  Anna  knew 
that  he  could  rely  upon  his  troops,  his  officers,  and  the  mercantile 
classes  for  support.  The  capital  wanted  quietness  for  a  while,  and 
the  interests  of  trade  as  well  as  the  army  united  in  confidence  in 
the  strong  will  of  one  who  was  disposed  to  maintain  order  by 
force. 

After  congress  had  been  dissolved  by  Santa  Anna  there  was  of 
course  no  further  necessity  of  an  appeal  to  the  people.  The  nation 
had  spoken,  but  its  voice  was  disregarded.  Nothing  therefore  re- 
mained save  to  allow  the  dictator  himself  to  frame  the  organic 
laws;  and  for  this  purpose  he  appointed  a  junta  of  notables,  who 
proclaimed,  on  June  13,  1843,  an  instrument  which  never  took  the 
name  of  a  constitution,  but  bore  the  mongrel  title  of  "  Bases  of  the 
Political  Organization  of  the  Mexican  Republic."  It  is  essentially 
central  in  its  provisions,  and  while  it  is  as  restrictive  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  religion  as  the  two  former  fundamental  systems,  it  is  even 
less  popular  in  its  general  provisions  than  the  constitution  of  1836. 


Chapter   XXVI 

OUTBREAK   OF   THE   WAR   WITH    UNITED    STATES 

1 843- 1 846 

A  FTER  the  foundation  of  the  new  system  in  1843,  tne  country 
/\  continued  quiet  for  a  while,  and  when  the  Mexican  con- 
X  JLgress  met,  in  January,  1844,  propositions  were  made  by  the 
executive  department  to  carry  out  Santa  Anna's  favorite  project 
of  reconquering  Texas.  It  is  probable  that  there  was  not  much 
sincerity  in  the  president's  desire  to  march  his  troops  into  a  terri- 
tory the  recollection  of  which  must  have  been  at  least  distasteful 
to  him.  There  is  more  reason  to  believe  that  the  large  sum  which  it 
was  necessary  to  appropriate  for  the  expenses  of  the  campaign — the 
management  of  which  would  belong  to  the  administration — was 
the  real  object  he  had  in  view.  Four  millions  were  granted  for  the 
reconquest,  but  when  Santa  Anna  demanded  ten  millions  more 
while  the  first  grant  was  still  uncollected,  the  members  refused  to 
sustain  the  president's  demand.  The  congressmen  were  convinced 
of  that  chieftain's  rapacity,  and  resolved  to  afford  him  no  further 
opportunity  to  plunder  the  people  under  the  guise  of  patriotism. 

Santa  Anna's  sagacious  knowledge  of  his  countrymen  imme- 
diately apprised  him  of  approaching  danger,  and  having  obtained 
permission  from  congress  to  retire  to  his  estate  at  Manga  de  Clavo, 
near  Vera  Cruz,  he  departed  from  the  capital,  leaving  his  friend 
General  Canalizo  as  president  ad  interim.  Hardly  had  he  reached 
his  plantation  in  the  midst  of  friends  and  faithful  troops  when  a 
revolt  burst  out  in  Jalisco,  Aguas  Calientes,  Zacatecas,  Sinaloa, 
and  Sonora  against  his  government,  headed  by  General  Paredes. 
Santa  Anna  rapidly  crossed  the  country  to  suppress  the  rebellion, 
but  as  he  disobeyed  the  constitutional  compact  by  taking  actual 
command  of  the  army  while  he  was  president,  without  the  pre- 
vious assent  of  congress,  he  became  amenable  to  law  for  this  vio- 
lation of  his  oath.  He  was  soon  at  enmity  with  the  rebels  and  with 
the  constitutional  congress,  and  thus  a  threefold  contest  was  car- 
ried on,  chiefly  through  correspondence,  until  January  4,  1845. 
when  Santa  Anna  finally  fell.      He  fled  from  the  insurgents  and 

278 


WAR     WITH     UNITED     STATES  279 

1843-1845 

constitutional  authorities  toward  the  eastern  coast,  but,  being  cap- 
tured at  the  village  of  Jico,  was  conducted  to  Perote,  where  he 
remained  imprisoned  under  a  charge  and  examination  for  treason, 
until  an  amnesty  for  the  late  political  factionists  permitted  him  to 
depart,  May  29,  1845,  w^n  ms  family  for  Havana. 

Upon  Santa  Anna's  ejection  from  the  executive  chair  the  presi- 
dent of  the  council  of  government  became  under  the  laws  of  the 
country  provisional  president  of  the  republic.  This  person  was 
General  Jose  Joaquim  de  Herrera,  during  whose  administration  the 
controversies  rose  which  resulted  in  the  war  between  Mexico  and 
the  United  States. 

The  thread  of  policy  and  action  in  both  countries  is  so  closely 
interwoven  during  this  pernicious  contest  that  the  history  of  the 
war  becomes  in  reality  the  history  of  Mexico  for  the  epoch.  We 
are  therefore  compelled  to  narrate  succinctly  the  circumstances  that 
led  to  that  lamentable  issue. 

The  first  impresario,  or  contractor,  for  the  colonization  of 
Texas  was  Moses  Austin,  a  native  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
who,  as  soon  as  the  treaty  of  limits  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States  was  concluded  in  1819,  conceived  the  project  of  establishing 
a  settlement  in  that  region.  Accordingly  in  1821  he  obtained  from 
the  commandant  general  of  the  Provincias  Internas  permission  to 
introduce  three  hundred  foreign  families.  In  1823  a  national 
colonization  law  was  approved  by  the  Mexican  emperor,  Iturbide, 
during  his  brief  reign,  and  on  February  18  Stephen  F.  Austin,  who 
accepted  the  contract  upon  his  father's  death,  in  carrying  out  the 
project,  was  authorized  to  proceed  with  the  founding  of  the  colony. 
After  the  emperor's  fall  this  decree  was  confirmed  by  the  first 
executive  council  in  conformity  to  the  express  will  of  congress. 

In  1824  the  federal  constitution  of  Mexico  was,  as  we  have 
narrated,  adopted  by  the  republican  representatives  upon  principles 
analogous  to  those  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States;  and 
by  a  decree  of  May  7  Texas  and  Coahuila  were  united  in  a  State. 
In  this  year  another  general  colonization  law  was  enacted  by  con- 
gress, and  foreigners  were  invited  to  the  new  domain  by  a  special 
State  colonization  law  of  Coahuila  and  Texas. 

Under  these  local  laws  and  constitutional  guaranties  large 
numbers  of  foreigners  flocked  to  this  portion  of  Mexico,  opened 
farms,  founded  towns  and  villages,  reoccupied  old  Spanish  settle- 
ments, introduced  improvements  in  agriculture  and  manufactures, 


<280  MEXICO 

1843-1845 

drove  off  the  Indians,  and  formed,  in  fact,  the  nucleus  of  an  enter- 
prising and  progressive  population.  But  there  were  jealousies  be- 
tween the  race  that  invited  the  colonists  and  the  colonists  who  ac- 
cepted the  invitation.  The  central  power  in  the  distant  capital  did 
not  estimate  at  their  just  value  the  independence  of  the  remote  pio- 
neers or  the  State-right  sovereignty  to  which  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed in  their  former  home  in  the  United  States.  Mexico  was 
convulsed  by  revolutions,  but  the  lonely  residents  of  Texas  paid 
no  attention  to  the  turmoils  of  the  factionists.  At  length,  however, 
direct  acts  of  interference  upon  the  part  of  the  national  government, 
not  only  by  its  ministerial  agents,  but  by  its  legislature,  excited  the 
mingled  alarm  and  indignation  of  the  colonists,  who  imagined  that 
in  sheltering  themselves  under  a  republic  they  were  protected  as 
amply  as  they  would  have  been  under  the  constitution  of  the  North 
American  Union.  In  this  they  were  disappointed;  for  in  1830  an 
arbitrary  enactment — based  no  doubt  upon  a  jealous  dread  of  the 
growing  value  and  size  of  a  colony  which  formed  a  link  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico,  stretching  from  Louisiana  to  Ta- 
maulipas  on  the  south — prohibited  entirely  the  future  immigration 
of  American  settlers  into  Coahuila  and  Texas.  To  enforce  this 
decree  and  to  watch  the  loyalty  of  the  actual  inhabitants,  military 
posts  composed  of  rude  and  ignorant  Mexican  soldiers  were 
sprinkled  over  the  country.  And  at  last  the  people  of  Texas  found 
themselves  entirely  under  military  control. 

This  suited  neither  the  principles  nor  tastes  of  the  colonists, 
who,  in  1832,  took  arms  against  this  warlike  interference  with  their 
municipal  liberty,  and  after  capturing  the  fort  at  Velasco,  reduced 
to  submission  the  garrisons  at  Anahuac  and  Nacogdoches.  The 
separate  State  constitution  which  had  been  promised  Texas  in  1824 
was  never  sanctioned  by  the  Mexican  congress,  though  the  colo- 
nists prepared  the  charter  and  were  duly  qualified  for  admission. 
But  the  crisis  arrived  when  the  centralists  of  1835  overthrew  the 
federal  constitution  of  1824.  Several  Mexican  States  rose  inde- 
pendently against  the  despotic  act.  Zacatecas  fought  bravely  for 
her  rights,  and  saw  her  people  basely  slain  by  the  myrmidons  of 
Santa  Anna.  The  legislature  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  was  dispersed 
by  the  military;  and  at  last  the  whole  republic,  save  the  pertina- 
cious North  Americans,  yielded  to  the  armed  power  of  the  resolute 
oppressor. 

The  alarmed  settlers  gathered  together  as  quickly  as  they  could 


WAR     WITH     UNITED     STATES  281 

1843-1845 

and  resolved  to  stand  by  their  federative  rights  under  the  charter 
whose  guaranties  allured  them  into  Mexico.  Meetings  were  held  in 
all  the  settlements,  and  a  union  was  formed  by  means  of  correspon- 
dence. Arms  were  next  resorted  to,  and  the  Texans  were  victorious 
at  Gonzales,  Goliad,  Bejar,  Concepcion,  Lepantitlan,  San  Patricio, 
and  San  Antonio.  In  November  they  met  in  consultation,  and  in 
an  able,  resolute,  and  dignified  paper  declared  that  they  had  only 
taken  up  arms  in  defense  of  the  constitution  of  1824;  that  their 
object  was  to  continue  loyal  to  the  confederacy  if  laws  were  made 
for  the  guardianship  of  their  political  rights,  and  that  they  offered 
their  lives  and  arms  in  aid  of  other  members  of  the  republic  who 
would  rightfully  rise  against  the  military  despotism. 

But  the  other  States,  in  which  there  was  no  infusion  of  North 
Americans  or  Europeans,  refused  to  second  this  hardy  handful  of 
pioneers.  Mexico  will  not  do  justice,  in  any  of  her  commentaries 
on  the  Texan  war,  to  the  motives  of  the  colonists.  Charging  them 
with  an  original  and  long-meditated  design  to  rob  the  republic  of 
one  of  its  most  valuable  provinces,  she  forgets  entirely,  or  glosses 
over,  the  military  acts  of  Santa  Anna's  invading  army  in  March, 
1836,  at  the  Alamo  and  Goliad,  which  converted  resistance  into 
revenge.  After  those  disgraceful  scenes  of  carnage  peace  was  no 
longer  possible.  Santa  Anna  imagined,  no  doubt,  that  he  would 
terrify  the  settlers  into  submission  if  he  could  not  drive  them  from 
the  soil.  But  he  mistook  both  their  fortitude  and  their  force;  and 
after  the  fierce  encounter  at  San  Jacinto,  on  April  21,  1836,  with 
Houston  and  his  army,  the  power  of  Mexico  over  the  insurgent 
State  was  effectually  and  forever  broken. 

After  Santa  Anna  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  Texans  in 
this  fatal  encounter,  and  was  released  and  sent  home  through  the 
United  States  in  order  to  fulfill  his  promise  to  secure  the  recognition 
of  Texan  independence,  the  colonists  diligently  began  the  work  of 
creating  for  themselves  a  distinct  nationality,  for  they  failed  in  all 
their  early  attempts  to  incorporate  themselves  with  the  United 
States  during  the  administrations  of  Jackson  and  Van  Buren.  These 
presidents  were  scrupulous  and  faithful  guardians  of  national 
honor,  while  they  respected  the  Mexican  right  of  reconquest.  Their 
natural  sympathies  were  of  course  yielded  to  Texas,  but  their  exec- 
utive duties,  the  faith  of  treaties,  and  the  sanctions  of  international 
law  forbade  their  acceding  to  the  proposed  union.  Texas  accord- 
ingly established  a  national  government,  elected  her  officers,  regu- 


282  MEXICO 

1843-1845 

lated  her  trade,  formed  her  army  and  navy,  maintained  her  frontier 
secure  from  assault,  and  was  recognized  as,  de  facto,  an  independ- 
ent sovereignty  by  the  United  States,  England,  France,  and  Bel- 
gium. But  these  efforts  of  the  infant  republic  did  not  end  in  mere 
preparations  for  a  separate  political  existence  and  future  commer- 
cial wealth.  The  rich  soil  of  the  lowlands  among  the  numerous 
rivers  that  veined  the  whole  region  soon  attracted  large  accessions 
of  immigrants,  and  the  trade  of  Texas  began  to  assume  significance 
in  the  markets  of  the  world. 

Meanwhile  Mexico  busied  herself  at  home  in  revolutions,  or 
in  gathering  funds  and  creating  armies  destined,  as  the  authorities 
professed,  to  reconquer  the  lost  province.  Yet  all  these  military 
and  financial  efforts  were  never  rendered  available  in  the  field,  and 
in  reality  no  adequate  force  ever  marched  toward  the  frontier.  The 
men  and  money  raised  through  the  services  and  contributions  of 
credulous  citizens  were  actually  designed  to  figure  in  the  domestic 
drama  of  political  power  in  the  capital.  No  hostilities  of  any  sig- 
nificance occurred  between  the  revolutionists  and  the  Mexicans 
after  1836,  for  we  cannot  regard  the  Texan  expedition  to  Santa  Fe, 
or  the  Mexican  assault  upon  the  town  of  Mier,  as  belligerent  acts 
deserving  consideration  as  grave  efforts  made  to  assert  or  secure 
national  rights. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  things  from  1836  until  1844,  during 
the  whole  of  which  period  Texas  exhibited  to  the  world  a  far  better 
aspect  of  well  regulated  sovereignty  than  Mexico  herself.  On 
April  12  of  that  year,  more  than  seven  years  after  Texas  had  estab- 
lished her  independence,  a  treaty  was  concluded  by  President  Tyler 
with  the  representatives  of  Texas  for  the  annexation  of  that  republic 
to  the  United  States.  In  March,  1845,  Congress  passed  a  joint 
resolution  annexing  Texas  to  the  Union  upon  certain  reasonable 
conditions,  which  were  acceded  to  by  that  nation,  whose  convention 
erected  a  suitable  State  constitution,  with  which  it  became  finally  a 
member  of  the  Union.  In  the  meantime  the  envoys  of  France 
and  England  had  opened  negotiations  for  the  recognition  of  Texan 
independence,  which  terminated  successfully;  but  when  they  an- 
nounced their  triumph,  on  May  20,  1845,  Texas  had  already 
been  annexed  conditionally  to  the  United  States  by  the  Act  of 
Congress. 

The  joint  resolution  of  annexation  passed  by  Congress  was 
protested  against  by  General  Almonte,  the  Mexican  minister  at 


WAR     WITH     UNITED     STATES  283 

1845 

that  period  in  Washington,  as  an  act  of  aggression,  "  the  most 
unjust  which  can  be  found  in  the  annals  of  modern  history,"  and 
designed  to  despoil  a  friendly  nation  of  a  considerable  portion  of 
her  territory.  He  announced,  in  consequence,  the  termination  of 
his  mission,  and  demanded  his  passports  to  leave  the  country.  In 
Mexico  soon  after  a  bitter  and  badly  conducted  correspondence 
took  place  between  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  and  Shannon, 
the  United  States  envoy.  And  thus  within  a  brief  period  these 
two  nations  found  themselves  unrepresented  in  each  other's  capital 
and  on  the  eve  of  a  serious  dispute. 

But  the  government  of  the  United  States — still  sincerely  anx- 
ious to  preserve  peace,  or  at  least  willing  to  try  every  effort  to 
soothe  the  irritated  Mexicans  and  keep  the  discussion  in  the  cabinet 
rather  than  transfer  it  to  the  battlefield — determined  to  use  the 
kindly  efforts  of  its  consul,  who  still  remained  in  the  capital,  to 
seek  an  opportunity  for  the  renewal  of  friendly  intercourse.  This 
officer  was  accordingly  directed  to  visit  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  and  ascertain  from  the  Mexican  Government  whether  it 
would  receive  an  envoy  from  the  United  States  invested  with  full 
power  to  adjust  all  the  questions  in  dispute  between  the  two 
governments.  The  invitation  was  received  with  apparent  good 
will,  and  in  October,  1845,  the  Mexican  Government  agreed  to 
receive  one,  commissioned  with  full  powers  to  settle  the  dispute  in 
a  peaceful,  reasonable,  and  honorable  manner. 

As  soon  as  this  intelligence  reached  the  United  States  John 
Slidell  was  dispatched  as  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  on  the  supposed  mission  of  peace;  but  when  he 
reached  Vera  Cruz  in  November  he  found  the  aspect  of  affairs 
changed.  The  government  of  Herrera,  with  which  the  consul's 
arrangement  had  been  made,  was  tottering.  General  Paredes,  a 
leader  popular  with  the  people  and  the  army,  availing  himself  of 
the  general  animosity  against  Texas  and  the  alleged  desire  of 
Herrera's  cabinet  to  make  peace  with  the  United  States,  had  deter- 
mined to  overthrow  the  constitutional  government.  There  is 
scarcely  a  doubt  that  Herrera  and  his  ministers  were  originally  sin- 
cere in  their  desire  to  settle  the  international  difficulty,  and  to 
maintain  the  spirit  of  the  contract  they  had  made.  But  the  internal 
danger  with  which  they  were  menaced  by  the  army  and  its  dar- 
ing demagogue  induced  them  to  prevaricate  as  soon  as  Slidell 
presented  his  credentials  for  reception.     All  their  pretexts  were  in 


284  MEXICO 

1845 

reality  frivolous,  when  we  consider  the  serious  results  which  were  to 
flow  from  their  enunciation.  The  principal  argument  against  the 
reception  of  the  minister  was  that  his  commission  constituted  him 
a  regular  envoy,  and  that  he  was  not  confined  to  the  discussion  of 
the  Texan  question  alone.  Such  a  mission,  the  authorities  alleged, 
placed  the  countries  at  once  diplomatically  upon  an  equal  and  ordi- 
nary footing  of  peace,  and  their  objection  therefore,  if  it  had  any 
force  at  all,  was  to  the  fact  that  the  United  States  exhibited  through 
the  credentials  of  its  envoy  the  strongest  evidence  that  one  nation 
can  give  to  another  of  perfect  amity !  There  were,  in  truth,  no  ques- 
tions in  dispute,  except  boundary  and  indemnity;  for  Texas  as  a 
sovereignty  acknowledged  not  only  by  the  acts  of  the  United 
States  and  of  European  powers,  but  in  consequence  of  her  own 
maintenance  of  perfect  nationality  and  independence,  had  a  right 
to  annex  herself  to  the  United  States.  The  consent  of  Mexico  to 
acknowledge  her  independence  in  1845,  under  certain  conditions, 
effectually  proved  this  fact  beyond  dispute. 

While  the  correspondence  between  Slidell  and  the  Mexican 
ministry  was  going  on  Paredes  continued  his  hostile  demonstra- 
tions, and  on  December  30,  1845,  President  Herrera,  who  anxiously 
desired  to  avoid  bloodshed,  resigned  the  executive  chair  to  him 
without  a  struggle.  Feeble  as  was  the  hope  of  success  with  the  new 
authorities,  the  United  States,  still  anxious  to  close  the  contest 
peacefully,  directed  Slidell  to  renew  the  proposal  for  his  reception 
to  Paredes.  These  instructions  he  executed  on  March  1,  1846,  but 
his  request  was  refused  by  the  Mexican  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
on  the  1 2th  of  that  month,  and  the  minister  was  forthwith  obliged 
to  return  from  his  unsuccessful  mission. 

All  the  public  documents  and  addresses  of  Paredes  made  dur- 
ing the  early  movements  of  his  revolution  and  administration 
breathe  the  deadliest  animosity  to  the  United  States.  He  invokes 
the  god  of  battles  and  calls  the  world  to  witness  the  valor  of  Mexi- 
can arms.  The  revolution  which  raised  him  to  power  was  declared 
to  be  sanctioned  by  the  people,  who  were  impatient  for  another 
war  in  which  they  might  avenge  the  aggressions  of  a  government 
that  sought  to  prostrate  them.  Preparations  were  made  for  a 
Texan  campaign.  Loans  were  raised,  and  large  bodies  of  troops 
were  moved  to  the  frontiers.  General  Arista,  suspected  of  kind- 
ness to  the  United  States,  was  superseded  in  the  north  by  General 
Ampudia,  who  arrived  at  Matamoros  on  April  11.  1846,  with  200 


WAR     WITH     UNITED     STATES  285 

1846-1846 

cavalry,  followed  by  2000  men,  to  be  united  with  the  large  body  of 
soldiery  already  in  Matamoros. 

These  military  demonstrations  denoted  the  unquestionable 
design  and  will  of  Paredes,  who  had  acquired  supreme  power  by  a 
revolution  founded  upon  the  solemn  pledge  of  hostility  against  the 
United  States  and  reconquest  of  Texas.  His  military  life  in  Mex- 
ico made  him  a  despot.  He  had  no  confidence  in  the  ability  of  his 
fellow-citizens  to  govern  themselves.  He  believed  republicanism 
a  Utopian  dream  of  his  visionary  countrymen.  Free  discussion 
through  the  press  was  prohibited  during  his  short  rule,  and  his 
satellites  advocated  the  establishment  of  a  throne  to  be  occupied 
by  a  European  prince.  These  circumstances  induced  the  United 
States  to  believe  that  any  counter-revolution  in  Mexico  which 
might  destroy  the  ambitious  and  unpatriotic  project  of  Paredes 
would  promote  the  cause  of  peace,  and  accordingly  it  saw  with 
pleasure  the  prospect  of  a  new  outbreak  which  might  result  in 
the  downfall  and  total  destruction  of  its  greatest  enemy  on  the 
soil  of  the  sister  republic. 

While  Slidell  was  negotiating  and,  in  consequence  of  the 
anticipated  failure  of  his  effort  to  be  received — as  was  clearly 
indicated  by  the  conduct  of  the  Mexican  Government  upon  his 
arrival  in  the  capital — General  Taylor,  who  had  been  stationed 
at  Corpus  Christi,  in  Texas,  since  the  fall  of  1845,  with  a  body 
of  regular  troops,  was  directed,  on  January  13,  1846,  to  move 
his  men  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande.  He  accordingly  left  his 
encampment  on  March  8,  and  on  the  25th  reached  Point  Isabel, 
having  encountered  no  serious  opposition  on  the  way.  The  march 
to  the  Rio  Grande  has  been  made  the  subject  of  complaint  by  poli- 
ticians in  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  who  believed  that  the 
territory  lying  between  that  river  and  the  Nueces  was  not  the 
property  of  Texas.  But  inasmuch  as  Mexico  still  continued  vehe- 
mently to  assert  her  political  right  over  the  whole  of  Texas,  the 
occupation  of  any  part  of  its  soil  south  of  the  Sabine  by  American 
troops  was  in  that  aspect  of  the  case  quite  as  much  an  infringement 
of  Mexican  sovereignty  as  the  march  of  the  troops  from  the  Nueces 
to  the  Rio  Grande. 

As  it  is  important  that  the  reader  should  understand  the  orig- 
inal title  to  Louisiana,  under  which  the  boundary  of  the  Rio  Grande 
was  claimed  first  of  all  for  that  State,  and  subsequently  for  Texas, 
we  shall  relate  its  history  in  a  summary  manner. 


286  MEXICO 

1845-1846 

Louisiana  had  been  the  property  of  France,  and  by  a  secret 
contract  between  that  country  and  Spain  in  1762,  as  well  as  by 
treaties  between  France,  Spain,  and  England  in  the  following  year, 
the  French  dominion  was  extinguished  on  the  continent  of  America. 
In  consequence  of  the  treaty  between  the  Union  and  England  in 
1783  the  Mississippi  became  the  western  boundary  of  the  United 
States,  from  its  source  to  the  thirty-first  degree  of  north  latitude, 
and  thence,  on  the  same  parallel,  to  the  St.  Mary's.  France,  it  will 
be  remembered,  had  always  claimed  dominion  in  Louisiana  to  the 
Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  or  Rio  Grande,  by  virtue : 

First.  Of  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi  from  near  its  source 
to  the  ocean. 

Second.  Of  the  possession  taken  and  establishment  made  by 
La  Salle  at  the  Bay  of  Saint  Bernard,  west  of  the  River  Trinity  and 
Colorado,  by  authority  of  Louis  XIV.  in  1635 — notwithstanding 
the  subsequent  destruction  of  the  colony. 

Third.  Of  the  charter  of  Louis  XIV.  to  Crozat  in  171 2. 

Fourth.  Of  the  historical  authority  of  Du  Pratz,  Champigny, 
and  the  Comte  de  Vergennes. 

Fifth.  Of  the  authority  of  De  Lisle's  map,  and  of  the  map 
published  in  1762  by  Don  Thomas  Lopez,  geographer  to  the  King 
of  Spain,  as  well  as  of  various  other  maps,  atlases,  and  geographical 
authorities. 

By  an  article  of  the  secret  Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso  in  October, 
1800,  Spain  retroceded  Louisiana  to  France,  but  this  treaty  was 
not  promulgated  until  the  beginning  of  1802.  The  paragraph  of 
cession  is  as  follows:  "His  Catholic  Majesty  engages  to  retrocede 
to  the  French  Republic,  six  months  after  the  full  and  entire  execu- 
tion of  the  conditions  and  stipulations  above  recited  relative  to  his 
Royal  Highness,  the  Duke  of  Parma,  the  colony  and  province  of 
Louisiana,  with  the  same  extent  that  it  already  has  in  the  hands  of 
Spain,  and  that  it  had  when  France  possessed  it,  and  such  as  it 
should  be  after  the  treaties  passed  subsequently  between  Spain  and 
other  powers."  In  1803  Bonaparte,  the  first  consul  of  the  French 
Republic,  ceded  Louisiana  to  the  United  States  as  fully  and  in  the 
same  manner  at  it  had  been  retroceded  to  France  by  Spain  under 
the  Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso;  and  by  virtue  of  this  same  grant 
Madison,  Monroe,  Adams,  Clay,  Van  Buren,  Jackson,  and  Polk 
contended  that  the  original  limit  of  the  new  State  had  been  the  Rio 
Grande.     However,  by  the  third  article  of  the  treaty  of  1819  be- 


WAR     WITH     UNITED     STATES  287 

1846 

tween  Spain  and  the  United  States,  all  pretensions  to  extend  the 
territory  of  Louisiana  toward  Mexico  on  the  Rio  Grande  were 
abandoned  by  adopting  the  River  Sabine  as  the  boundary  in  that 
quarter. 

The  Mexican  authorities  upon  this  subject  are  either  silent 
or  doubtful.  No  light  is  to  be  gathered  from  the  geographical 
researches  of  Humboldt,  whose  elucidations  of  New  Spain  are  in 
many  respects  the  fullest  and  most  satisfactory.  In  the  year  1835 
Stephen  Austin  published  a  map  of  Texas,  representing  the  Nueces 
as  the  western  confine,  and  in  1836  General  Almonte,  the  former 
minister  from  Mexico  to  the  United  States,  published  a  memoir  upon 
Texas  in  which,  while  describing  the  Texan  department  of  Bejar, 
he  says,  "  that  notwithstanding  it  has  been  hitherto  believed  that 
the  Rio  de  las  Nueces  is  the  dividing  line  of  Coahuila  and  Texas, 
inasmuch  as  it  is  always  thus  represented  on  maps,  I  am  informed 
by  the  government  of  the  State  that  geographers  have  been  in  error 
upon  this  subject;  and  that  the  true  line  should  commence  at  the 
mouth  of  the  River  Aransaso,  and  follow  it  to  its  source ;  thence  it 
should  continue  by  a  straight  line  until  it  strikes  the  junction  of  the 
Rivers  Medina  and  San  Antonio,  and  then,  pursuing  the  east  bank 
of  the  Medina  to  its  headwaters,  it  should  terminate  on  the  confines 
of  Chihuahua."  * 

The  true  origin  of  the  Mexican  War  was  not  this  march  of 
Taylor  and  his  troops  from  the  Nueces  to  the  Rio  Grande  through 
the  debatable  land.  The  American  and  Mexican  troops  were 
brought  face  to  face  by  the  act,  and  hostilities  were  the  natural 
result  after  the  exciting  annoyances  upon  the  part  of  the  Mexican 
Government  which  followed  the  union  of  Texas  with  the  United 
States.  Besides  this,  General  Paredes,  the  usurping  president,  had 
already  declared  in  Mexico,  on  April  18,  1846,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  the  commanding  officer  on  the  northern  frontier,  that  he  supposed 
him  at  the  head  of  a  valiant  army  on  the  theater  of  action ;  and  that 
it  was  indispensable  to  commence  hostilities,  the  Mexicans  them- 
selves taking  the  initiative ! 

We  believe  that  the  United  States  and  its  rulers  earnestly 
desired  honorable  peace,  though  they  did  not  shun  the  alternative 
of  war.  It  was  impossible  to  permit  a  conterminous  neighbor  who 
owed  them  large  sums  of  money,  and  was  hostile  to  the  newly 
adopted  State,  to  select  unopposed  her  mode  and  moment  of  attack. 

x"  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  la  Guerra  de  Tefas,"  vol.  II.  p.  543. 


288  MEXICO 

1846 

Mexico  would  neither  resign  her  pretensions  upon  Texas,  negotiate, 
receive  a  minister,  nor  remain  at  peace.  She  would  neither  de- 
clare war  nor  cultivate  friendship,  and  the  result  was  that  when 
the  armies  approached  each  other  but  little  time  was  lost  in  resort- 
ing to  the  cannon  and  the  sword. 

As  soon  as  General  Taylor  reached  the  Rio  Grande  he  left  a 
command  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and,  taking  post  opposite 
Matamoros,  erected  a  fort,  the  guns  of  which  bore  directly  upon 
the  city.  The  Mexicans,  whose  artillery  might  have  been  brought 
to  play  upon  the  works  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  made 
no  hostile  demonstration  against  the  left  bank  for  some  time,  nor 
did  they  interrupt  the  construction  of  the  fort.  Reinforcements, 
however,  were  constantly  arriving  in  the  city.  Ampudia  and  Arista 
were  there.  Interviews  were  held  between  the  Mexican  authorities 
and  American  officers,  in  which  the  latter  were  ordered  to  retire 
from  the  soil  it  was  alleged  they  were  usurping.  But  as  this  was  a 
diplomatic,  and  not  a  military,  question,  General  Taylor  resolved  to 
continue  in  position,  though  his  forces  were  perhaps  inadequate  to 
contend  with  the  augmenting  numbers  of  the  foe.  He  examined 
the  country  thoroughly  by  his  scouting  parties  and  pushed  his  re- 
connoissances  on  the  left  bank  from  Point  Isabel  to  some  distance 
beyond  his  encampment  opposite  Matamoros.  While  engaged  in 
this  service  some  of  his  officers  and  men  were  captured  or  killed  by 
the  ranchero  cavalry  of  the  enemy,  and  on  April  24  Captain  Thorn- 
ton, who  had  been  sent  to  observe  the  country  above  the  encampment 
with  sixty-three  dragoons,  fell  into  an  ambuscade,  out  of  which 
they  endeavored  to  cut  their  way,  but  were  forced  to  surrender 
with  a  loss  of  sixteen  killed  and  wounded.  This  was  the  first  blood 
spilled  in  actual  conflict. 

Meanwhile  in  the  United  States  the  news  of  Taylor's  supposed 
danger,  greatly  exaggerated  by  rumor,  was  spread  far  and  wide. 
An  actual  war  had  perhaps  not  been  seriously  apprehended.  Taylor 
had  been  expressly  commanded  to  refrain  from  aggression.  It  was 
supposed  that  the  mere  presence  of  the  troops  on  the  frontier  would 
preserve  Texas  from  invasion,  and  that  negotiations  would  ulti- 
mately terminate  the  dispute.  This  is  the  only  ground  upon  which 
we  can  reasonably  account  for  the  apparent  carelessness  of  the 
government  in  not  placing  a  force  upon  the  Rio  Grande  adequate 
to  encounter  all  the  opposing  array.  Congress  was  in  session  when 
the  news   reached  Washington.      The  president   immediately  an- 


WAR     WITH     UNITED     STATES  289 

1846 

nounced  the  fact,  and  on  May  13,  1846,  ten  millions  of  dollars  were 
appropriated  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  fifty  thousand  volunteers 
were  ordered  to  be  raised.  An  "  Army  of  the  West  "  was  directed 
to  be  formed  under  command  of  Kearny,  at  Fort  Leavenworth 
on  the  Missouri,  which  was  to  cross  the  country  to  the  Pacific,  after 
capturing  New  Mexico.  An  "  Army  of  the  Center,"  under  General 
Wool,  was  to  assemble  at  San  Antonio  de  Be  jar,  whence  it  was  to 
march  upon  the  Coahuila  and  Chihuahua,  and  while  the  middle 
portion  and  the  west  of  Mexico  were  penetrated  by  these  officers, 
it  was  designed  that  Taylor  should  make  war  on  the  northern  and 
eastern  States  of  the  Mexican  Republic.  In  addition  to  these 
orders  to  the  army,  the  naval  forces,  under  Commodores  Stockton 
and  Sloat  in  the  Pacific  and  Commodore  Conner  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  were  commanded  to  cooperate  with  the  land  forces,  to 
harass  the  enemy,  and  to  aid  with  all  their  power  in  the  subjugation 
and  capture  of  Mexican  property  and  territory. 

Immediately  after  Thornton's  surrender  General  Taylor,  avail- 
ing himself  of  authority  with  which  he  had  been  invested  to  call 
upon  the  governors  of  Louisiana  and  Texas  for  military  aid, 
demanded  four  regiments  of  volunteers  from  each  State,  for  the 
country  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Rio  Grande  was  alive  with 
belligerent  Mexicans.  He  then  visited  the  fortifications  opposite 
Matamoros,  and,  finding  the  garrison  but  scantily  supplied  with 
provisions,  hastened  back  to  Point  Isabel  with  a  formidable  escort, 
and  obtaining  the  requisite  rations,  commenced  his  march  back  to 
Matamoros  and  the  fort  on  May  7.  But  in  the  interval  General 
Arista  had  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  with  his  forces,  and  on  the  8th 
Taylor  encountered  him,  drawn  up  in  battle  array  at  Palo  Alto 
and  ready  to  dispute  his  passage  along  the  road.  A  sharp  engage- 
ment ensued  between  the  two  armies  from  two  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon until  nearly  dark,  when  the  Mexicans  withdrew  from  the 
action  for  the  night.  The  total  American  force  in  this  affair, 
according  to  official  reports,  was  2228,  while  that  of  Mexico, 
according  to  the  admission  of  the  officers,  amounted  to  6000  reg- 
ulars, with  a  large  and  probably  undisciplined  force  drawn  at 
random  from  the  country. 

The  night  of  the  8th  was  passed  with  some  anxiety  in  the 
American  camp,  for  the  fierce  conflict  of  the  day  induced  many 
prudent  officers  to  believe  it  best  either  to  return  to  Point  Isabel  or 
await  reinforcements  before  again  giving  battle  to  the  enemy.   Gen- 


290  MEXICO 

1846 

eral  Taylor  heard  and  weighed  the  opinions  of  his  most  reliable 
officers,  but  after  due  reflection  determined  to  advance.  The  condi- 
tion of  the  fort  opposite  Matamoros  demanded  his  urgent  aid.  The 
moral  effect  of  a  retreat  would  be  great  at  the  commencement  of  a 
war,  both  on  Mexico  and  on  the  United  States  troops;  and  more- 
over he  had  perfect  confidence  in  the  disciplined  regulars  who  sus- 
tained so  nobly  the  brunt  of  the  first  battle. 

Accordingly  the  troops  were  advanced  early  on  the  9th,  for 
they  found  at  daydawn  that  the  Mexicans  had  abandoned  Palo 
Alto  for  a  stronger  position  nearer  the  center  of  action  and  interest 
at  Matamoros.  After  advancing  cautiously,  in  readiness  for  imme- 
diate battle,  they  came  up  with  the  Mexicans  in  the  Resaca  de  la 
Palma,  or,  as  it  is  properly  called,  La  Resaca  del  Guerrero — the 
"  Ravine  of  the  Warrior  " — which  afforded  them  a  natural  defense 
against  an  approach  along  the  road.  The  ravine  curved  across 
the  highway  and  was  flanked  by  masses  of  prickly  plants,  aloes,  and 
undergrowth  matted  into  impenetrable  thickets,  known  in  Mexico 
as  "  chapparal."  The  action  was  begun  by  the  infantry  in  skir- 
mishes with  the  foe,  and  after  the  center  of  the  position  on  the  road 
had  been  severely  harassed  and  damaged  by  the  flying  artillery. 
a  gallant  charge  of  the  dragoons  broke  the  Mexican  lines  and 
opened  a  pathway  to  Matamoros.  The  engagement  lasted  a  short 
time  after  this  combined  movement  of  artillery  and  cavalry,  but 
before  nightfall  the  enemy  was  in  full  flight  to  the  river  and  the 
garrison  at  the  fort  joyously  relieved.  In  the  interval  this  position 
had  been  bombarded  and  cannonaded  by  the  Mexicans  from  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  its  commanding  officer  slain.  In 
memory  of  his  valiant  defense  the  place  has  been  honored  with  the 
name  of  Fort  Brown. 

After  General  Taylor  had  occupied  Matamoros  on  May  18 — 
and  he  was  only  prevented  from  capturing  it  and  all  the  Mexican 
forces  and  ammunition  on  the  night  of  the  9th  by  the  want  of  a 
pontoon  train,  which  he  had  vainly  demanded — he  established  his 
base-line  for  future  operations  in  the  interior  along  the  Rio  Grande, 
extending  several  hundred  miles  near  that  stream.  His  task  of 
organizing,  accepting,  or  rejecting  the  multitudes  of  recruits  who 
flocked  to  his  standard  was  not  only  oppressive,  but  difficult,  for  he 
found  it  hard  to  disappoint  the  patriotic  fervor  of  hundreds  who 
were  anxious  to  engage  in  the  war.  The  quartermaster's  depart- 
ment, too,  was  one  of  incessant  toil  and  anxietv;  because,  called 


WAR     WITH     UNITED     STATES  291 

1846 

unexpectedly  and  for  the  first  time  into  active  service  in  the  field, 
it  was  comparatively  unprepared  to  answer  the  multitude  of  requisi- 
tions that  were  daily  made  upon  it  by  the  government,  the  general 
officers,  and  the  recruits.  The  whole  material  of  a  campaign  was 
to  be  rapidly  created.  Money  was  to  be  raised,  steamers  bought, 
ships  chartered,  wagons  built  and  transported,  levies  brought  to  the 
field  of  action,  and  munitions  of  war  and  provisions  distributed  over 
the  whole  vast  territory  which  it  was  designed  to  occupy!  While 
these  things  were  going  on  the  whole  country  was  aroused  and 
most  eager  for  action. 

Nor  was  the  United  States  inattentive  to  the  internal  politics  of 
Mexico.  It  perceived  at  once  that  there  was  no  hope  of  effecting  a 
peace  with  the  administration  of  Paredes,  whose  bitter  hostility  was 
of  course  not  mitigated  by  the  first  successes  of  the  American  arms. 
Santa  Anna,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  left  Mexico  after  the  am- 
nesty in  1845,  and  it  was  known  there  was  open  hostility  between 
him  and  Paredes,  who  had  contributed  so  greatly  to  his  downfall. 
Information  was  moreover  received  from  reliable  sources  in  Wash- 
ington that  a  desire  prevailed  in  the  republic  to  recall  the  banished 
chief  and  to  seat  him  once  more  in  the  presidential  chair;  and  at 
the  same  time  there  was  cause  to  believe  that  if  he  again  obtained 
supreme  power  he  would  not  be  averse  to  accommodate  matters 
upon  a  satisfactory  basis  between  the  countries.  Orders  were 
accordingly  issued  to  Commodore  Conner,  who  commanded  the 
squadron  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  offer  no  impediment  if  Santa 
Anna  approached  the  coast  with  a  design  of  entering  Mexico.  The 
exiled  president  was  duly  apprised  of  these  facts,  and.  when  the 
revolution  actually  occurred  in  his  favor  in  the  following  summer 
and  his  rival  fell  from  power,  he  availed  himself  of  the  order  to 
pass  the  lines  of  the  blockading  squadron  at  Vera  Cruz. 

After  General  Taylor  had  completely  made  his  preparations  to 
advance  into  the  interior  along  his  base  on  the  Rio  Grande,  he 
moved  forward  gradually,  capturing  and  garrisoning  all  the  impor- 
tant posts  along  the  river.  At  length  the  main  body  of  the  army, 
under  Worth  and  Taylor,  reached  the  neighborhood  of  Monterey, 
the  capital  of  the  State  of  New  Leon,  situated  at  the  foot  of  the 
Sierra  Madre  on  a  plain,  but  in  a  position  which  would  enable  it 
to  make  a  stout  resistance,  especially  as  it  was  understood  that  the 
Mexican  army  had  gathered  itself  up  in  this  stronghold,  which  was 
the  key  of  the  northern  provinces  and  on  the  main  highway  to  the 


WS  M  E  X  I  C  O 

1846 

interior,  in  order  to  strike  a  deathblow  at  the  invaders.  On  Sep- 
tember 5  the  divisions  concentrated  at  Marin,  and  on  the  9th  they 
advanced  to  the  Walnut  Springs,  which  afterward  became  for 
so  long  a  period  the  headquarters  of  the  gallant  "  Army  of 
Occupation." 

Reconnoissances  of  the  adjacent  country  were  immediately 
made,  and  it  was  resolved  to  attack  the  city  by  a  bold  movement 
toward  its  southern  side  that  would  cut  off  its  communication 
through  the  gap  in  the  mountains  by  which  the  road  led  to  Saltillo. 
Accordingly  General  Worth  was  detached  on  this  difficult  but  hon- 
orable service  with  a  strong  and  reliable  corps,  and,  after  excessive 
toil,  hard  fighting,  and  wonderful  endurance  upon  the  part  of  his 
men,  the  desired  object  was  successfully  gained.  An  unfinished  and 
fortified  edifice  called  the  Bishop's  Palace,  on  the  summit  of  a  steep 
hill,  was  stormed  and  taken,  and  thus  an  important  vantage  ground 
commanding  the  city  by  a  plunging  shot  was  secured. 

Meanwhile  General  Taylor,  seeking  to  withdraw  or  distract 
the  enemy  from  his  designs  on  the  southern  and  western  sides  of 
the  city,  made  a  movement  under  General  Butler,  of  Kentucky,  upon 
its  northern  front.  What  was  probably  designed  only  as  a  feint 
soon  became  a  severe  and  deadly  conflict.  The  men,  especially  the 
volunteers,  eager  to  flesh  their  swords  in  the  first  conflict  with  which 
the  war  indulged  them,  rushed  into  the  city,  which  seems  to  have 
been  amply  prepared  in  that  quarter  with  barricades,  forts,  loop- 
holes, and  every  means  of  defense  suitable  for  the  narrow  streets 
and  flat-roofed  and  parapeted  houses  of  a  Spanish  town.  After 
the  first  deadly  onset  there  was,  of  course,  no  intention  or  desire  to 
abandon  the  conflict,  fatal  as  its  prosecution  might  ultimately  be- 
come. On  they  fought  from  street  to  street,  and  house  to  house, 
and  yard  to  yard,  until  night  closed  over  the  dying  and  the  dead. 
On  the  second  day  a  different  system  of  approach  was  adopted. 
Instead  of  risking  life  in  the  street,  which  was  raked  from  end  to 
end  by  artillery  or  rendered  untenable  by  the  hidden  marksmen  who 
shot  from  behind  the  walls  of  the  housetops,  the  forces  were 
thrown  into  the  dwellings,  and  breaking  onward  through  walls 
and  enclosures,  gradually  mined  their  way  toward  the  plaza  or  great 
square  of  Monterey. 

Thus  both  divisions  under  the  eyes  of  Worth,  Butler,  and  Tay- 
lor successfully  performed  their  assigned  tasks,  until  it  became 
evident  to  the  Mexicans  that  their  town  must  fall,  and  that  if  finally 


WAR     WITH     UNITED     STATES  293 

1846 

taken  by  the  sword  it  would  be  given  up  to  utter  destruction  and 
pillage.  A  capitulation  was  therefore  proposed  by  Ampudia,  who 
stipulated  for  the  withdrawal  of  his  forces  and  an  armistice.  The 
United  States  force  was  in  no  condition  to  seize,  hold,  and  support 
a  large  body  of  prisoners  of  war,  nor  was  it  prepared  immediately 
to  follow  up  the  victory  by  penetrating  the  interior.  General 
Taylor,  who  was  resolved  not  to  shed  a  single  drop  of  needless 
blood  in  the  campaign,  granted  the  terms;  and  thus  this  strong 
position,  garrisoned  by  nearly  10,000  troops,  sustained  by  more 
than  forty  pieces  of  artillery,  yielded  to  an  army  of  7000,  unsup- 
ported by  a  battering  train,  which  won  the  day  by  hard  fighting 
alone.  The  attack  began  on  September  21,  continued  during  the 
two  following  days,  and  the  garrison  capitulated  on  the  24th.  This 
capitulation  and  armistice  was  assented  to  by  General  Taylor  after 
mature  consultation  and  the  approval  of  his  principal  officers.  The 
Mexicans  informed  him  that  Paredes  had  been  deposed,  that  Santa 
Anna  was  in  power,  and  that  peace  would  soon  be  made;  but  the 
home  authorities,  eager  for  fresh  victories,  or  pandering  to  public 
and  political  taste,  did  not  approve  and  confirm  an  act  for  which 
General  Taylor  has  neverthless  received,  as  he  truly  merits,  the 
just  applause  of  impartial  history. 


Chapter     XXVII 

OCCUPANCY   OF   NEW   MEXICO   AND   CALIFORNIA 

1 846- 1 847 

GENERAL  WOOL,  who  had  been  for  a  long  period  inspec- 
•  tor-general  of  the  United  States  army,  was  intrusted  with 
the  difficult  task  of  examining  the  recruits  in  the  West, 
and  set  forth  on  his  journey  after  receiving  his  orders  on  May  29, 
1846.  He  traversed  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  and  Mississippi,  and  in  somewhat  less  than  two 
months  had  journeyed  three  thousand  miles  and  mustered  12,000 
men  into  service. 

Nearly  9000  of  these  recruits  were  sent  to  Taylor  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  while  those  who  were  destined  for  the  "  Army  of  the  Cen- 
ter "  rendezvoused  at  Bejar,  in  Texas.  At  this  place  their  com- 
mander, Wool,  joined  them,  and  commenced  the  rigid  system  of 
discipline,  under  accomplished  officers,  which  made  his  division  a 
model  in  the  army.  He  marched  from  Bejar  with  500  regulars 
and  2450  volunteers,  on  September  20,  and  passed  onward  through 
Presidio,  Nava,  and  across  the  sierra  of  San  Jose  and  Santa  Rosa, 
and  the  Rivers  Alamos,  Sabine,  and  Del  Norte,  until  he  reached 
Monclova.  He  had  been  directed  to  advance  to  Chihuahua,  but  as 
this  place  was  in  a  great  measure  controlled  by  the  States  of  New 
Leon  and  Coahuila,  which  were  in  the  possession  of  the  United 
States,  he  desisted  from  pursuing  his  march  thither,  and,  after 
communicating  with  General  Taylor  and  learning  of  the  fall  of 
Monterey,  he  pushed  on  to  the  fertile  region  of  Parras  and  thence 
to  the  headquarters  of  General  Taylor,  in  the  month  of  December, 
as  soon  as  he  was  apprised  of  the  danger  which  menaced  him  at 
that  period. 

It  was  part  of  the  United  States  Government's  original  plan 
to  reduce  New  Mexico  and  California — a  task  which  was  imposed 
upon  Colonel  Kearny,  a  hardy  frontier  fighter  long  used  to 
Indian  character  and  Indian  warfare,  who,  upon  being  honored 
with  the  command,  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  brigadier  general. 
This  officer  moved  from  Fort  Leavenworth  on  June  30  toward 

294 


NEW     MEXICO     AND     CALIFORNIA      295 

1846 

Santa  Fe,  the  capital  of  New  Mexico,  with  an  army  of  1600  men, 
and  after  an  unresisted  march  of  S73  miles  lie  reached  his  destina- 
tion on  August  18.  Possession  of  the  place  was  given  without  a 
blow,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  discreet  Armijo  yielded  to  the 
advice  of  American  counselors  in  his  capital  in  surrendering  with- 
out bloodshed  to  the  forces.  Kearny  had  been  authorized  to 
organize  and  muster  into  service  a  battalion  of  emigrants  to  Oregon 
and  California,  who  eagerly  availed  themselves  of  this  favorable 
military  opportunity  to  reach  their  distant  abodes  on  the  shores  of 
the  Pacific.  After  organizing  the  new  government  of  Santa  Fe, 
forming  a  new  code  of  organic  laws,  and  satisfying  himself  of  the 
stability  of  affairs  in  that  quarter,  Kearny  departed  on  his  mission 
to  California.  But  he  had  not  gone  far  when  he  was  met  by  an 
express  with  information  of  the  fall  of  that  portion  of  Mexico,  and 
immediately  sent  back  the  main  body  of  his  men,  continuing  his 
route  through  the  wilderness  with  the  escort  of  one  hundred  dra- 
goons alone.  In  September  of  this  year  a  regiment  of  New  York 
volunteer  infantry  had  been  dispatched  thither  also  by  sea,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Stevenson. 

There  is  evidence  in  existence  that  shortly  before  the  com- 
mencement of  this  war  it  had  been  contemplated  to  place  a  large 
portion  of  the  most  valuable  districts  of  California  indirectly  under 
British  protection  by  grants  to  a  Catholic  clergyman  named  Mac- 
Namara,  who  projected  a  colony  of  his  countrymen  in  those  regions. 
He  excited  the  Mexicans  to  accede  to  his  proposal  by  appeals  to 
their  religious  prejudices  against  the  Protestants  of  the  north,  who, 
he  alleged,  would  seize  the  jewel  unless  California  was  settled  by 
his  countrymen,  whose  creed  would  naturally  unite  them  with  the 
people  and  institutions  of  Mexico.  The  government  of  Mexico 
granted  three  thousand  square  leagues  in  the  rich  valley  of  San 
Joaquin,  embracing  San  Francisco,  Monterey,  and  Santa  Barbara, 
to  this  behest  of  the  foreign  priest ;  but  his  patent  could  not  be  per- 
fected until  the  governor  of  California  sanctioned  his  permanent 
tenure  of  the  land. 

In  November,  1845,  Lieutenant  Gillespie  was  dispatched  from 
Washington  with  verbal  instructions  to  Captain  Fremont,  who  had 
been  pursuing  his  scientific  examinations  of  California,  and  had 
been  inhospitably  ordered  by  the  authorities  to  quit  the  country. 
Early  in  March  of  1846  the  bold  explorer  was  within  the  boundaries 
of  Oregon,  where  he  was  found,  in  the  following  May,  by  Gillespie, 


296  MEXICO 

1846 

who  delivered  him  his  verbal  orders  and  a  letter  of  credence  from 
the  secretary  of  state. 

In  consequence  of  this  message  Fremont  abandoned  his  camp 
in  the  forest,  surrounded  by  hostile  Indians,  and  moved  south  to 
the  valley  of  the  Sacramento,  where  he  was  at  once  hailed  by  the 
American  settlers,  who,  together  with  the  foreigners  generally,  had 
received  orders  from  the  Mexican  General  Castro  to  leave  Cali- 
fornia. Fremont's  small  band  immediately  formed  the  nucleus  of 
a  revolutionary  troop,  which  gathered  in  numbers  as  it  advanced 
south,  and,  abstaining  guardedly  from  acts  which  might  disgust 
the  people,  they  injured  no  individuals  and  violated  no  private 
property.  On  June  14  Sonoma  was  taken  possession  of,  and  was 
garrisoned  by  a  small  force,  under  Ide,  who  issued  a  proclama- 
tion inviting  all  to  come  to  his  camp  and  aid  in  forming  a  republi- 
can government.  Coure  and  Fowler,  two  young  Americans,  were 
murdered  about  this  period  in  the  neighborhood,  and  others  w7ere 
taken  prisoners  under  Padilla.  But  the  belligerents  were  pursued 
to  San  Raphael  by  Captain  Ford,  where  they  were  conquered  by 
the  Americans;  and  on  June  25  Fremont,  who  heard  that  Castro 
was  approaching  with  200  men,  joined  the  camp  at  Sonoma.  Thus 
far  everything  had  been  conducted  with  justice  and  liberality  by 
the  Americans.  They  studiously  avoided  disorderly  conduct  or 
captures,  and  invariably  promised  payment  for  the  supplies  that 
were  taken  for  the  support  of  the  troopers.  The  Californians  were 
in  reality  gratified  by  the  prospect  of  American  success  in  their  ter- 
ritory, for  they  believed  that  it  would  secure  a  stable  and  progres- 
sive government,  under  which  that  beautiful  region  would  be 
gradually  developed. 

On  July  5  the  Californian  Americans  declared  their  independ- 
ence, and,  organizing  a  battalion,  of  which  Fremont  was  the  chief, 
they  raised  the  standard  of  the  Bear  and  Star. 

Fremont,  at  the  head  of  his  new  battalion,  moved  his  camp  to 
Sutter's  Fort  on  the  Sacramento,  and  while  he  was  preparing  in 
July  to  follow  General  Castro  to  Santa  Clara,  he  received  the  joyful 
news  that  Commodore  Sloat  had  raised  the  American  flag  on  the 
7th  of  the  month  at  Monterey,  and  that  war  actually  existed  between 
Mexico  and  the  United  States.  The  Californian  Americans  of 
course  immediately  abandoned  their  revolution  for  the  national  war, 
and  substituted  the  American  ensign  for  the  grisly  emblem  under 
which  they  designed  conquering  the  territory. 


NEW     MEXICO     AND     CALIFORNIA      297 

1846 

On  July  8  Commodore  Montgomery  took  possession  of  San 
Francisco,  and  soon  after  Fremont  joined  Commodore  Sloat  at 
Monterey.  Sloat,  who  had  in  reality  acted  upon  the  faith  of  Fre- 
mont's operations  in  the  north,  knowing  that  Gillespie  had  been 
sent  to  him  as  a  special  messenger,  and  having  heard  while  at 
Mazatlan  of  the  warlike  movements  on  the  Rio  Grande,  was  rather 
fearful  that  he  had  been  precipitate  in  his  conduct ;  but  he  resolved 
to  maintain  what  he  had  done,  and  accordingly,  when  Admiral 
Sir  George  Seymour  arrived  in  the  Collingwood  at  Monterey  on 
July  6  the  grants  to  the  Irish  clergyman  were  not  completed,  and  the 
American  flag  was  already  floating  on  every  important  post  in  the 
north  of  California.  Seymour  took  MacNamara  on  board  his  ship, 
and  thus  the  hopes  of  the  British  partisans  were  effectually  blighted 
when  the  admiral  and  his  passenger  sailed  from  the  coast. 

Commodore  Stockton  arrived  at  Monterey  during  this  summer 
and  Sloat  returned  to  the  United  States,  leaving  the  commodore  in 
command.  Fremont  and  Gillespie,  who  were  at  the  head  of  the 
forces  on  shore,  determined  to  act  under  the  orders  of  the  naval 
commander,  and  Stockton  immediately  prepared  for  a  military 
movement  against  the  city  of  Los  Angeles,  where,  he  learned,  Gen- 
eral Castro  and  the  civil  governor,  Pico,  had  assembled  6oo  men. 
Fremont  and  the  commodore,  embarking  their  forces  at  Monterey, 
sailed  for  San  Pedro  and  San  Diego,  where,  landing  their  troops, 
they  united  and  took  possession  of  Los  Angeles  on  August  13. 
The  public  buildings,  archives,  and  property  fell  into  their  posses- 
sion without  bloodshed,  for  Castro,  the  commanding  general,  fled 
at  their  approach.  Stockton  issued  a  proclamation  announcing 
these  facts  to  the  people  on  August  17,  and,  having  instituted  a 
government,  directed  elections  and  required  an  oath  of  allegiance 
from  the  military.  He  appointed  Fremont  military  commandant 
and  Gillespie  secretary.  On  August  28  he  reported  these  proceed- 
ings to  the  government  at  Washington  by  the  messenger  who  was 
met  by  General  Kearny,  as  we  have  already  related,  on  his  way 
from  Santa  Fe  to  the  Pacific.  Carson,  the  courier,  apprised  the 
general  of  the  conquest  of  California,  and  was  obliged  by  him  to 
return  as  his  guide,  while  a  new  messenger  was  dispatched  toward 
the  East  with  the  missives,  escorted  by  the  residue  of  the  troop  which 
was  deemed  useless  for  further  military  efforts  on  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific. 

But  before  Kearny  reached  his  destination  a  change  had  come 


298  MEXICO 

1846-1847 

over  affairs  in  California.  Castro  returned  to  the  charge  in  Septem- 
ber with  a  large  Mexican  force  headed  by  General  Flores,  and,  the 
town  of  Los  Angeles  and  the  surrounding  country  having  revolted, 
expelled  the  American  garrison.  Four  hundred  marines  who  landed 
from  the  Savannah  under  Captain  Mervine  were  repulsed,  while 
the  garrison  of  Santa  Barbara,  under  Lieutenant  Talbott,  had  re- 
tired before  a  large  body  of  Californians  and  Mexicans.  Fremont, 
immediately  resolving  to  increase  his  battalion,  raised  428  men, 
chiefly  from  the  emigrants  who  moved  this  year  to  California.  He 
mounted  his  troopers  on  horses  procured  in  the  vicinity  of  San  Fran- 
cisco and  Sutter's  Fort,  and  marched  secretly  but  quickly  to  San 
Luis  Obispo,  where  he  surprised  and  captured  Don  Jesus  Pico,  the 
commandant  of  that  military  post.  Pico,  having  been  found  in 
arms,  had  broken  his  parole,  given  during  the  early  pacification, 
and  a  court-martial  sentenced  him  to  be  shot;  but  Fremont,  still 
pursuing  his  humane  policy  toward  the  Californians,  pardoned  the 
popular  and  influential  chieftain,  who  from  that  hour  was  his  firm 
friend  throughout  the  subsequent  troubles. 

On  Christmas  Day  of  1846,  amid  storm  and  rain,  in  which  a 
hundred  horses  and  mules  perished,  Fremont  and  his  brave  bat- 
talion passed  the  mountain  of  Santa  Barbara.  Skirting  the  coast 
through  the  long  maritime  pass  at  Punto  Gordo — protected  on  one 
flank  by  one  of  the  vessels  of  the  navy  and  assailed  on  the  other  by 
fierce  bands  of  mounted  Californians — they  moved  onward  until 
they  reached  the  plain  of  Couenga,  where  the  enemy  was  drawn  up 
with  a  force  equal  to  their  own.  Fremont  summoned  the  hostile 
troops  to  surrender,  and  after  their  consent  to  a  parley,  went  to 
them  with  Don  Jesus  Pico  and  arranged  the  terms  of  the  capitula- 
tion, by  which  they  bound  themselves  to  deliver  their  arms  to  the 
soldiers  and  to  conform  at  home  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
though  no  Californians  should  be  compelled  to  take  an  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  United  States  until  the  war  was  ended  and  the 
treaty  either  exonerated  them  or  changed  their  nationality. 

Meanwhile  General  Kearny,  on  his  westward  march  from 
Santa  Fe,  had  reached  a  place  called  Warner's  Rancho,  thirty-three 
miles  from  San  Diego,  where  a  captured  Californian  mail  for 
Sonoma  apprised  him  that  the  southern  part  of  the  territory  was 
wrested  from  the  United  States  troops.  The  letters  exulted,  but 
it  was  supposed  that,  as  usual  in  Mexico,  they  exaggerated  the 
misfortunes  of  the  Americans.     Kearny's  small  troop  was  much 


NEW     MEXICO     AND     CALIFORNIA      299 

184G 

enfeebled  by  the  long  and  fatiguing  journey  it  had  made  from  Santa 
Fe  amid  great  privations.  From  Warner's  Rancho  the  commander 
communicated  with  Stockton  by  means  of  a  neutral  Englishman, 
and  on  December  5  was  joined  by  Gillespie,  who  informed  him  that 
a  mounted  Californian  force  under  Andres  Pico  was  prepared  to 
dispute  his  passage  toward  the  coast.  On  the  6th  the  Americans 
left  the  rancho,  resolving  to  come  suddenly  upon  the  enemy,  and 
confident  that  the  usual  success  of  the  troops  would  attend  the 
exploit;  but  the  fresh  forces  of  this  hardy  and  brave  Californian 
band,  composed  perhaps  of  some  of  the  most  expert  horsemen  in 
that  region,  were  far  more  than  a  match  for  the  toil-worn  troopers 
of  Kearny.  Eighteen  of  Kearny's  men  were  killed  in  this  action  at 
San  Pascual  and  thirteen  wounded.  For  several  days  the  camp  of 
the  Americans  was  besieged  by  the  fierce  and  hardy  children  of  the 
soil.  The  provisions  of  the  beleagured  band  were  scant,  and  it  was 
almost  entirely  deprived  of  water.  Its  position  was  in  every  respect 
most  disastrous,  and  in  all  probability  it  would  have  perished  from 
famine  or  fallen  an  easy  prey  to  the  Mexicans  had  not  the  resolute 
Kit  Carson,  accompanied  by  Lieutenant  Beale  and  an  Indian,  volun- 
teered to  pass  the  dangerous  lines  of  the  enemy  to  seek  assistance 
at  San  Diego.  These  heroic  men  performed  their  perilous  duty, 
and  Lieutenant  Grey,  with  180  soldiers  and  marines,  reached  and 
relieved  his  anxious  countrymen  on  December  10,  bringing  them  in 
two  clays  to  the  American  camp  at  San  Diego. 

As  soon  as  the  band  had  recruited  its  strength,  Kearny  natu- 
rally became  anxious  to  engage  in  active  service.  He  had  been  sent 
to  California,  according  to  the  language  of  his  instructions,  to  con- 
quer and  govern  it;  but  he  found  Commodore  Stockton  already  in 
the  position  of  governor,  with  an  ample  naval  force  at  his  orders, 
while  the  broken  remnant  of  the  dragoons  who  accompanied  him 
from  Santa  Fe  was  altogether  incompetent  to  subdue  the  revolted 
territory.  By  himself  therefore  he  was  altogether  inadequate  for 
any  successful  military  move.  Stockton,  quite  as  anxious  as  Kearny 
to  engage  in  active  hostilities,  was  desirous  to  accompany  the 
general  as  his  aid;  but  Kearny  declined  the  service,  and  in  turn 
volunteered  to  become  the  aid  of  Stockton.  The  commodore,  less 
accustomed,  perhaps,  to  military  etiquette  than  to  prompt  and  use- 
ful action  at  a  moment  of  difficulty,  resolved  at  once  to  end  the 
game  of  idle  compliments,  and  accepted  the  offer  of  General 
Kearny;  but  before  they  departed  Stockton  agreed  that  he  might 


800  MEXICO 

1846-1847 

command  the  expedition  in  a  position  subordinate  to  him  as  com- 
mander-in-chief. 

On  December  29,  with  60  volunteers,  400  marines,  6  heavy 
pieces  of  artillery,  11  heavy  wagons,  and  57  dragoons  composing 
the  remains  of  General  Kearny's  troop,  they  marched  toward  the 
north,  and  on  January  7  found  themselves  near  the  River  San 
Gabrielle,  the  passage  of  which  the  enemy,  with  superior  numbers 
under  General  Flores,  was  prepared  to  dispute.  It  was  a  contest 
between  American  sailors  and  soldiers  and  California  horsemen, 
for  the  whole  Mexican  troop  was  mounted ;  yet  the  Americans  were 
successful  and  crossed  the  river.  This  action  occurred  about  nine 
miles  from  Los  Angeles,  and  the  Americans  pushed  on  six  miles 
farther,  till  they  reached  the  Mesa,  a  level  prairie,  where  Flores 
again  attacked  them  and  was  beaten  off.  Retreating  thence  to 
Couenga,  the  Californians,  refusing  to  submit  to  Stockton  and 
Kearny,  capitulated,  as  we  have  already  declared,  to  Colonel  Fre- 
mont, who  had  been  raised  to  this  rank  by  the  government.  On 
the  morning  of  January  10,  1847,  the  Americans  took  final  posses- 
sion of  Los  Angeles.  Soon  after  this  a  government  was  established 
for  California  which  was  to  continue  until  the  close  of  the  war,  or 
until  the  government  or  the  population  of  the  region  changed  it. 


Chapter   XXVIII 

GENERAL  SCOTT  TAKES  COMMAND  IN  MEXICO 

1 846- 1 847 

WE  return  from  the  theater  of  these  military  operations  on 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific  to  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande 
and  the  headquarters  of  General  Taylor.  The  armistice 
at  Monterey  had  ceased  by  the  order  of  the  government,  and  the 
American  commander,  leaving  Generals  Worth  and  Butler  at 
Monterey  and  Saltillo,  which  had  been  seized,  hastened  with  a 
sufficient  body  of  troops  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of 
occupying  Tampico,  the  capital  of  the  State  of  Tamaulipas.  But 
he  did  not  advance  farther  than  Victoria  when  he  found  that 
Tampico  had  surrendered  to  Commodore  Conner  on  November  14. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  political  aspect  of  Mexico  was  changed 
under  the  rule  of  Santa  Anna,  who  had  returned  to  power,  though 
he  had  not  realized  the  hopes  of  the  Americans  by  acceding  to  an 
honorable  peace.  A  secret  movement  that  was  made  by  an  agent 
sent  into  the  country  proved  altogether  unsuccessful,  for  the  people 
were  aroused  against  the  United  States,  and  would  listen  willingly 
to  no  advances  for  accommodation.  Santa  Anna  cautiously  noted 
the  national  feeling,  and  being  altogether  unable  to  control  or 
modify  it — although  he  studiously  refrained  from  committing  him- 
self prior  to  his  return  to  the  capital — he  resolved  to  place  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  popular  movement  in  defense  of  the  northern 
frontier.  Accordingly  in  December,  1846,  he  had  already  as- 
sembled a  large  force,  amounting  to  20,000  men,  at  San  Luis 
Potosi,  the  capital  of  the  State  of  that  name  south  of  Monterey,  on 
the  direct  road  to  the  heart  of  the  internal  provinces  and  nearly 
midway  between  the  Gulf  and  the  Pacific. 

The  news  of  this  hostile  gathering,  which  was  evidently 
designed  to  assail  the  Army  of  Occupation,  soon  reached  the  officers 
who  had  been  left  in  command  at  headquarters  during  Taylor's 
absence ;  and,  in  consequence  of  a  dispatch  sent  by  express  to  Gen- 
eral Wool  at  Parras  for  reinforcements,  that  officer  immediately 

301 


302  MEXICO 

1846 

put  his  whole  column  in  motion,  and  after  marching  one  hundred 
and  twenty  miles  in  four  days  found  himself  at  Agua  Nueva,  within 
twenty-one  miles  of  Saltillo.  Thus  sustained,  the  officers  in  com- 
mand awaited  with  anxiety  the  movements  of  the  Mexican  chief 
and  the  return  of  General  Taylor. 

But  in  the  meantime  the  administration  at  Washington,  seeing 
the  inutility  of  continuing  the  attacks  upon  the  more  northern  out- 
posts of  Mexico — which  it  was  nevertheless  resolved  to  hold  as  in- 
demnifying hostages,  inasmuch  as  they  were  contiguous  to  United 
States  soil  and  boundaries — determined  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  vitals 
of  Mexico  by  seizing  her  principal  eastern  port  and  proceeding 
thence  to  the  capital.  For  this  purpose  General  Scott,  who  had 
been  set  aside  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  in  consequence  of 
a  rupture  between  himself  and  the  War  Department  while  ar- 
ranging the  details  of  the  campaign,  was  once  more  summoned 
into  the  field  and  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  American 
army  in  Mexico.  Up  to  this  period,  November,  1846,  large 
recruits  of  regulars  and  volunteers  had  flocked  to  the  standard 
of  Taylor  and  were  stationed  at  various  posts  in  the  valley  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  under  the  command  of  Generals  Butler,  Worth, 
Patterson,  Quitman,  and  Pillow.  But  the  project  of  a  descent 
upon  Vera  Cruz,  which  was  warmly  advocated  by  General  Scott, 
made  it  necessary  to  detach  a  considerable  portion  of  these  levies, 
and  of  their  most  efficient  and  best-drilled  members.  Taylor  and 
his  subordinate  commanders  were  thus  placed  in  a  merely  defensive 
position,  and  that  too  at  a  moment  when  they  were  threatened  in 
front  by  the  best  army  that  had  been  assembled  for  many  a  year  in 
Mexico. 

It  is  probable  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  at  the 
moment  it  planned  this  expedition  to  Vera  Cruz  and  the  capital 
was  not  fully  apprised  of  the  able  and  efficient  arrangements  of 
Santa  Anna,  or  imagined  that  he  would  immediately  quit  San 
Luis  Potosi  in  order  to  defend  the  eastern  access  to  the  capital, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  not  probable  that  Taylor  would  venture  to 
penetrate  the  country  with  impaired  forces,  which,  in  a  strictly 
military  point  of  view,  were  not  more  than  adequate  for  garrison 
service  along  an  extended  base  of  three  hundred  miles.  But  as 
the  sequel  showed,  they  neither  estimated  properly  the  time  that 
would  be  consumed  in  concentrating  the  forces  and  preparing  the 
means  for  their  transportation  to  Vera  Cruz,  nor  judged  correctly 


SCOTT     IN     MEXICO  303 

1846 

of  the  military  skill  of  Santa  Anna,  who  naturally  preferred  to 
crush  the  weak  northern  foe  with  his  overwhelming  force  than  to 
encounter  the  strong  battalions  of  veterans  who  were  to  be  led 
against  him  on  the  east  by  the  most  brilliant  captain  of  the 
country. 

The  enterprise  of  General  Scott  was  one  of  extraordinary  mag- 
nitude and  responsibility.  With  his  usual  foresight  he  determined 
that  he  would  not  advance  until  the  expedition  was  perfectly  com- 
plete in  every  essential  of  certain  success.  Nothing  was  permitted 
to  disturb  his  equanimity  or  patient  resolution  in  carrying  out  the 
scheme  as  he  thought  best.  He  weighed  all  the  dangers  and  all 
the  difficulties  of  the  adventure,  and  placed  no  reliance  upon  the 
supposed  weakness  of  the  enemy.  This  was  the  true,  soldier-like 
view  of  the  splendid  project;  and  if  at  the  time  men  were  found 
inconsiderate  enough  to  blame  him  for  procrastinating  dalliance, 
the  glorious  result  of  his  enterprise  repaid  him  for  all  the  petty 
sneers  and  misconceptions  with  which  his  discretion  was  under- 
valued by  the  carpet  knights  at  home.  There  is  but  one  point 
upon  which  we  feel  justified  in  disagreeing  with  his  plan  of  cam- 
paign. He  should  not  have  weakened  the  command  of  General 
Taylor  in  the  face  of  Santa  Anna's  army.  It  was  almost  an  invi- 
tation to  that  chief  for  an  attack  upon  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande ; 
and  had  the  Army  of  Occupation  been  effectually  destroyed  at 
Buena  Vista,  scarcely  an  American  would  have  remained  through- 
out the  long  line  of  Taylor's  base  to  tell  the  tale  of  cruelties  perpe- 
trated by  the  flushed  and  vengeful  victors. 

While  events  were  maturing  and  preparations  making  in  the 
valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Island  of  Lobos,  we  shall  direct 
our  attention  again  for  a  short  time  to  the  central  regions  of  the 
north  of  Mexico  in  the  neighborhood  of  Santa  Fe. 

A  considerable  force  of  Missourians  had  been  organized  un- 
der the  command  of  Colonel  Doniphan  and  marched  to  New 
Mexico,  whence  it  was  designed  to  dispatch  him  toward  Chihuahua. 
Soon  after  General  Kearny's  departure  from  Santa  Fe  for  Cali- 
fornia, Colonel  Price,  who  was  subsequently  raised  to  the  rank  of 
general,  reached  that  post  with  his  western  recruits  and  took  com- 
mand, while  Doniphan  was  directed  by  order  from  Kearny,  dated 
near  La  Joya,  to  advance  with  his  regiment  against  the  Navajo 
Indians,  who  had  threatened  with  war  the  New  Mexicans,  now 
under  United  States  protection.     He  performed  this  service  sue- 


304 


MEXICO 


1846 

cessfully ;  and  on  November  22,  1846,  made  a  treaty  with  the  chiefs, 
binding  them  to  live  in  amity  with  the  Spaniards  and  Americans. 
Reassembling  all  his  troops  at  Val  Verde,  he  commenced  his  march 
to  the  south  in  the  middle  of  December,  and  after  incredible  diffi- 
culties and  great  sufferings  from  inadequate  supplies  and  equip- 
ments he  reached  Chihuahua,  fighting  on  the  march  two  successful 
actions  against  the  Mexicans  at  Bracito  and  Sacramento.     Having 


3*»ftanc/ 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR 


completely  routed  the  enemy  in  the  latter  contest,  Chihuahua  fell 
into  his  power.  Here  he  tarried,  recruiting  his  toil-worn  band, 
for  six  weeks,  and  as  the  spring  opened  pushed  onward  to  the  south 
until  he  reached  the  headquarters  of  Taylor,  whence  he  returned 
with  his  regiment  to  the  United  States.  His  army  marched  five 
thousand  miles  during  the  campaign,  and  its  adventures  form  one 
of  the  most  romantic  episodes  in  the  war  with  Mexico. 

While  Doniphan  was  advancing  southward,  the  command  of 


SCOTT     IN     MEXICO  305 

1846-1847 

Price  was  well-nigh  destroyed  in  New  Mexico  and  the  wild  region 
intervening  between  its  borders  and  the  frontiers  of  the  United 
States.  A  conspiracy  had  been  secretly  organized  among  the 
Mexican  and  half-breed  population,  to  rise  against  the  Americans. 
On  January  19,  1847,  massacres  occurred  simultaneously  at  Taos, 
Arroyo  Hondo,  Rio  Colorado,  and  Mora.  At  Taos  Governor 
Charles  Bent,  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  experienced  residents 
in  that  region,  was  cruelly  slain,  and  a  great  deal  of  valuable 
property  destroyed  by  the  merciless  foe.  Price  received  intelli- 
gence of  this  onslaught  on  the  20th,  and  rapidly  calling  in  his  out- 
posts, marched  with  a  hastily  gathered  band  of  about  350  men 
against  the  enemy,  whom  he  met,  attacked,  and  overawed  on  the 
24th  at  Canada.  Reinforced  by  Captain  Burgwin  from  Albu- 
querque, he  again  advanced  against  the  insurgents,  and  on  the 
28th  defeated  a  Mexican  force  estimated  at  1500  at  the  pass  of  El 
Embudo.  Passing  thence  over  the  Taos  Mountain  through  deep 
snows  in  midwinter,  the  resolute  commander  pursued  his  way  un- 
molested through  the  deserted  settlement  which  had  been  recently 
ravaged  by  the  rebels,  nor  did  he  encounter  another  force  until 
he  came  upon  the  enemy  at  Pueblo,  when  he  stormed  the  fortified 
position  and  gained  the  day,  but  with  the  loss  of  the  gallant  Burg- 
win and  other  valuable  officers.  Mora  was  reduced  again  to  sub- 
jection early  in  February  by  Captain  Morin,  and  in  all  these  rapid 
but  successful  actions  it  is  estimated  that  nearly  300  Mexicans  paid 
the  forfeit  of  their  lives  for  the  cruel  conspiracy  and  its  fatal 
results. 

From  this  moment  the  tenure  of  the  United  States  possessions 
in  New  Mexico  was  no  longer  considered  secure.  The  troops  in 
that  district  were  not  the  best  disciplined  or  most  docile  in  the 
army,  and  to  the  dangers  of  another  sudden  outbreak  among  the 
treacherous  Mexicans  wras  added  the  fear  of  a  sudden  rising  among 
the  Indian  tribes,  who  were  naturally  anxious  to  find  any  pretext 
or  chance  for  ridding  the  country  of  a  foe  whom  they  feared  far 
more  as  a  permanent  neighbor  than  the  comparatively  feeble  half- 
breeds  and  Mexicans. 

In  December  of  1846  Lieutenant  Richie,  who  bore  dispatches 
to  Taylor  apprising  him  of  the  meditated  attack  upon  Vera  Cruz, 
was  seized  and  slain  by  the  Mexicans  while  on  his  way  to  the 
headquarters,  and  thus  Santa  Anna  became  possessed  of  the  plan 
of  the  proposed  campaign.     The  Army  of  Occupation  had  been 


306  MEXICO 

1846-1847 

sadly  impaired  by  the  abstraction  of  its  best  material  for  future 
action  on  the  southern  line  under  the  commander-in-chief.  But 
General  Taylor  resolved  at  once  to  face  the  danger  stoutly  and  to 
manifest  no  symptom  of  unsoldierlike  querulousness  under  the  in- 
justice he  experienced  from  the  government.  Nevertheless — 
prudent  in  all  things,  and  foreseeing  the  danger  of  his  command, 
of  the  lower  country,  and  the  morale  of  the  whole  army  in  the 
event  of  his  defeat — he  exposed  the  error  of  the  War  Department 
in  his  dispatches  to  the  adjutant  general  and  secretary,  so  that 
history,  if  not  arms,  might  eventually  do  justice  to  his  discretion 
and  fortitude. 

The  note  of  preparation  preceded  for  some  time  the  actual 
advent  of  Santa  Anna  from  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  all  was  bustle 
in  the  American  encampments,  wrhich  were  spread  from  Monterey 
to  Agua  Nueva  beyond  Saltillo,  in  order  to  give  him  the  best 
possible  reception  under  the  circumstances.  Wool  was  encamped 
with  a  force  at  Agua  Nueva,  in  advance  on  the  road  from  Saltillo 
to  San  Luis,  about  thirteen  miles  from  the  pass  of  Angostura, 
where  the  road  lies  through  a  mountain  gorge  defended  on  one 
side  by  a  small  tableland  near  the  acclivities  of  the  steep  sierra  and 
cut  with  the  channels  of  rough  barrancas  or  ravines  worn  by  the 
waters  as  they  descend  from  the  summits,  and  on  the  other  by  an 
extensive  network  of  deep  and  impassable  gullies  which  drained 
the  slopes  of  the  western  spurs. 

This  spot  was  decided  upon  as  the  battle  ground  in  the  event 
of  an  attack,  and  the  encampment  at  Agua  Nueva  in  front  of  it 
was  kept  up  as  an  extreme  outpost,  whence  the  scouts  might  be 
sent  forth  to  watch  the  approach  of  Santa  Anna. 

On  February  21  the  positive  advance  of  that  chief  was  an- 
nounced. The  camp  was  immediately  broken  up,  and  all  the 
forces  rapidly  concentrated  in  the  gorge  of  Angostura.  The  troops 
did  not  amount  to  more  than  4690  efficient  men,  and  they  had 
reason  to  believe  that  Santa  Anna  commanded  nearly  five  times 
that  number,  and  was  greatly  superior  in  cavalry,  a  part  of  which 
had  been  sent  by  secret  paths  through  the  mountains  to  the  rear  of 
the  American  position,  so  as  to  cut  off  the  retreat  in  the  event  of 
failure  in  the  battle. 

The  great  object  of  Taylor  in  selecting  his  ground  and  form- 
ing his  plan  of  battle  was  to  make  his  small  army  equal,  as  nearly  as 
possible,  to  that  of  Santa  Anna  by  narrowing  the  front  of  attack 


SCOTT     IN     MEXICO  307 

1847 

and  thus  concentrating  his  force  upon  any  point  through  which 
the  Mexicans  might  seek  to  break.  In  other  words,  it  was  his 
design  to  dam  up  the  strait  of  Angostura  with  a  living  mass,  and 
to  leave  no  portion  of  the  unbroken  ground  on  the  narrow  table- 
land undefended  by  infantry  and  artillery.  The  battle  ground  that 
had  been  selected  was  admirably  calculated  for  this  purpose,  and 
his  foresight  was  justified  by  the  result.  It  was  not  necessary  for 
Taylor  to  capture  or  annihilate  his  enemy,  for  he  was  victor,  if 
with  but  a  single  regiment  he  kept  the  valley  closed  against  the 
Mexicans.  The  center  of  the  American  line  was  the  main  road, 
in  which  was  placed  a  battery  of  eight  pieces,  reduced  during  the 
action  to  five,  supported  by  bodies  of  infantry.  On  the  right  of 
the  stream  which  swept  along  the  edge  of  the  western  mountains 
was  a  single  regiment  and  some  cavalry,  with  two  guns,  which  it 
was  supposed  would  be  sufficient,  with  the  aid  of  the  tangled 
gulleys,  to  arrest  the  Mexicans  in  that  quarter.  On  the  left  of 
the  stream,  where  the  ravines  were  fewer  and  the  plain  between 
them  wider,  stood  two  regiments  of  infantry,  suitably  furnished 
with  artillery,  and  extending  from  the  central  battery  on  the  road 
to  the  base  of  the  eastern  mountains  on  whose  skirts  an  adequate 
force  of  cavalry  and  riflemen  was  posted. 

In  order  to  break  this  array  Santa  Anna  divided  his  army  into 
three  attacking  columns,  each  of  which  nearly  doubled  the  whole 
of  Taylor's  force.  One  of  these  was  opposed  to  the  battery  of 
eight  guns  in  order  to  force  the  road,  and  the  other  two  were 
designed  to  outflank  the  American  position  by  penetrating  or  turn- 
ing the  squadrons  stationed  at  the  base  of  the  mountains. 

On  the  afternoon  of  February  22  the  attack  began  by  a  skir- 
mishing attempt  of  the  Mexicans  to  pass  to  the  rear  of  the  Ameri- 
can left  wing;  but  as  they  climbed  the  mountain  in  their  endeavor 
to  outflank  in  that  quarter,  they  were  opposed  by  the  infantry  and 
riflemen,  who  disputed  successfully  every  inch  of  ground,  until 
night  closed  and  obliged  the  Mexicans  to  retire.  General  Taylor, 
fearing  an  attack  from  the  cavalry  upon  Saltillo,  immediately  de- 
parted with  a  suitable  escort  to  provide  for  its  safety,  and  left 
General  Wool  to  command  during  his  absence. 

After  daydawn  on  the  23d  Santa  Anna  again  commenced 
the  battle  by  an  attack  upon  the  left  wing,  and  for  a  while  was 
withstood,  until  a  portion  of  the  American  forces,  after  a  brave 
defense,  mistaking  an  order  to  retire  for  an  order  to  retreat,  be- 


308  MEXICO 

1847 

came  suddenly  panic-stricken  and  fled  from  the  field.  At  this 
moment  Taylor  returned  from  Saltillo  and  found  the  whole  left  of 
the  position  broken,  while  the  enemy  was  pouring  his  masses  of 
infantry  and  cavalry  along  the  base  of  the  eastern  mountains 
toward  the  rear. 

Meanwhile  the  battery  in  the  road  had  repulsed  the  Mexican 
column  sent  against  it,  and  spared  three  of  its  guns  for  service  on 
the  upper  plain.  The  regiment  on  the  right  of  the  stream  had 
been  brought  over  to  the  left  bank  with  its  cannon,  and  was  now 
in  position  with  two  other  regiments,  facing  the  mountains,  be- 
tween which  and  this  force  was  a  gap  through  whose  opening  the 
Mexicans  steadily  advanced  under  a  dreadful  fire.  Nearly  all 
the  artillery  had  been  concentrated  at  the  same  place,  while  in 
other  parts  of  the  field  and  nearer  to  the  hacienda  of  Buena  Vista, 
in  the  American  rear,  were  bodies  of  cavalry  engaged  in  conflict 
with  the  advancing  foe. 

As  Taylor  approached  this  disastrous  scene  he  met  the  fugi- 
tives, and  speedily  made  his  dispositions  to  stop  the  carnage.  With 
a  regiment  from  Mississippi  he  restrained  a  charge  of  Mexican 
cavalry  and  ordered  all  the  artillery,  save  four  guns,  to  the  rear 
to  drive  back  the  exulting  Mexicans.  This  maneuver  was  per- 
fectly successful,  and  so  dreadfully  was  the  enemy  cut  up  by  the 
new  attack  that  Santa  Anna  availed  himself  of  a  ruse,  by  a  flag 
of  truce,  in  order  to  suspend  the  action  while  he  withdrew  his  men. 

The  transfer  of  so  large  a  portion  of  Taylor's  most  efficient 
troops  to  the  rear  of  his  original  line  had  greatly  weakened  his 
front  in  the  best  positions,  where  the  inequalities  of  ground  sus- 
tained his  feeble  numbers.  Santa  Anna  was  not  unmindful  of  the 
advantage  he  had  gained  by  these  untoward  events,  and  prepared 
all  his  best  reserves,  which  were  now  brought  for  the  first  time  into 
action,  for  another  attack.  Taylor  had  with  him  three  regiments 
and  four  pieces  of  artillery.  His  front  was  rather  toward  the 
mountain  than  the  open  pass,  while  his  back  was  toward  the  road 
along  the  stream.  On  his  right  was  the  whole  Mexican  army; 
on  his  left,  far  off  in  the  rear,  were  the  troops  that  had  repulsed 
and  cut  up  the  Mexican  column ;  and  the  great  effort,  upon  whose 
success  all  depended,  was  to  bring  these  dispersed  squadrons  again 
into  action  while  he  maintained  the  position  against  the  assault 
of  the  fresh  reserves.  As  Santa  Anna  advanced  with  his  inspirited 
columns   he  was  met  by  regiments  of  infantry,  which  stood  firm, 


SCOTT     IN     MEXICO  309 

1847 

until  overwhelmed  by  numbers  and  driven  into  a  ravine  they  were 
cruelly  slaughtered.  After  the  American  infantry  had  been  over- 
come, the  last  hope  was  in  the  artillery,  and  with  this  the  Mexican 
advance  was  effectually  stopped  and  the  battle  won. 

The  whole  day  had  been  spent  in  fighting,  and  when  night 
came  the  field  was  covered  with  dead.  It  was  an  anxious  season 
for  the  battered  troops,  and  while  all  were  solicitous  for  the  event 
of  a  contest  which  it  was  supposed  would  be  renewed  on  the  mor- 
row, the  greatest  efforts  were  made  not  only  to  inspirit  the  troops 
who  had  borne  the  brunt  of  two  days'  battle,  but  to  bring  up  rein- 
forcements of  artillery  and  cavalry  that  had  been  stationed  between 
Saltillo  and  Monterey.  At  daydawn,  however,  on  February  24, 
the  enemy  was  found  to  have  retreated,  and  Buena  Vista  was  won. 

This  wonderful  battle  saved  the  north  of  Mexico  and  the  valley 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  for  Minon  and  Urrea  were  already  in  the  rear 
with  regular  troops  and  bands  of  rancheros  ready  to  cut  up  the 
flying  army  and  descend  upon  the  slender  garrisons.  Urrea  cap- 
tured a  valuable  wagon  train  at  Ramos  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Monterey.  From  February  22  to  26  he  continually  threatened 
the  weakened  outposts,  and  from  that  period  until  March  7  in- 
flicted severe  injuries  upon  trains  and  convoys  from  the  Gulf. 
In  the  meantime  Santa  Anna  retreated  to  San  Luis  Potosi  with 
the  fragments  of  his  fine  army,  and  not  long  after  General  Taylor 
retired  from  a  field  of  service  in  which  he  was  no  longer  permitted 
to  advance,  or  required  except  for  garrison  duty. 

In  the  months  of  October  and  November,  1846,  Tabasco  and 
Tampico  had  yielded  to  the  American  navy;  the  former  after  a 
severe  attack  conducted  by  Commodore  Matthew  C.  Perry,  and 
the  latter  without  bloodshed. 


Chapter    XXIX 

AFFAIRS   IN   THE    CAPITAL.     1846-1847 

WHEN  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna  landed 
from  the  steamer  Arab,  after  having  been  permitted  to 
pass  the  line  of  the  blockading  fleet  at  Vera  Cruz,  he 
was  received  by  only  a  few  friends.  His  reception  was  in  fact  not 
a  public  one,  nor  marked  by  enthusiasm. 

By  the  revolution  which  overthrew  Paredes  General  Salas 
came  into  the  exercise  of  the  chief  executive  authority,  and  as  soon 
as  Santa  Anna  arrived  he  dispatched  three  high  officers  to  welcome 
him,  among  whom  was  Valentin  Gomez  Farias,  a  renowned  leader 
of  the  federalist  party — in  former  days  a  bitter  foe  of  the  exiled 
chief.  Santa  Anna  in  his  communications  with  the  revolutionists 
from  Cuba  had  confessed  his  political  mistake  in  former  years 
in  advocating  the  central  system.  "  The  love  of  provincial  liberty," 
said  he,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  dated  in  Havana  on  March  8,  1846, 
"  being  firmly  rooted  in  the  minds  of  all,  and  the  democratic  prin- 
ciple preponderating  everywhere,  nothing  can  be  established  in  a 
solid  manner  in  the  country  which  does  not  conform  to  these 
tendencies,  nor  can  we  without  them  attain  either  order,  peace, 
prosperity,  or  respectability  among  foreign  nations. 

"  To  draw  everything  to  the  center,  and  thus  to  give  unity  of 
aofion  to  the  republic,  as  I  at  one  time  deemed  best,  is  no  longer 
pc  ssible ;  nay,  more,  I  say  it  is  dangerous ;  it  is  contrary  to  the 
object  I  proposed  to  myself  in  the  unitarian  system,  because  we 
the/eby  expose  ourselves  to  the  separation  of  the  northern  depart- 
ments which  are  most  clamorous  for  freedom  of  internal  adminis- 
tration. ...  I  therefore  urge  you  to  use  all  your  influence 
to  reconcile  the  liberals,  communicating  with  Senor  Farias  and 
his  friends,  in  order  to  induce  them  to  come  to  an  understanding 
with  us.  ...  I  will  in  future  support  the  claims  of  the  masses, 
leaving  the  people  entirely  at  liberty  to  organize  their  system  of 
government  and  to  regulate  their  offices  in  a  manner  that  may 
please  them  best." 

310 


AFFAIRS     IN     THE     CAPITAL  311 

1846 

These  declarations,  and  the  knowledge  of  Santa  Anna's 
sagacity  and  influence  with  the  masses,  had  probably  induced 
Farias  to  adhere  to  the  project  of  his  recall  which  was  embraced 
in  the  movements  of  the  revolutionists.  And  accordingly  we  find 
that  upon  his  landing,  Santa  Anna  published  a  long  manifesto  to 
the  people,  which  he  concludes  by  recommending  that,  until  they 
proclaim  a  new  constitution,  the  federal  constitution  of  1824  be 
readopted  for  the  internal  administration  of  the  country. 

Salas,  who  had  previously  ordered  the  governors  of  the  de- 
partments to  be  guided  solely  by  the  commands  of  Santa  Anna, 
immediately  issued  a  bando  nacional,  or  edict,  countersigned  by 
the  acting  secretary  of  state,  Monasterio,  which  embodied  the 
views  of  the  returned  exile,  and  proclaimed  the  constitution  of 
1824,  in  accordance  with  his  recommendation. 

General  Salas,  who  exercised  supreme  command  from  August 
7  to  20,  professed  to  have  done  as  little  as  possible  of  his  own 
will,  and  only  what  was  urgently  demanded  by  the  necessity  of 
the  case.  He  boasted,  however,  that  he  had  effected  what  he  could 
"  to  aid  the  brave  men  who,  in  Monterey,  have  determined  to  die 
rather  than  succumb  to  the  invasion  and  perfidiousness  of  the 
Americans."  In  his  communications  to  Santa  Anna  he  urged 
him  to  hasten  to  Mexico  as  soon  as  possible  to  assume  his  powers, 
and  the  Mexican  gazettes  commended  him  for  refusing  to  accept  the 
pay  of  president  while  discharging  the  functions  of  his  office. 

On  August  15  Salas  issued  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  an- 
nounced to  his  countrymen  that  a  new  insult  had  been  offered  to 
them,  and  that  another  act  of  baseness  had  been  perpetrated  by  the 
Americans.  He  alluded  to  the  Californias,  which,  he  said,  "  the 
Americans  have  now  seized  by  the  strong  hand,  after  having  vil- 
lainously robbed  us  of  Texas."  He  announced  that  the  expedition 
which  had  been  so  long  preparing  would  set  forth  in  two  days  for 
the  recovery  of  the  country,  and  that  measures  would  be  taken  to 
arrange  the  differences  existing  between  the  people  of  the  Cali- 
fornias and  the  various  preceding  central  administrations.  In  con- 
clusion, he  appealed  eloquently  to  the  Californians  to  second  with 
their  best  exertions  the  attempt  which  would  be  made  to  drive  out 
the  Americans,  and  to  unite  their  rich  and  fertile  territories  forever 
to  the  republic. 

During  the  administration  of  this  chief  various  proclamations 
were  issued  to  arouse  the  people  to  take  part  in  the  war  by  enlist- 


312  MEXICO 

1844 

ing  and  by  contributing  their  means.  Efforts  were  also  made  to 
organize  the  local  militia,  but  with  little  effect. 

Santa  Anna,  in  his  reply  to  Salas  on  August  20,  accepts  the 
trust  which  is  formally  devolved  upon  him,  and  approves  of  the 
acts  of  the  latter,  especially  in  sending  forward  all  the  troops  to 
Monterey,  New  Mexico,  and  California,  and  in  summoning  a  con- 
gress for  December  6.  These,  he  says,  are  the  first  two  wants 
of  the  nation — the  formation  of  a  constitution  for  the  country 
and  the  purification  of  the  soil  of  the  country  from  foreign  invaders. 
These  ends  gained,  he  will  gladly  lay  down  his  power.  "  My 
functions  will  cease,"  he  says,  "  when  I  have  established  the  nation, 
in  its  rights;  when  I  see  its  destinies  controlled  by  its  legitimate 
representatives,  and  when  I  may  be  able,  by  the  blessing  of  Heaven, 
to  lay  at  the  feet  of  the  national  representatives  laurels  plucked  on 
the  banks  of  the  Sabine — all  of  which  must  be  due  to  the  force 
and  the  will  of  the  Mexican  people." 

Santa  Anna  at  length  quitted  his  hacienda,  where  he  had 
doubtless  been  waiting  for  the  opportune  moment  to  arrive  when 
he  could  best  exhibit  himself  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  and 
profit  by  their  highest  enthusiasm,  pushed  to  an  extreme  by  alter- 
nate hopes  and  fears.  On  September  14,  1846,  he  reached  Ayotla, 
a  small  town  distant  twenty-five  miles  from  the  City  of  Mexico. 
Here  he  received  a  communication  from  Almonte,  the  secretary 
of  war  ad  interim,  proposing  to  him  the  supreme  executive  power, 
or  dictatorship.  This  offer  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  provisional 
government. 

Santa  Anna  immediately  replied  in  the  following  strain  to  the 
missive  of  his  partisan: 

General  Santa  Anna,  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Liberating  Army,  to  General 

Almonte,  Minister  of  War  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico : 

Ayotla,  i  o'clock  a.  m.,  September  14,  1846. 

Sir:  I  have  received  your  favor  of  this  date,  acknowledging  a  decree  issued 
by  the  supreme  government  of  the  nation,  embracing  a  programme  of  the  pro- 
ceedings adopted  to  regulate  a  due  celebration  of  the  reestablishment  of  the 
constitution  of  1824,  the  assumption  by  myself  of  the  supreme  executive  power, 
and  the  anniversary  of  the  glorious  grito  of  Dolores. 

My  satisfaction  is  extreme  to  observe  the  enthusiasm  with  which  prepara- 
tions are  made  to  celebrate  the  two  great  blessings  which  have  fallen  upon 
this  nation— her  independence  and  her  liberty;  and  I  am  penetrated  with  the 
deepest  gratitude  to  find  that  my  arrival  at  the  capital  will  be  made  to  con- 
tribute to  the  solemnities  of  so  great  an  occasion.  In  furtherance  of  this  object 
I  shall   make   my  entree   into   that  city  to-morrow   at   midday,    and    desire,   in 


AFFAIRS     IN     THE     CAPITAL  313 

1846 

contributing  my  share  to  the  national  jubilee,  to  observe  such  a  course  as  may 
best  accord  with  my  duties  to  my  country — beloved  of  my  heart — and  with  the 
respect  due  to  the  will  of  the  sovereign  people. 

I  have  been  called  by  the  voice  of  my  fellow-citizens  to  exercise  the  office 
of  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  republic.  I  was  far  from  my  native 
land  when  intelligence  of  this  renewed  confidence,  and  of  these  new  obligations 
imposed  upon  me  by  my  country,  was  brought  to  me,  and  I  saw  that  the 
imminent  dangers  which  surrounded  her  on  all  sides  formed  the  chief  motive 
for  calling  me  to  the  head  of  the  army.  I  now  see  a  terrible  contest  with  a 
perfidious  and  daring  enemy  impending  over  her,  in  which  the  Mexican  Republic 
must  reconquer  the  insignia  of  her  glory  and  a  fortunate  issue,  if  victorious,  or 
disappear  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  if  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  defeated.  I  also 
see  a  treacherous  faction  raising  its  head  from  her  bosom,  which,  in  calling  up 
a  form  of  government  detested  by  the  united  nation,  provokes  a  preferable 
submission  to  foreign  dominion;  and  I  behold  at  last,  that  after  much  vacillation, 
that  nation  is  resolved  to  establish  her  right  to  act  for  herself  and  to  arrange 
such  a  form  of  government  as  best  suits  her  wishes. 

All  this  I  have  observed,  and  turned  a  listening  ear  to  the  cry  of  my 
desolate  country,  satisfied  that  she  really  needed  my  weak  services  at  so  impor- 
tant a  period.  Hence  I  have  come,  without  hesitation  or  delay,  to  place  myself 
in  subjection  to  her  will;  and,  desirous  to  be  perfectly  understood  upon  reach- 
ing my  native  soil,  I  gave  a  full  and  public  expression  of  my  sentiments  and 
principles.  The  reception  which  they  met  convinced  me  that  I  had  not  deceived 
myself,  and  I  am  now  the  more  confirmed  in  them,  not  from  having  given  them 
more  consideration,  but  because  they  have  found  a  general  echo  in  the  hearts  of 
my  fellow-citizens. 

Your  excellency  will  at  once  perceive  how  great  an  error  I  should  commit 
in  assuming  the  supreme  magistracy,  when  my  duty  calls  me  to  the  field,  to  fight 
against  the  enemies  of  the  republic.  I  should  disgrace  myself,  if,  when  called 
to  the  point  of  danger,  I  should  spring  to  that  of  power !  Neither  my  loyalty 
nor  my  honor  requires  the  abandonment  of  interests  so  dear  to  me.  The  single 
motive  of  my  heart  is  to  offer  my  compatriots  the  sacrifice  of  that  blood  which 
yet  runs  in  my  veins.  I  wish  them  to  know  that  I  consecrate  myself  entirely 
to  their  service,  as  a  soldier  ought  to  do,  and  am  only  desirous  further  to  be 
permitted  to  point  out  the  course  by  which  Mexico  may  attain  the  rank  to 
which  her  destinies  call  her. 

In  marching  against  the  enemy,  and  declining  to  accept  power,  I  give  a  proof 
of  the  sincerity  of  my  sentiments;  leaving  the  nation  her  own  mistress,  at 
liberty  to  dispose  of  herself  as  she  sees  fit.  The  elections  for  members  of  a 
congress  to  form  the  constitution  which  the  people  wish  to  adopt  are  pro- 
ceeding. That  congress  will  now  soon  convene,  and  while  I  shall  be  engaged 
in  the  conflict  in  armed  defense  of  her  independence,  the  nation  will  place  such 
safeguards  around  her  liberties  as  may  best  suit  herself. 

If  I  should  permit  myself  for  a  single  moment  to  take  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, the  sincerity  of  my  promises  would  be  rendered  questionable,  and  no  con- 
fidence could  be  placed  in  them. 

I  am  resolved  that  they  shall  not  be  falsified,  for  in  their  redemption  I 
behold  the  general  good,  as  well  as  my  honor  as  a  Mexican  and  a  soldier.  I 
cannot  abandon  this  position.  The  existing  government  has  pursued  a  course 
with  which  the  nation  has  shown  itself  content,  and  I  have  no  desire  to  subvert 
it  by  taking  its  place.  I  feel  abundant  pleasure  in  remaining  where  I  am,  and 
flatter  myself  that  the  nation  will  applaud  my  choice.  I  shall  joyfully  accept 
such  tasks  as  she  shall  continue  to  impose  upon  me;  and  while  she  is  engaged 


314  MEXICO 

1846 

in  promoting  the  objects  of  civilization,  I  will  brave  every  danger  in  supporting 
its  benefits,  even  at  the  cost  of  my  existence. 

Will  your  excellency  have  the  goodness  to  tender  to  the  supreme  govern- 
ment my  sincere  thanks  for  their  kindness?  I  will  personally  repeat  them 
to-morrow,  for  which  purpose  I  propose  to  call  at  the  palace.  I  shall  there 
embrace  my  friends,  and,  hastily  pressing  them  to  my  heart,  bid  them  a  tender 
farewell  and  set  out  to  the  scene  of  war,  to  lend  my  aid  to  serve  my  country, 
or  to  perish  among  its  ruins. 

I  beg  to  repeat  to  your  excellency  assurances  of  my  continued  and  especial 
esteem. 

Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna. 

On  September  15  Santa  Anna  arrived  at  the  capital  amid 
enthusiastic  rejoicings.  The  people  seemed  to  behold  in  him  their 
savior,  and  were  almost  frantic  with  joy.  The  testimonies  of  at- 
tachment to  his  person  were  unbounded,  and  the  next  day  the  most 
vigorous  measures,  so  far  as  declarations  go,  were  adopted  by  the 
provisional  government. 

A  levy  of  30,000  men  to  recruit  the  army  was  ordered. 
Requisitions  were  forthwith  transmitted  to  all  the  principal  places 
in  the  republic  for  their  respective  quotas  of  men.  Puebla  and 
all  the  towns  within  a  circuit  of  fifty  or  sixty  leagues  of  the  me- 
tropolis are  stated  to  have  complied  with  the  requisition  for  troops 
with  the  greatest  alacrity.  To  facilitate  the  arming  and  equipping 
of  this  large  body,  the  government  ordered  that  duties  on  all  muni- 
tions of  war  should  cease  to  be  levied  until  further  notice. 

Santa  Anna  was  thus  once  more  in  the  capital  and  effectually 
at  the  head  of  power ;  but  he  remained  only  a  short  time  to  attend 
to  political  matters,  and,  dreading  doubtless  to  assume  openly  the 
management  of  the  government  or  to  trust  himself  away  from  the 
protection  of  the  military,  he  hastened  to  surround  his  person  with 
the  army;  as  commander-in-chief  he  effectually  controlled  all  the 
departments  of  the  government. 

In  order  to  perceive  distinctly  the  perilous  position  of  Santa 
Anna,  we  must  understand  the  state  of  parties  in  Mexico.  The 
revolution  which  placed  him  in  power  was  brought  about  by  a 
union  of  the  federalists  with  his  partisans.  Santa  Anna  of  course 
retained  an  influence  over  his  adherents  after  arriving  in  Mexico; 
but  the  federalists  were  divided  into  two  parties — the  Puros  and 
Moderados,  or,  Democrats  and  Conservatives.  The  dissensions  in 
these  sections  enabled  Santa  Anna  in  a  degree  to  hold  the  balance 
between  them.  Salas,  the  acting  executive,  was  a  Conservative, 
and  Gomez  Farias,  president  of  the  council  of  government,  was  a 


AFFAIRS     IN     THE     CAPITAL  315 

1846 

Democrat.  Intrigue  after  intrigue  occurred  in  the  cabinet  and 
elsewhere  among  the  ultras  to  supplant  Salas,  and  several  resigna- 
tions gave  evidence  of  the  ill-feeling  and  dissensions  between  the 
ministers.  Cortina  and  Pacheco,  both  Conservatives,  resigned,  and 
so  did  Rejon  and  Farias.  The  national  guard  intimated  its  dis- 
content with  the  condition  of  things  very  manifestly,  and  the  new 
cabinet  was  filled  with  old  enemies  of  Santa  Anna.  Meanwhile 
Almonte,  the  ablest  man  in  the  country,  retained  the  ministry 
of  war. 

About  this  time  the  State  of  San  Luis  Potosi  pronounced 
against  the  presidency  of  General  Salas,  demanding  that  General 
Santa  Anna  should  assume  the  executive  functions,  or  that  someone 
should  be  named  by  him.  As  a  precaution  against  the  apprehended 
attempts  upon  his  life,  Salas  retired  on  October  25  from  the  capital 
to  Tacubaya.  The  greater  part  of  the  permanent  garrison  of  the 
capital  took  up  its  quarters  in  the  same  place.  Santa  Anna  was 
probably  determined  that  General  Salas  should  not  obtain  too  ab- 
solute an  ascendency.  Report  said  that  Salas  was  honest  enough 
to  attempt  to  carry  into  effect  all  the  guaranties  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  Jalisco  and  the  citadel,  and  that  his  policy  did  not  suit  the 
chief:  but  Santa  Anna  professed  to  act  in  the  utmost  harmony 
with  him. 

This  outbreak  against  the  provisional  government  of  General 
Salas  was  soon  suppressed,  and  Santa  Anna  remained  in  command 
of  the  army  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  but  without  making  any  attack 
upon  the  forces  on  the  Rio  Grande  after  the  defeat  of  Ampudia  at 
Monterey  or  endeavoring  to  prevent  the  subsequent  capture  of 
Victoria  and  Tampico. 

On  December  23  congress  voted,  by  States,  for  provisional 
president  and  vice-president.  Each  State  had  one  vote  in  this 
election,  determined  by  the  majority  of  its  deputies.  Twenty-two 
States  voted,  including  the  Federal  District  of  Mexico,  and  two  ter- 
ritories. Santa  Anna's  opponent,  Francisco  Elorriega,  was  the 
choice  of  nine  States,  and  Gomez  Farias  was  elected  vice-president. 
The  day  before  the  election  the  members  of  the  cabinet  threw  up 
their  portfolios ;  and  in  the  midst  of  his  evident  political  unpopu- 
larity with  the  politicians,  Santa  Anna  seems  to  have  been  left 
by  the  authorities  at  San  Luis  Potosi  with  an  army  destitute  of 
efficient  arms,  of  military  knowledge,  and  of  the  means  of  support. 
Santa  Anna  accepted  the  provisional  presidency. 


316  MEXICO 

1846-1847 

Meanwhile  the  American  army  had  been  advancing  steadily 
since  the  battles  of  Resaca  de  la  Palma  and  Palo  Alto  on  May 
8  and  g,  1846.  California  had  fallen,  and  New  Mexico  had  been 
subjugated.  Tampico  was  also  taken,  and  Taylor  had  pushed 
his  victorious  army  to  Saltillo.  Santa  Anna  stood  at  bay  in  San 
Luis  Potosi,  for  he  was  not  yet  prepared  to  fight,  and  popular 
opinion  would  not  permit  him  to  negotiate.  In  this  forlorn  condi- 
tion he  resorted  to  the  usual  occupation  of  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment when  in  distress,  and  issued  dispatch  after  dispatch  to  stimu- 
late congress,  the  cabinet,  and  the  people  in  the  lingering  war. 

Nor  was  the  government  of  the  United  States  meanwhile  in- 
attentive to  this  position  of  affairs  in  Mexico  or  indisposed  to 
afford  the  government  an  opportunity  to  reconcile  the  difficulties 
by  negotiation.  Two  distinct  efforts  were  made  by  Buchanan, 
the  secretary  of  state,  in  the  summer  of  1846,  and  in  January, 
1847;  but  both  proved  abortive,  and  hostilities  were  continued. 

At  length,  when  Santa  Anna  perceived  the  enfeebled  condition 
of  General  Taylor  and  believed  that  Scott  would  be  for  a  long 
time  hindered  from  effecting  his  attack  upon  Vera  Cruz,  he 
marched  to  Buena  Vista  and  experienced  the  sad  reverse  which 
we  have  already  recounted.  As  soon  as  the  battle  was  over  the 
wily  and  discomfited  chief  immediately  began  to  repair  the  losses 
of  his  arms  by  the  eloquence  and  adroitness  of  his  pen.  In  a  long 
account  of  the  battle  he  treats  the  affair  as  almost  a  victory,  and 
leaves  the  public  mind  of  Mexico  in  doubt  as  to  whether  he  had 
been  beaten  or  victorious.  The  few  trophies  taken  in  the  saddest 
moments  of  the  action  were  sent  in  triumph  to  the  interior  and 
paraded  as  the  spoilio  opium  in  San  Luis  and  the  City  of  Mexico. 
The  public  men  of  the  country  knew  that  Angostura  had  in  reality 
been  lost,  and  Minon,  who  was  seriously  assailed  in  the  press  by 
Santa  Anna  for  not  cooperating  at  the  critical  moment,  published 
a  reply  in  which  he  treated  Santa  Anna  in  the  plainest  terms,  and 
denounced  as  false  the  general's  statement  that  his  troops  were 
famishing  for  food  on  February  24,  and  that  his  failure  to  destroy 
Taylor's  army  was  only  owing  to  this  important  fact!  This  sys- 
tem of  mutual  denunciation  and  recrimination  was  quite  common 
in  Mexico  whenever  a  defeat  was  to  be  accounted  for  or  thrown 
on  the  shoulders  of  an  individual  who  was  not  in  reality  answer- 
able for  it. 

When  Santa  Anna  returned  to  San  Luis  Potosi  he  entered 


AFFAIRS     IN     THE     CAPITAL  317 

1846-1847 

that  city  with  not  one-half  the  army  that  accompanied  him  on  his 
departure  to  the  north.  It  was,  moreover,  worn  out  and  disorgan- 
ized by  the  long  and  painful  march  over  the  bleak  desert,  and  had 
entirely  lost  its  habit  of  discipline.  Such  was  the  condition  of 
things  at  San  Luis  in  the  month  of  March,  when  Santa  Anna  found 
himself  compelled  to  organize  another  force  to  resist  the  enemy 
on  the  east ;  but  while  his  attention  was  diligently  directed  to 
this  subject  the  sad  news  reached  him  that  Mexico  was  not  only 
assailed  from  without,  but  that  her  capital  was  torn  by  internal 
dissensions. 

The  peace  between  the  president  and  the  vice-president,  Don 
Valentin  Gomez  Farias,  had  been  cemented  by  the  good  offices 
of  mutual  friends,  though  it  is  not  likely  that  any  very  ardent 
friendship  could  have  sprung  up  suddenly  between  men  whose  poli- 
tics had  always  been  so  widely  variant.  Nor  was  there  less  differ- 
ence between  the  moral  than  the  political  character  of  these 
personages.  Santa  Anna,  the  selfish,  arrogant  military  chieftain 
— a  man  of  unquestionable  genius  and  talent  for  command — had 
passed  his  life  in  spreading  his  sails  to  catch  the  popular  breeze, 
and  by  his  alliances  with  the  two  most  powerful  elements  of  Mexi- 
can society,  the  army  and  the  church,  had  always  contrived  to 
sustain  his  eminent  political  position,  or  recover  it  when  it  was 
temporarily  lost.  Such  was  the  case  in  his  return  to  power  after 
the  invasion  of  the  French,  in  the  attack  upon  whom  he  fortunately 
lost  a  limb,  which  became  a  constant  capital  upon  which  to  trade 
in  the  corrupt  but  sentimental  market  of  popular  favor.  Valentin 
Gomez  Farias,  on  the  contrary,  was  a  pure,  straightforward,  un- 
compromising patriot,  always  alive  to  the  true  progressive  interests 
of  the  Mexican  nation,  and  satisfied  that  these  could  only  be  secured 
by  the  successful  imitation  of  the  federal  system  of  the  United 
States,  together  with  the  destruction  of  the  large  standing  army 
and  the  release  of  the  large  church  properties  from  the  incubus  of 
mortmain. 

There  was  much  discontent  in  Mexico  with  the  election  of  these 
two  personages  to  the  presidency  and  vice-presidency.  Reflecting 
men  thought  the  union  unnatural,  and  although  the  desperate  times 
required  desperate  remedies,  there  was  something  so  incongruous 
in  the  political  alliance  between  Farias  and  Santa  Anna  that  little 
good  could  be  expected  to  issue  from  it.  The  church  party  was 
alarmed  for  its  wealth,  and  the  moderate  party  was  frightened  by 


318  MEXICO 

1846-1847 

the  habitual  despotism  of  Santa  Anna.  The  latter  personage  was 
in  fact  regarded  with  more  favor  at  the  moment  by  all  classes  than 
Farias,  because  the  country  had  reason  to  believe  him  a  man  of 
action,  and  familiar  in  times  of  danger  and  distress  with  all  its 
resources  of  men  and  money ;  and  as  he  was  entirely  occupied  with 
the  organization  and  management  of  the  army  at  San  Luis,  the 
opposition  party  directed  all  its  blows  against  the  administration 
of  the  vice-presidency. 

A  few  days  after  the  installation  of  the  new  government  the 
agitation  of  the  mortmain  question  was  commenced  in  congress. 
The  Puro  party,  united  with  the  executive,  made  every  effort  to 
destroy  the  power  of  the  clergy  by  undermining  the  foundation  of 
its  wealth,  while  the  Moderados  became  the  supporters  of  the  ec- 
clesiastics, under  the  lead  of  Don  Mariano  Otero. 

At  length  the  law  was  passed,  but  it  was  not  a  frank  and  de- 
cided act,  destroying  at  once  the  privileges  of  the  clergy  and  declar- 
ing their  possessions  to  be  the  property  of  the  republic.  In  fact 
it  was  a  mere  decree  for  the  seizure  of  ecclesiastical  incomes,  which 
threatened  the  non-complying  with  heavy  fines  if  they  did  not  pay 
over  to  the  civil  authorities  the  revenues  which  had  formerly  been 
collected  by  the  stewards  of  convents  and  monks. 

This  act,  comparatively  mild  as  it  was,  and  temporary  as  it 
might  have  been  considered,  did  not  satisfy  the  clergy,  even  in  this 
moment  of  national  peril.  They  resorted  to  the  spiritual  weapons 
which  they  reserved  for  extreme  occasions.  They  fulminated  ex- 
communications, and  warned  against  the  certainty  of  punishment 
hereafter  for  the  crime  that  had  been  committed  by  placing  an  im- 
pious hand  upon  wealth  which  they  asserted  belonged  to  God  alone. 
This  conduct  of  the  religious  orders  had  its  desired  effect  not 
only  among  the  people,  but  among  the  officers  of  government,  for 
the  chief  clerk  of  the  finance  department,  Hurci,  refused  to  sign 
the  law,  and  it  was  some  time  before  a  suitable  person  could  be 
found  to  put  the  law  in  operation.  Santa  Anna  adroitly  kept 
himself  aloof  from  the  controversy,  and  wrote  from  San  Luis  that 
he  merely  desired  support  for  the  army,  and  that  in  other  questions, 
especially  those  touching  the  clergy,  he  had  no  desire  to  enter,  but 
would  limit  himself  to  the  recommendation  that  neither  the  canons 
nor  the  collegiate  establishment  of  Guadalupe  should  be  molested, 
inasmuch  as  he  entertained  the  greatest  friendship  for  the  one  and 
the  most  reverential  devotion  for  the  other. 


AFFAIRS     IN     THE     CAPITAL  319 

1847 

But  the  executive,  fixed  in  its  intention  to  liberate  the  property 
held  in  mortmain,  took  every  means  to  carry  the  law  into  effect, 
and  experienced  the  utmost  resistance  from  the  incumbents. 

This  rigorous  conduct  of  the  executive,  and  the  opposition  it 
encountered  from  the  Moderados,  fomented  by  that  powerful 
spiritual  class  which  has  so  long-  guided  the  conscience  of  the 
masses,  gave  rise  at  this  period  to  the  outbreak  in  the  capital  which 
is  known  as  the  revolution  of  the  Polkos.  It  began  on  February 
22,  1847,  m  Mexico,  while  Santa  Anna  was  firing  the  first  guns 
at  Angostura;  and  its  great  object  was  to  drive  Farias  from 
executive  power.  The  forces  on  both  sides  amounted  to  6000  men, 
and  were  divided  between  the  Polkos  and  the  partisans  of  the  gov- 
ernment. Funds  were  found  to  support  both  factions,  and  from 
that  time  to  March  21  the  City  of  Mexico  was  converted  into  a 
battlefield.  On  the  morning  of  that  day  Santa  Anna,  who  had 
already  dispatched  a  portion  of  his  broken  army  toward  the  coast, 
and  who  had  been  approached  on  his  journey  from  the  capital  by 
emissaries  from  both  factions,  arrived  at  Guadalupe,  and  imme- 
diately the  contest  ceased.  The  stewards  of  the  convents  refused 
to  expend  more  money  for  the  support  of  their  partisans,  and  the 
treasury  of  the  government  was  closed  against  its  adherents.  The 
personal  influence  of  Santa  Anna  thus  put  an  end  to  a  disgraceful 
rebellion  which  threatened  the  nationality  of  Mexico  within,  while 
a  foreign  enemy  was  oreparing  to  attack  its  most  vital  parts  from 
the  Gulf. 

The  conflict  of  arms  was  over,  but  the  partisans  of  the  clergy 
did  not  intermit  their  efforts  to  get  rid  of  the  obnoxious  vice- 
president;  and  at  length  they  effected  pacifically  what  they  had 
been  unable  to  do  by  force. 

They  brought  in  a  bill  declaring  that  "  the  vice-presidency 
of  the  republic,  created  by  the  decree  of  December  21,  1846,  should 
be  suppressed."  The  debate  upon  this  was  of  the  most  animated 
nature,  the  friends  and  enemies  of  Farias  showing  equal  vehemence 
in  sustaining  their  views.  On  March  31  the  vote  was  taken,  and 
the  proposition  carried  by  a  vote  of  thirty-eight  to  thirty-five. 

The  following  day  a  decree  was  passed  embodying  the  above 
proposition  and  others : 

1.  Permission  is  granted  to  the  actual  President  of  the  repub- 
lic to  take  command  in  person  of  the  forces  which  the  government 
may  place  under  his  command  to  resist  the  foreign  enemy. 


320  MEXICO 

1847 

2.  The  vice-presidency  of  the  republic,  established  by  the  law 
of  December  21,  last,  is  suppressed. 

3.  The  place  of  the  provisional  President  shall  be  filled  by  a 
substitute,  named  by  congress  according  to  the  terms  of  the  law 
just  cited. 

4.  If  in  this  election  the  vote  of  the  deputations  should  be 
tied,  in  place  of  determining  the  choice  by  lot,  congress  shall  de- 
cide, voting  by  person. 

5.  The  functions  of  the  substitute  shall  cease  when  the  pro- 
visional President  shall  return  to  the  exercise  of  power. 

6.  On  May  15  next  the  legislatures  of  the  States  shall  proceed 
to  the  election  of  a  President  of  the  republic,  according  to  the  form 
prescribed  by  the  constitution  of  1824,  and  with  no  other  differ- 
ence save  voting  for  one  individual  only. 

7.  The  same  legislatures  shall  at  once  transmit  to  the  sovereign 
congress  the  result  of  the  election  in  a  certified  dispatch. 

This  decree  having  been  passed,  it  was  at  once  signified  to 
congress  through  a  minister  that  Santa  Anna  was  desirous  of 
assuming  the  command  of  the  army  immediately  and  marching  to 
the  east  to  provide  for  the  national  defense.  Congress  went  at 
once  into  permanent  session  in  order  to  choose  a  substitute  for  the 
president.  The  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Pedro  Anaya. 
He  received  sixty  votes  and  General  Almonte  eleven,  voting  by 
persons,  and  eighteen  votes  against  three,  counting  by  deputations. 
The  result  being  promulgated,  permission  was  granted  that  Anaya 
should  at  once  take  the  oath  of  office.  This  was  on  April  1,  and 
on  the  2d  Anaya  entered  upon  his  duties.  He  dispensed  with  the 
usual  visits  of  congratulation  and  ceremony  on  account  of  the 
pressure  of  public  business,  and  Santa  Anna  left  the  capital  for 
the  army  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day. 


Chapter    XXX 

THE   ADVANCE   TO   THE    CAPITAL.     1847 

THE  extraordinary  genius  of  Santa  Anna  and  the  influence 
he  possessed  over  his  countrymen  were  perhaps  never 
more  powerfully  manifested  than  in  the  manner  in  which 
amid  all  these  disasters  he  maintained  his  reputation  and  popularity, 
and  gathered  a  new  army  to  defend  the  eastern  frontier  of  Mexico. 
But  while  he  was  engaged  in  the  interior  we  must  return  to  the 
scene  of  General  Scott's  operations  on  the  coast.  The  small  Island 
of  Lobos,  about  125  miles  from  Vera  Cruz,  had  been  selected  for 
the  rendezvous  of  the  several  corps  which  were  to  compose  the 
American  invading  army;  and  the  magnitude  of  the  enterprise 
may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  that  163  vessels  were  employed  as 
transports.  On  March  7  Scott  embarked  his  troops  in  the  squadron 
under  Commodore  Conner,  and  on  the  9th  landed  the  army  upon 
the  coast  below  the  Island  of  Sacrificios  without  the  loss  of  a  man 
and  without  opposition  from  the  neighboring  city  of  Vera  Cruz, 
which  he  summoned  in  vain  to  surrender.  Having  planted  his 
batteries  and  placed  them  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Bank- 
head,  as  chief  of  artillery,  he  commenced  a  vigorous  bombardment 
of  the  city  on  the  18th,  aided  afloat  and  on  shore  by  the  guns  of  the 
fleet,  which  had  been  transferred  from  Commodore  Conner  to 
the  command  of  Commodore  Perry.  The  town  was  thus  invested 
by  land  and  water,  and  although  the  Mexican  castle,  city  walls, 
and  forts  were  but  poorly  garrisoned  and  provided,  they  held  out 
bravely  during  the  terrible  siege,  which  nearly  converted  Vera 
Cruz  into  a  slaughter-house.  On  the  morning  of  the  26th,  when 
no  hope  remained  for  the  Mexicans,  General  Landero,  the  com- 
mander, made  overtures  for  a  capitulation,  which  being  satisfac- 
torily arranged,  the  principal  commercial  port  and  the  most 
renowned  fortress  in  Mexico  were  surrendered,  together  with  400 
guns,  5000  stand  of  arms,  and  as  many  prisoners,  who  were  released 
on  parole. 

General  Scott  had  endeavored  to  mitigate  the  dangers  of  this 

321 


322  MEXICO 

1847 

terrific  attack  upon  Vera  Cruz  by  the  employment  of  such  a  force 
as  would  honorably  satisfy  the  inefficient  garrison  of  the  town  and 
castle  that  it  was  in  truth  unable  to  cope  with  the  American  forces. 
He  delayed  opening  his  batteries  to  allow  the  escape  of  non-com- 
batants ;  he  refrained,  moreover,  from  storming  the  town,  a  mode 
of  assault  in  which  multitudes  would  have  fallen  on  both  sides  in 
the  indiscriminate  slaughter  which  always  occurs  when  an  enemy's 
town  is  invaded  in  hot  blood  and  with  a  reckless  spirit  of  conquest 
and  carnage.  Yet,  weak  and  badly  provided  as  was  the  garrison 
of  both  strongholds,  the  walls  of  the  city,  its  batteries,  and  its 
guardian  castle  held  out  for  sixteen  days,  during  which  time  it  is 
estimated  that  the  besieging  forces  threw  into  the  town  about  6000 
shot  and  shells,  weighing  upward  of  463,000  pounds.  On  the  side 
of  the  Mexicans  the  slaughter  was  exceedingly  great.  Nearly  a 
thousand  fell  victims  during  the  siege;  and  among  the  slain  nu- 
merous unfortunate  citizens,  women,  and  children  were  found  to 
have  perished  by  the  bombs  or  paixhan  shot,  which  destroyed  the 
public  and  private  edifices  and  ruined  many  important  portions  of 
the  city. 

When  this  new  disaster  was  reported  in  the  capital  and  among 
the  highlands  of  Mexico,  it  spread  consternation  among  the  more 
secluded  masses,  who  now  began  to  believe  that  the  heart  of  the 
country  was  seriously  menaced.  They  had  doubtless  trusted  to  the 
traditionary  proverbial  strength  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and  believed 
that  the  danger  of  disease  and  storm  on  the  coast  would  serve  to 
protect  Vera  Cruz  from  the  attack  of  unacclimated  strangers  during 
a  season  of  hurricanes.  Indeed,  it  was  fortunate  that  the  invaders 
were  landed  from  the  transports  and  men-of-war  as  early  as  they 
were  in  March,  for  almost  immediately  afterward,  and  during 
the  siege,  one  of  the  most  violent  "  northers  "  that  ever  ravaged 
these  shores  raged  incessantly,  destroying  many  of  the  vessels 
whose  warlike  freight  of  men  and  munitions  had  been  so  recently 
disembarked. 

But  if  the  people  were  ignorant  of  the  true  condition  and 
strength  of  Vera  Cruz  or  its  castles,  such  was  not  the  case  with  the 
military  men  and  national  authorities.  They  had  made  but  little 
effort  to  guard  it  against  Scott,  of  whose  designed  attack  they  had 
been  long  apprised,  and  they  were  probably  prevented  from  doing 
so  chiefly  by  the  plans  of  Santa  Anna,  who  supposed  that  Taylor 
would  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the  large  Mexican  forces  in  the  field 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  323 

1847 

at  Buena  Vista,  especially  as  the  American  army  had  been  weakened 
by  the  abstraction  of  its  regulars  for  the  operations  at  Vera  Cruz. 
Victorious  at  Buena  Vista,  he  could  have  hastened  by  forced 
marches  to  attack  the  invaders  on  the  eastern  coast,  and  under 
the  dismay  of  his  anticipated  victory  in  the  north  he  unquestion- 
ably imagined  that  they  too  would  have  fallen  at  once  into  his 
grasp.  Besides  these  military  miscalculations,  Mexico  was  so 
embarrassed  in  its  pecuniary  affairs  and  disorganized  in  its  central 
civil  government  that  the  proper  directing  power  in  the  capital, 
warned  as  it  was,  had  neither  men  nor  means  at  hand  to  dispose 
along  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  or  to  station  at  points  in  its  neighbor- 
hood whence  they  might  quickly  be  thrown  into  positions  which 
were  menaced. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Santa  Anna's  voice  was  again 
heard  in  the  council  and  the  field.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  last 
chapter  we  left  him  hastening  to  the  new  scene  of  action;  and 
when  he  announced  the  capitulation  of  the  vaunted  castle  and 
seaport  of  the  republic,  he  declared  in  his  proclamation  that  al- 
though "  chance  might  decree  the  fall  of  the  capital  of  the  Aztec 
empire  under  the  power  of  the  proud  American  host,  yet  the 
nation  shall  not  perish."  "  I  swear,"  continues  he,  "  that  if  my 
wishes  are  seconded  by  a  sincere  and  unanimous  effort,  Mexico 
shall  triumph!  A  thousand  times  fortunate  for  the  nation  will  the 
fall  of  Vera  Cruz  prove,  if  the  disaster  shall  awaken  in  Mexican 
bosoms  the  dignified  enthusiasm  and  generous  ardor  of  true  pa- 
triotism !  "  This  was  the  tone  of  appeal  and  encouragement  in 
which  he  rallied  the  credulous  and  vain  masses,  the  disheartened 
country,  the  dispersed  troops  of  the  north,  and  reanimated  the 
broken  fragments  of  the  army  which  still  continued  in  the  field. 

Meanwhile  General  Scott  placed  Vera  Cruz  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Worth,  opened  the  port  to  the  long  abandoned 
commerce  which  had  languished  during  the  blockade,  established 
a  moderate  tariff,  and  together  with  the  forces  of  the  navy  took 
possession  of  the  ports  of  Alvarado  and  Tlacotlalpam  on  the  south, 
and  directed  the  future  capture  of  Tuspan  on  the  north  of  Vera 
Cruz.  All  his  arrangements  being  completed,  and  these  captures 
made  and  projected,  he  marched  a  large  portion  of  his  12,000 
victorious  troops  toward  the  capital. 

When  the  road  to  the  interior  leaves  Vera  Cruz  it  runs  for  a 
mile  or  two  along  the  low,   sandy,   sea-beaten  shore,   and   then 


HU  MEXICO 

1847 

strikes  off  nearly  at  a  right  angle  in  a  gap  among  the  sand-hills 
toward  the  west.  For  many  miles  it  winds  slowly  and  heavily 
through  the  deep  and  shifting  soil,  until,  as  the  traveler  approaches 
the  River  Antigua,  the  country  begins  to  rise  and  fall  by  gentle 
elevations  like  the  first  heavy  swells  of  the  ocean.  Passing  this 
river  at  Puente  Nacional  over  the  noble  and  renowned  bridge  of 
that  name,  the  aspect  of  the  territory  becomes  suddenly  changed. 
The  nearer  elevations  are  steeper  and  more  frequent,  the  road 
firmer  and  more  rocky,  while  in  the  western  distance  the  high 
slopes  of  the  sierras  rise  rapidly  in  bold  and  wooded  masses.  All 
the  features  of  nature  are  still  strictly  tropical,  and  wherever  a 
scant  and  thriftless  cultivation  has  displaced  the  thick  vines,  the 
rich  flowers,  and  the  dense  foliage  of  the  forest,  indolent  natives 
may  be  seen  idling  about  their  cane-built  huts  or  lazily  performing 
only  the  most  necessary  duties  of  life.  Further  on,  at  Plan  del 
Rio,  the  geological  features  of  the  coast  assume  another  aspect. 
Here  the  road  again  crosses  a  small  streamlet,  and  then  suddenly 
strikes  boldly  into  the  side  of  the  mountain  which  is  to  be  ascended. 
About  seven  leagues  from  Jalapa  the  edge  of  one  of  the  tablelands 
of  the  Cordilleras  sweeps  down  from  the  west  abruptly  into  this 
pass  of  the  River  Plan.  On  both  sides  of  this  precipitous  elevation 
the  mountains  tower  majestically.  The  road  winds  slowly  and 
roughly  along  the  scant  sides  which  have  been  notched  to  receive  it. 
When  the  summit  of  the  pass  is  attained  one  side  of  the  road  is 
found  to  be  overlooked  by  the  Hill  of  the  Telegraph,  while  on  the 
other  side  the  streamlet  runs  in  an  immensely  deep  and  rugged 
ravine  several  hundred  feet  below  the  level  of  the  tableland.  Be- 
tween the  road  and  the  river  many  ridges  of  the  neighboring  hills 
unite  and  plunge  downward  into  the  impassable  abyss.  At  the  foot 
of  the  Hill  of  the  Telegraph  rises  another  eminence  known  as  that 
of  Atalaya,  which  is  hemmed  in  by  other  wooded  heights  rising 
from  below,  and  forming  in  front  of  the  position  a  boundary  of 
rocks  and  forests  beyond  which  the  sight  cannot  penetrate. 

When  Don  Manuel  Robles  left  Vera  Cruz  after  its  fall  he  was 
desired  by  General  Canalizo  to  examine  the  site  of  Cerro  Gordo. 
After  a  full  reconnoissance  it  was  his  opinion  that  it  afforded  a 
favorable  spot  in  which  the  invaders  might  be  at  least  injured  or 
checked,  but  that  it  was  not  the  proper  point  to  dispute  their  passage 
to  the  capital  by  a  decisive  victory.  The  most  favorable  position 
for  resistance  he  believed  to  be  at  Corral  Falso. 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  325 

1847 

These  views,  however,  did  not  accord  with  the  opinions  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  who,  when  the  ground  was  explored  under 
his  own  eye,  resolved  to  fortify  it  for  the  reception  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. The  brigades  of  General  Pinzon  and  Ranjel,  the  companies 
of  Jalapa  and  Coatepec,  commanded  by  Mata,  and  the  veterans 
of  the  division  of  Angostura  arrived  also  about  this  period,  and 
their  last  sections  reached  the  ground  on  April  12.  Meanwhile 
all  was  activity  in  the  work  of  hasty  fortification.  Robles  con- 
structed a  parapet  at  the  edge  of  the  three  hills,  but  failing  to  ob- 
tain all  requisite  materials  for  such  a  work,  his  erection  merely 
served  to  mark  the  line  of  the  Mexican  operations  and  to  form  a 
breastwork  whence  the  artillery  and  infantry  might  command  the 
ground  over  which,  as  the  defenders  supposed,  the  Americans 
would  be  obliged  to  advance.  Colonel  Cano  had  already  cut  off 
the  access  by  the  road  at  the  point  where  it  turned  on  the  right 
slope  of  the  Telegraph  by  placing  a  heavy  battery.  He  also  formed 
a  covered  way  leading  to  the  positions  on  the  right,  while  General 
Alcorta  constructed  a  circular  work  on  the  summit  of  the  eminence 
and  established  within  it  a  battery  of  four  guns.  In  the  center 
of  this  the  national  flag  was  hoisted,  and  off  to  the  left  nothing 
was  seen  but  thick,  thorny  dells  and  barrancas,  which  were  regarded 
by  Santa  Anna  as  impassable. 

Such  was  the  Mexican  line  of  defenses  extending  on  the  brink 
of  these  precipices  for  nearly  a  mile,  and  throughout  it  the  com- 
mander-in-chief hastened  to  distribute  his  forces.  The  extreme  right 
was  placed  under  the  command  of  General  Pinzon,  the  next  position 
under  the  naval  captain,  Buenaventura  Aranjo,  the  next  under 
Colonel  Badillo,  the  next  under  General  Jarero,  the  next  post, 
at  the  road,  under  General  La  Vega,  and  finally  the  extreme  left, 
at  the  Telegraph,  under  Generals  Vazquez  and  Uraga  and 
Colonel  Palacios.  The  forces  thus  in  position,  according  to  the 
Mexican  account,  amounted  to  3372  men,  with  52  pieces  of  ord- 
nance of  various  caliber.  The  remainder  of  the  army,  with  the 
exception  of  the  cavalry,  which  remained  at  Corral  Falso  until 
the  15th,  was  encamped  on  the  sides  of  the  road  at  the  rancheria 
of  Cerro  Gordo,  situated  in  the  rear  of  the  position.  In  this  neigh- 
borhood was  placed  the  reserve,  composed  of  the  1st,  2d,  3d,  and 
4th  Light  Infantry,  comprising  1700  men;  and  the  1st  and  nth 
Regiments  of  the  Line,  with  780  men,  together  with  their  artillery. 
It  is  said  that  the  army  was  badly  provided  with  food  and  suffered 


326  MEXICO 

1847 

greatly  from  the  climate  and  the  innumerable  insects  which  infest 
the  region. 

As  Scott  advanced  against  this  position  the  dangers  of  his 
enterprise  became  manifest,  and  he  caused  a  series  of  bold  recon- 
noissances  to  be  made  by  Lieutenant  Beauregard  and  Captain  Lee, 
of  the  Engineers.  He  found  that  the  deep  rock  ravine  of  the  river 
protected  the  right  flank  of  the  Mexican  position,  while  abrupt  and 
seemingly  impassable  mountains  and  ridges  covered  the  left.  Be- 
tween these  points  for  nearly  two  miles  a  succession  of  fortified 
summits  bristled  with  every  kind  of  available  defense,  while  the 
top  of  Cerro  Gordo  commanded  the  road  on  a  gentle  slope,  like 
a  glacis,-  for  nearly  a  mile.  An  attack  in  front,  therefore,  would 
have  been  fatal  to  the  American  army,  and  Scott  resolved,  accord- 
ingly, to  cut  a  road  to  the  right  of  his  position  so  as  to  turn  the 
left  flank  of  the  Mexicans.  To  cover  his  flank  movements,  on  April 
17  he  ordered  General  Twiggs  to  advance  against  the  fort  on  the 
steep  ascent  in  front  and  slightly  to  the  left  of  the  Cerro.  Colonel 
Harney,  with  the  rifles  and  some  detachments  of  infantry  and 
artillery,  carried  this  position  under  a  heavy  fire  and,  having  se- 
cured it,  elevated  a  large  gun  to  the  summit  of  the  eminence  and 
made  a  demonstration  against  a  strong  fort  in  the  rear.  Early 
on  April  18  the  columns  moved  to  the  general  attack.  General 
Pillow's  brigade  assaulted  the  right  of  the  Mexican  entrenchments, 
and,  although  compelled  to  retire,  produced  a  powerful  impression 
on  that  part  of  the  enemy's  line.  General  Twiggs's  division  stormed 
the  vital  part  of  Cerro  Gordo,  pierced  the  center,  gained  command 
of  the  fortifications  and  cut  them  off  from  support,  while  Colonel 
Riley's  brigade  of  infantry  rushed  on  against  the  main  body  of  the 
foe,  turned  the  guns  of  their  own  fort  against  them,  and  compelled 
the  panic-stricken  crowd  to  fly  in  utter  confusion.  Shields's  brigade 
meanwhile  assaulted  the  left,  and  carrying  the  rear  battery  aided 
materially  in  completing  the  rout  of  the  enemy.  The  whole  Ameri- 
can force  in  action  and  reserve  was  8500.  About  3000  prisoners, 
4000  to  5000  stand  of  arms,  and  43  pieces  of  artillery  fell  into  Scott's 
hands.  In  the  two  days  of  conflict  the  American  loss  amounted  to 
33  officers  and  398  men,  of  whom  63  were  killed.  The  Mexican 
loss  was  computed  at  1000  at  least,  while  among  the  prisoners  no 
less  than  280  officers  and  5  generals  were  included.  Santa  Anna, 
with  General  Ampudia,  who  was  in  the  action,  escaped  with  diffi- 
culty, and  the  commander-in-chief,  accompanied  by  a  few  friends 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  327 

1847 

and  a  small  escort,  finally  reached  Orizaba  in  safety,  after  en- 
countering numerous  dangers  amid  the  mountains  and  lonely  paths 
through  which  he  was  obliged  to  pass. 

This  very  decisive  victory  opened  the  path  for  the  American 
army  to  the  highlands  of  the  upper  plateau  of  Mexico,  and  accord- 
ingly the  forces  immediately  pushed  on  to  Jalapa  and  Perote,  both 
of  which  places  were  abandoned  by  the  Mexicans  without  firing  a 
gun.  General  Worth  took  possession  of  Perote  on  April  22,  and 
received  from  Colonel  Velasquez,  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of 
the  fortress  or  castle  of  San  Carlos  de  Perote  by  his  retreating 
countrymen,  54  guns  and  mortars  of  iron  and  bronze,  11,065 
cannonballs,  14,300  bombs  and  hand  grenades,  and  500  muskets. 
On  capturing  the  post  he  learned  that  the  rout  at  Cerro  Gordo 
had  been  complete.  Fully  3000  cavalry  passed  the  stronghold  of 
Perote  in  deplorable  plight,  while  not  more  than  2000  disarmed 
and  famishing  infantry  had  returned  toward  their  homes  in  the 
central  regions  of  Mexico.  From  Perote  Worth  advanced  toward 
Puebla  on  the  direct  road  to  the  capital. 

Thus  was  Mexico  again  reduced  to  extreme  distress  by  the 
loss  of  two  important  battles,  the  destruction  of  her  third  army 
raised  for  this  war,  and  the  capture  of  her  most  valuable  artillery 
and  munitions.  But  the  national  spirit  of  resistance  was  not  sub- 
dued. If  the  government  could  no  longer  restrain  the  invaders 
by  organized  armies,  it  resolved  to  imitate  the  example  of  the 
mother  country  during  Napoleon's  invasion,  and  to  rouse  the  peo- 
ple to  the  formation  of  guerrilla  bands  under  daring  and  reckless 
officers.  Bold  as  was  this  effort  of  patriotic  despair,  and  cruelly 
successful  as  it  subsequently  proved  against  individuals  or  de- 
tached parties  of  the  Americans,  it  could  effect  nothing  material 
against  the  great  body  of  the  consolidated  army.  Meanwhile  the 
master  spirit  of  the  nation — Santa  Anna — had  not  been  idle  in 
the  midst  of  his  disheartening  reverses.  In  little  more  than  two 
weeks  he  gathered  nearly  3000  men  from  the  fragments  of  his 
broken  army  and  marched  to  Puebla,  where  he  received  notice  of 
Worth's  advance  from  Perote.  Sallying  forth  immediately  with 
his  force,  he  attacked  the  American  general  at  Amozoque,  but, 
finding  himself  unable  to  check  his  career,  returned  with  a  loss 
of  nearly  90  killed  and  wounded.  On  May  2.2,  Puebla  yielded  sub- 
missively to  General  Worth,  and  Santa  Anna  retreated  in  the 
direction  of  the  national  capital,  halting  at  San  Martin  Tesmalucan, 


828  MEXICO 

1847 

and  again  at  Ayotla,  about  twenty  miles  from  Mexico.  Here  he 
learned  that  the  city  was  in  double  fear  of  the  immediate  assault  of 
the  victorious  Americans  and  of  his  supposed  intention  to  defend 
it  within  its  own  walls,  a  project  which  the  people  believed  would 
only  result,  in  the  present  disastrous  condition  of  affairs,  in  the 
slaughter  of  its  citizens  and  ruin  of  their  property.  The  com- 
mander-in-chief halted  therefore  at  Ayotla,  and  playing  dexter- 
ously on  the  hopes  and  fears  of  the  people  in  a  long  dispatch 
addressed  to  the  minister  of  war,  he  at  length  received  the  presi- 
dential and  popular  sanction  of  his  return  to  Mexico. 

In  truth,  the  nation  at  large  had  no  one  but  Santa  Anna  at 
that  moment  of  utter  despair  in  whose  prestige  and  talents — in 
spite  of  all  his  misfortunes  and  defeats — it  could  rely  for  even  the 
hope  of  escape  from  destruction,  if  not  of  ultimate  victory. 

While  the  Mexican  nation  had  been  thus  sorely  vexed  by  in- 
testinal commotions  and  foreign  invasion,  an  extraordinary  con- 
stituent congress — Congreso  Extraordinario  Constitnyente — had 
been  summoned  and  met  in  the  capital,  chiefly  to  revise  the  con- 
stitution, or  the  "  Bases  of  Political  Organization,"  of  1843,  which 
had  been  superseded  by  the  temporary  adoption  of  the  federal 
constitution  of  1824,  according  to  the  edict  issued  by  Salas  under 
the  direction  of  Santa  Anna  soon  after  that  personage's  return 
from  exile.  This  extraordinary  congress  readopted  the  old  fed- 
eral constitution  of  1824  without  altering  its  terms,  principles,  or 
phraseology,  and  made  such  slight  changes  as  were  deemed  needful 
by  an  Acta  Constitutiva  y  de  Reformas,  containing  thirty  articles, 
which  was  sanctioned  on  May  18,  and  proclaimed  on  the  21st 
by  Santa  Anna,  who  had  reassumed  the  presidency.  By  this 
approval  of  the  federal  system  the  executive  entirely  abandoned 
the  central  policy  for  which  he  had  so  long  contended,  but  which, 
as  we  have  seen,  he  no  longer  believed,  or  feigned  to  believe,  suit- 
able for  the  nation. 

Notwithstanding  this  submission  to  popular  will  and  apparent 
desire  to  deprive  the  central  government  of  its  most  despotic  pre- 
rogatives, the  conduct  of  Santa  Anna  did  not  save  him  entirely 
from  the  machinations  of  his  rivals  or  of  intriguers.  Much  dis- 
content was  expressed  publicly  and  privately,  and  the  president 
accordingly  tendered  his  resignation  to  congress,  intimating  a  de- 
sire to  hasten  into  private  life !  This  strategic  resignation  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  retirement  of  General  Rincon  and  General  Bravo, 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITA  L  329 

1847 

who  commanded  the  troops  in  the  city.  Acts  of  such  vital  signifi- 
cance upon  the  part  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  republic  in  an  hour  of 
exceeding  danger  at  once  recalled  congress  and  the  people  to  their 
senses;  and  if  they  were  designed,  as  they  probably  were,  merely 
to  throw  the  anarchists  on  their  own  resources  and  to  show  them 
their  inefficiency  at  such  an  epoch,  they  seem  to  have  produced  the 
desired  effect,  for  they  placed  Santa  Anna  and  his  partisans  more 
firmly  in  power.  Congress  refused  to  accept  his  resignation.  Un- 
fortunate as  he  had  been,  it  perhaps  saw  in  him  the  only  commander 
who  was  capable  in  the  exigency  of  controlling  the  Mexican  ele- 
ments of  resistance  to  the  invaders,  and  he  was  thus  enabled  to 
form  his  plans,  to  collect  men,  means  and  munitions,  and  to  com- 
mence the  system  of  fortifications  around  the  capital.  "  War  to 
the  knife  "  was  still  the  rallying  cry  of  the  nation.  The  congres- 
sional resolutions  which  had  been  passed  on  April  20,  immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  proclaimed  "  every  individual  a 
traitor,  let  him  be  private  person  or  public  functionary,  who  should 
enter  into  treaties  with  the  United  States !  "  Parties  in  the  capital 
were  nevertheless  not  unanimous  upon  this  subject.  There  were 
wise  men  and  patriots  who  foresaw  the  issue,  and  counseled  the 
leaders  to  come  to  honorable  terms  before  the  capital  was  assaulted. 
Others  craved  the  continuance  of  the  war  with  the  hope  that  its 
disasters  would  destroy  the  individuals  who  conducted  it  to  an 
unfortunate  issue,  and  among  these  they  saw  that  Santa  Anna 
was  finally  pledged  to  abide  that  issue  for  weal  or  woe.  Nor  were 
politicians  wanting  in  the  republic  who  honestly  looked  to  the 
prolongation  of  the  conflict  as  an  undoubted  blessing  to  Mexico, 
believing  that  it  would  ultimately  result  in  the  complete  subjugation 
of  the  whole  country  by  American  arms  and  its  final  annexation  to 
that  union. 

In  June  a  coalition  was  formed  at  Lagos  by  deputies  from 
Jalisco,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Zacatecas,  Mexico,  and  Queretaro,  in 
which  these  States  combined  for  mutual  defense ;  but,  while  they 
opposed  peace,  they  resolved  to  act  independently  of  the  general 
government.  Many  other  parts  of  the  republic  looked  on  the  scene 
with  apathy.  There  was  no  longer  a  revenue  from  foreign  com- 
merce. The  products  of  the  mines  were  smuggled  from  the  west 
coast  in  British  vessels.  Disorder  and  uncertainty  prevailed  every- 
where in  regard  to  the  collection  of  the  national  income  from  in- 
ternal  resources.     Individuals,    and   not    States,    corporations,    or 


330  MEXICO 

1847 

municipalities,  were  now  to  be  relied  on  for  support;  and  as  the 
most  important  parts  of  the  nation  on  the  north  and  east  were 
virtually  in  the  enemy's  hands,  the  whole  effort  of  the  frail  authori- 
ties was  confined  to  the  protection  of  the  capital.  In  the  midst  of 
all  this  complication  of  confusion  Santa  Anna  found  that  the  elec- 
tion for  president,  which  was  held  by  the  States  on  May  15,  had 
resulted  unfavorably  to  his  pretensions,  and  by  an  adroit  move- 
ment he  prevailed  on  congress  to  postpone  the  counting  of  the 
votes  from  June  15  until  January  of  the  following  year!  All  who 
opposed  his  schemes  of  defense  or  resistance  were  disposed  of  by 
banishment,  persecution,  or  imprisonment,  nor  did  he  fail  to  es- 
tablish so  severe  a  censorship  of  the  press  that  in  July  it  is  believed 
but  one  paper  was  allowed  to  be  issued  in  the  capital,  and  that 
one,  of  course,  entirely  under  his  control.  Throwing  himself,  like 
a  true  military  demagogue,  publicly,  if  not  at  heart,  at  the  head  of 
popular  feeling  in  regard  to  the  war  with  the  United  States,  he 
adopted  every  measure  and  availed  himself  of  every  resource  in 
his  power  to  place  the  city  in  a  state  of  defense  and  to  fan  the  flame 
of  resistance.  In  the  meanwhile  the  guerrilla  forces  organized  on 
the  eastern  coast,  chiefly  under  a  recreant  clergyman  named 
Jarauta,  harassed  every  American  train  and  detachment  on  its 
way  to  the  interior,  and  rendered  the  country  insecure,  until  a 
fearful  war  of  extermination  was  adopted  by  American  garrisons 
on  the  line. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  had  during  the  whole 
of  this  unfortunate  contest  availed  itself  of  every  supposed  suitable 
occasion  to  sound  Mexico  in  relation  to  peace.  In  July,  1846,  and 
in  January,  1847,  overtures  were  made  to  the  national  authorities, 
and  rejected ;  and  again,  early  in  the  spring  of  1847,  as  soon  as 
the  news  of  the  defeat  at  Cerro  Gordo  reached  Washington 
Nicholas  P.  Trist  was  dispatched  by  the  president  upon  a  mission 
which  it  was  hoped  would  result  in  the  restoration  of  international 
amity.  The  commissioner  reached  Vera  Cruz  while  the  American 
army  was  advancing  toward  the  interior,  but  it  was  not  until  the 
forces  reached  Puebla  and  General  Scott  had  established  his  head- 
quarters in  that  capital  that  he  was  enabled,  through  the  interven- 
tion of  the  British  minister,  to  communicate  with  the  Mexican 
Government.  The  stringent  terms  of  the  decree  to  which  we  have 
already  alluded,  of  course,  prevented  Santa  Anna,  powerful  as 
he  was,  from  entertaining  the  proposals  in  the  existing  state  of 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  331 

1847 

the  public  mind,  and  accordingly  he  referred  the  subject  to  con- 
gress, a  quorum  of  whose  members  was  with  difficulty  organized. 
On  July  13  seventy- four  assembled,  and  voted  to  strip  themselves 
of  the  responsibility  by  a  resolution  that  it  was  the  executive's  duty 
to  receive  ministers  and  to  make  treaties  of  peace  and  alliance,  and 
that  their  functions  were  confined  to  the  approval  or  disapproval 
of  those  treaties  or  alliances  when  submitted  in  due  form  under 
the  constitution.  But  Santa  Anna,  still  adhering  to  the  letter  of  the 
mandatory  decree  passed  after  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo  in  April, 
alleged  his  legal  incapaciy  to  treat,  and  recommended  the  repeal 
of  the  order,  inasmuch  as  the  American  commissioner's  letter  was 
courteous,  and  the  dignity  of  Mexico  required  the  return  of  a 
suitable  reply.  Before  the  appeal  could  reach  congress  its  members 
had  dispersed,  foreseeing  probably  the  delicacy,  if  not  danger,  of 
the  dilemma  in  which  they  were  about  to  be  placed.  Without  a 
constitutional  tribunal  to  relieve  him  from  his  position,  the  presi- 
dent finally  referred  the  matter  to  a  council  of  general  officers  of 
the  army.  This  body,  however,  was  quite  as  timorous  as  congress 
had  been,  and  dismissed  the  project  by  declaring  that  "  it  was 
inexpedient  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  peace  until  another 
opportunity  had  been  afforded  Mexico  to  retrieve  her  fortunes  in 
the  field." 

These  were  the  negotiations  that  met  the  public  eye  and  are 
reported  in  the  military  and  diplomatic  dispatches  of  the  day;  but 
there  was  a  secret  correspondence,  also,  which  denotes  either  the 
duplicity  or  strategy  of  Santa  Anna,  and  must  be  faithfully  re- 
corded. It  seems  that  the  Mexican  president,  about  the  time  that 
the  public  answer  was  proclaimed,  sent  private  communications  to 
the  American  headquarters  at  Puebla,  intimating  that  if  a  million 
of  dollars  were  placed  at  his  disposal,  to  be  paid  upon  the  con- 
clusion of  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  ten  thousand  dollars  were  paid 
forthwith,  he  would  appoint  commissioners  to  negotiate !  The  pro- 
posal was  received  and  discussed  by  General  Scott,  Trist,  and 
the  leading  officers,  and  being  agreed  to.  though  not  unanimously, 
the  ten  thousand  dollars  were  disbursed  from  the  secret  service 
money  which  Scott  had  at  his  disposal,  and  communications  were 
opened  in  cipher,  the  key  of  which  had  been  sent  from  Mexico. 
Intimations  soon  reached  Puebla  from  Santa  Anna  that  it  would 
be  also  necessary  for  the  American  army  to  advance  and  threaten 
the  capital;  and,  finally,   another  message  was   received,   urging 


332  MEXICO 

1847 

Scott  to  penetrate  the  valley  and  carry  one  of  the  outworks  of  the 
Mexican  line  of  defenses,  in  order  to  enable  him  to  negotiate!  1 

The  sincerity  of  these  proposals  from  the  Mexican  president 
is  very  questionable,  and  we  are  still  in  doubt  whether  he  designed 
merely  to  procrastinate  and  feel  the  temper  of  the  Americans,  or 
whether  he  was  in  reality  angling  for  the  splendid  bribe  of  a  million, 
which  he  might  appropriate  privately,  in  the  event  of  playing  suc- 
cessfully upon  the  feelings  or  fears  of  the  masses.  The  attempt, 
however,  proved  abortive,  and  although  both  General  Scott  and 
Trist  deemed  it  proper  to  entertain  the  proposal,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief never  for  a  moment  delayed  his  military  prepara- 
tions for  an  advance  with  all  the  force  he  could  gather.  Thus 
were  the  last  efforts  of  the  American  authorities  in  Mexico  and 
Washington  repulsed  in  the  same  demagogic  spirit  that  hastened 
the  rupture  between  the  nations  in  the  spring  of  1846,  and  noth- 
ing remained  but  to  try  again  whether  the  sword  was  mightier 
than  the  pen. 

The  American  forces,  as  we  have  stated,  had  concentrated  at 
Puebla  on  the  main  road  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  but  their  numbers 
had  been  thinned  by  desertion,  disease,  and  the  return  of  many 
volunteers  whose  term  of  service  was  over,  or  nearly  completed, 
Meanwhile  the  Mexican  army  was  increased  by  the  arrival  of 
General  Valencia  from  San  Luis  with  5000  troops  and  36  pieces  of 
artillery,  and  General  Alvarez,  with  his  Pinto  Indians  from  the 
south  and  southwest,  all  of  which,  added  to  the  regiments  in  the 
city  and  its  immediate  vicinity,  swelled  the  numbers  of  the  Mex- 
ican combatants  to  at  least  25,000  or  30,000.  It  was  discovered 
that  General  Taylor  would  not  advance  toward  the  south,  and 
consequently  the  presence  of  Valencia's  men  was  of  more  impor- 
tance at  the  point  where  the  vital  blow  would  probably  be  struck. 

While  the  events  we  have  related  were  occurring  in  the  in- 
terior, Commodore  Perry  had  swept  down  the  coast  and  captured 
Tabasco,  which,  however,  owing  to  its  unhealthfulness,  was  not 
long  retained  by  the  Americans.  But  every  other  important  port 
in  the  Gulf,  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Yucatan,  was  occupied, 
while  an  active  blockade  was  maintained  before  those  in  the 
Pacific.  Colonel  Bankhead  subsequently  occupied  Orizaba  and 
seized  a  large  quantity  of  valuable  public  property.     It  had  been 

1  Cf.  Major  Ripley's  account  in  "  History  of  the  War  with  Mexico,"  p.  148 
ct  seq. 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  333 

1847 

the  desire  of  the  American  authorities  from  the  earliest  period  of 
the  war  to  draw  a  large  portion  of  the  means  for  its  support  from 
Mexico,  but  the  commanding  generals,  finding  the  system  not  only 
annoying  to  themselves,  but  exasperating  to  the  people  and  difficult 
of  accomplishment,  refrained  from  the  exercise  of  a  right  which 
invaders  have  generally  used  in  other  countries.  The  officers  ac- 
cordingly paid  for  the  supplies  obtained  from  the  natives.  Nor 
did  they  confine  this  principle  of  action  to  the  operations  of  the 
military  authorities  alone  while  acting  for  the  army  at  large,  but 
wherever  it  was  possible  restrained  that  spirit  of  private  plunder 
and  destruction  which  too  commonly  characterizes  the  common 
soldier  when  flushed  with  victory  over  a  weak  but  opulent  foe. 
When  the  ports  of  Mexico  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Ameri- 
cans and  the  blockade  was  raised,  they  wrere  at  once  opened  to  the 
trade  of  all  nations  upon  the  payment  of  duties  more  moderate 
than  those  which  had  been  collected  by  Mexico.  The  revenues 
thus  levied  in  the  form  of  a  military  contribution  from  Mexican 
citizens  upon  articles  they  consumed  was  devoted  to  the  use  of  the 
American  army  and  navy.  It  was,  in  effect,  the  seizure  of  Mexican 
commercial  duties  and  their  application  to  necessary  purposes,  and 
thus  far  only  was  the  nation  compelled  to  contribute  toward  the 
expense  of  the  war  it  had  provoked. 

Early  in  August  General  Scott  had  been  reinforced  by  the 
arrival  of  new  regiments  at  Puebla,  and  on  the  7th  of  that  month  he 
resolved  to  march  upon  the  capital.  Leaving  a  competent  garrison 
in  that  city  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Childs,  and  a  large 
number  of  sick  and  enfeebled  men  in  the  hospitals,  he  departed 
with  about  10,000  eager  soldiers  toward  the  renowned  valley  of 
Mexico. 

In  the  same  month,  328  years  before,  Hernando  Cortez  and 
his  slender  military  train  departed  from  the  eastern  coasts  of 
Mexico  on  the  splendid  errand  of  Indian  conquest.  After  fighting 
two  battles  with  the  Tlascalans,  who  then  dwelt  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Puebla,  and  with  the  Cholulans,  whose  solitary  pyramid — 
a  grand  and  solemn  monument  of  the  past — still  rises  majestically 
from  the  beautiful  plain,  Scott  slowly  toiled  across  the  steeps  of 
the  grand  volcanic  sierra  which  divides  the  valleys  and  hems  in  the 
plain  of  Mexico.  Patiently  winding  up  its  wooded  sides  and  pass- 
ing the  forests  of  its  summit,  the  same  grand  panoramic  scene  lay 
spread  out  in  sunshine  at  the  feet  of  the  American  general  that 


334-  MEXICO 

1847 

three  centuries  before  had  greeted  the  eager  and  longing  eyes  of  the 
greatest  Castilian  soldier  who  ever  trod  the  shores  of  America. 

In  order  to  comprehend  the  military  movements  which  ended 
the  drama  of  the  Mexican  War,  it  will  be  necessary  for  us  to 
describe  the  topography  of  the  valley  with  some  minuteness,  al- 
though it  is  not  designed  to  recount  in  detail  all  the  events  and  per- 
sonal heroism  of  the  battles  that  ensued.  This  would  require 
infinitely  more  room  than  we  can  afford,  and  we  are  accordingly 
spared  the  discussion  of  many  circumstances  which  concern  the 
merits,  the  opinions,  and  the  acts  of  various  commanders. 

Looking  downward  toward  the  west  from  the  shoulders  of  the 
lofty  elevations  which  border  the  feet  of  the  volcano  of  Popocate- 
petl, the  spectator  beholds  a  remarkable  and  perfect  basin,  enclosed 
on  every  side  by  mountains  whose  height  varies  from  two  hundred 
to  ten  thousand  feet  from  its  bottom.  The  form  of  this  basin  may 
be  considered  nearly  circular,  the  diameter  being  about  fifty  miles. 
As  the  eye  descends  to  the  levels  below,  it  beholds  every  variety  of 
scenery.  Ten  extinct  volcanoes  rear  their  ancient  cones  and  craters 
in  the  southern  part  of  the  valley,  multitudes  of  lesser  hills  and 
elevations  break  the  evenness  of  the  plain,  while,  interspersed 
among  its  830  square  miles  of  arable  land  and  along  the  shores  of  its 
six  lakes  of  Chalco,  Xochimilco,  Tezcoco,  San  Cristoval,  Xaltocan, 
and  Zumpango,  stretching  across  the  valley  from  north  to  south, 
are  seen  the  white  walls  of  ten  populous  cities  and  towns.  In  front 
of  the  observer,  about  forty  miles  to  the  west,  is  the  capital  of  the 
republic,  while  the  main  road  thither  descends  rapidly  from  the 
last  mountain  slopes,  at  the  Venta  de  Cordova,  until  it  is  lost  in  the 
plain  on  the  margin  of  Lake  Chalco  near  the  hacienda  of  Buena 
Vista.  From  there  to  the  town  of  Ayotla  it  sweeps  along  the 
plain  between  a  moderate  elevation  on  the  north  and  the  lake  of 
Chalco  on  the  south. 

On  August  1 1  General  Scott,  after  crossing  the  mountains, 
concentrated  his  forces  in  the  valley.  General  Twiggs  encamped 
with  his  division  in  advance,  on  the  direct  road,  at  Ayotla,  near  the 
northern  shore  of  Lake  Chalco;  General  Quitman  was  stationed 
with  his  troops  a  short  distance  in  the  rear;  General  Worth  occu- 
pied the  town  of  Chalco  on  the  western  shore  of  its  lake,  while 
General  Pillow  brought  up  the  rear  by  an  encampment  near  Worth. 

This  position  of  the  army  commanded  four  routes  to  the  cap- 
ital whose  capture  was  the  coveted  prize.      The  first  of  these,  as 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  335 

1847 

well  as  the  shortest  and  most  direct,  was  the  main  post  road  which 
reaches  the  city  by  the  gate  or  garita  of  San  Lazaro  on  the  east. 
After  passing  Ayotla  this  road  winds  round  the  foot  of  an  extinct 
volcanic  hill  for  five  miles,  when  it  approaches  the  sedgy  shores  and 
marshes  of  Lake  Tezcoco  on  the  north,  thence  it  passes  over  a 
causeway  built  across  an  arm  of  Tezcoco  for  two  miles,  and  by  an- 
other causeway  of  seven  miles  finally  strikes  the  city.  The  road  is 
good,  level,  perfectly  open  and  comfortable  for  ordinary  traveling, 
but  the  narrow  land  between  the  lakes  of  Chalco  and  Tezcoco,  com- 
pressed still  more  by  broken  hills  and  rocks,  admits  the  most  perfect 
military  defense.  At  the  end  of  the  first  causeway  over  the  arm 
of  Tezcoco  which  we  have  just  described  is  the  abrupt  oblong  vol- 
canic hill  styled  El  Perion,  450  feet  above  the  level  of  the  lake,  its 
top  accessible  in  the  direction  of  Ayotla  at  only  one  point,  and  sur- 
rounded by  water  except  on  the  west  toward  Mexico.  It  is  a  nat- 
ural fortress;  yet  Santa  Anna  had  not  neglected  to  add  to  its 
original  strength,  and  to  seize  it  as  the  eastern  key  to  his  defenses. 
Three  lines  of  works  were  thrown  up,  at  the  base,  at  the  brow, 
and  on  the  summit  of  the  eminence.  The  works  at  the  base,  com- 
pletely encircling  El  Perion,  consisted  of  a  ditch  fifteen  feet  wide, 
four  and  a  half  feet  deep,  and  a  parapet  fifteen  feet  thick,  whose 
slope  was  raised  eight  and  a  half  feet  above  the  bottom  of  the  ditch. 
Ample  breastworks  formed  the  other  two  lines  of  the  bristling  tiara. 
In  addition  to  this,  the  causeway  across  the  arm  of  Tezcoco,  imme- 
diately in  front,  had  been  cut  and  was  defended  by  a  battery  of  two 
guns,  while  the  fire  from  all  the  works,  mounting  about  sixty 
pieces,  swept  the  whole  length  of  the  causeway. 

The  second  road  to  the  capital  was  by  Mexicalzingo.  After 
leaving  Ayotla  the  highway  continues  along  the  main  post  road  for 
six  or  seven  miles  and  then  deflects  southwardly  toward  the  village 
of  Santa  Maria,  whence  it  pursues  its  way  westwardly  toward  Ista- 
palapan,  but  just  before  reaching  Mexicalzingo  it  crosses  a  marsh, 
formed  by  the  waters  of  Lake  Xochimilco,  on  a  causeway  nearly  a 
mile  long.  This  approach,  dangerous  as  it  was  by  its  natural  im- 
pediments, was  also  protected  by  extensive  field  works  which  made 
it  almost  as  perilous  for  assault  as  the  Perion. 

The  third  route  lay  through  Tezcoco.  Leaving  Chalco  and 
the  hacienda  of  Buena  Vista,  it  strikes  off  from  the  main  route 
directly  north,  and  passing  through  the  town  of  Tezcoco  it  sweeps 
westwardly  around  the  shores  of  the  lake  of  that  name  until  it 


336  MEXICO 

1847 

crosses  the  stone  dyke  of  San  Cristoval,  near  the  lake  and  town  of 
that  name;  thence,  by  a  road  leading  almost  directly  south  for  fif- 
teen miles,  through  the  sacred  town  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  it  en- 
ters the  capital.  It  is  an  agreeable  route  through  a  beautiful  coun- 
try, yet  extremely  circuitous,  though  free  from  all  natural  or 
artificial  obstacles,  until  it  reaches  Santiago  Zacualco,  within  two 
miles  of  Guadalupe.  But  at  the  period  of  Scott's  invasion  of  the 
valley  General  Valencia,  with  the  troops  that  were  afterward  con- 
vened at  Contreras,  was  stationed  at  Tezcoco,  either  for  the  pur- 
pose of  observation  or  to  induce  an  attack  in  that  quarter,  and  thus 
to  draw  the  forces  into  a  snare  on  the  northern  route,  or  to  fall  on 
the  rear  of  the  American  commander  if  he  attacked  El  Penon  or 
advanced  by  the  way  of  Mexicalzingo.  At  Santiago  Zacualco, 
west  of  the  lake  and  on  the  route,  formidable  works  were  thrown 
up  to  defend  the  entire  space  between  the  western  shore  of  Lake 
Tezcoco  and  the  mountains ;  while  on  the  road  to  Queretaro,  at  the 
mountain  pass  north  of  Tenepantla,  other  defenses  were  erected, 
so  as  to  screen  the  country  on  all  sides  of  the  group  of  hills  which 
lies  west  of  the  lakes  of  Tezcoco  and  San  Cristoval  and  north  of  the 
town  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo. 

The  fourth  and  last  advance  to  the  city  was  that  which  turned 
to  the  south  from  the  hacienda  of  Buena  Vista,  and,  passing  by  the 
town  of  Chalco,  led  along  the  narrow  land  intervening  between  the 
shores  of  Lake  Chalco  and  the  first  steeps  of  the  mountains  form- 
ing the  southern  rim  of  the  valley,  until  it  fell  at  right  angles,  at 
Tlalpam  or  San  Agustin  de  las  Cuevas,  into  the  main  road  from 
the  City  of  Mexico  toward  the  southern  States  of  the  republic. 

All  these  routes  were  boldly  reconnoitered  by  the  brave  engi- 
neers accompanying  the  American  army,  and,  where  they  could  not 
extend  their  personal  observations,  the  officers  obtained  from  the 
people  of  the  country  information  upon  which  subsequent  events 
proved  that  they  were  justified  in  relying.  From  the  knowledge 
thus  gained  as  to  the  route  south  of  the  lake  of  Chalco,  they  were 
induced  to  believe,  although  it  was  rough,  untraveled,  difficult,  and 
narrowly  hemmed  in  between  the  lake  and  the  mountains,  yet  that 
the  long  and  narrow  defile  which  was  open  to  resistance  at  many 
points  was  not  sufficiently  obstructed  or  fortified  to  prevent  a 
passage.  All  the  routes  on  the  lower  lands,  it  should  also  be  re- 
membered, were  liable  to  increased  difficulties  from  the  deluging 
rains  prevailing  at  this  season  on  the  highlands  of  Mexico,  and 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  337 

1847 

which  sometimes  convert  the  highways  and  their  borders  for  many 
leagues  into  almost  impassable  lagoons. 

The  description  of  the  various  routes  to  the  capital  has  neces- 
sarily acquainted  the  reader  with  the  important  Mexican  defenses 
on  the  north,  the  east,  and  the  northeast  of  the  capital,  both  by 
military  works  hastily  thrown  up  after  Santa  Anna's  retreat  from 
Cerro  Gordo,  and  by  the  encampment  of  large  bodies  of  soldiery. 
We  thus  already  know  a  part  of  the  external  line  of  defenses  at  VI 
Penon,  Mexicalzingo,  Tezcoco,  Santiago  Zacualco,  and  the  pass 
north  of  Tenepantla.  But  in  addition  to  these  there  are  others  that 
must  be  noticed  on  the  south  and  west  of  the  capital,  which  it  should 
always  be  recollected  is  situated  in  the  lap  of  the  valley,  but  near  the 
western  edge  of  the  gigantic  rim  of  mountains. 

Along  the  Chalco  route  there  were  no  more  fortifications,  but 
west  of  lakes  Chalco  and  Xochimilco  a  line  of  entrenchments  had 
been  commenced,  connecting  the  fortified  hacienda,  or  massive 
stone  plantation  house  of  San  Antonio,  about  six  miles  south  of  the 
city,  with  the  town  of  Mexicalzingo.  West  of  this  hacienda,  the 
Pedregal,  a  vast  broken  field  of  lava,  spread  out  along  the  edge  of 
the  main  road,  and  skirting  it  to  San  Agustin,  extended  high  upon 
the  mountain  slopes  still  further  west  near  San  Angel  and  Con- 
treras,  whose  neighboring  fields  were  cut  into  deep  ravines  and  bar- 
rancas by  the  wash  from  the  declivities.  The  Pedregal  was  a  most 
formidable  obstacle  in  the  march  or  maneuvers  of  an  army.  But 
few  levels  of  arable  land  were  found  among  its  rocky  wastes.  It 
admitted  the  passage  of  troops  at  but  few  points,  and  was  entirely 
impracticable  for  cavalry  or  artillery,  except  by  a  single  mule-path. 
North  of  San  Angel  and  the  edge  of  the  Pedregal,  at  the  distance 
of  about  four  miles,  rose  the  solitary  hill  and  castle  of  Chapultepec, 
which  had  been  amply  prepared  for  defense ;  and  still  further  north 
on  the  same  line  frowned  the  stern  ridges  of  the  sierra,  cut  by  bar- 
rancas and  profound  dells,  until  the  ring  of  the  outer  series  of  mili- 
tary works  was  thus  finally  united  at  the  pass  beyond  Tenepantla. 
But  inside  of  this  formidable  barrier  of  outworks,  nearer  the  city, 
another  line  of  fortifications  had  been  prepared  to  dispute  the 
American  march.  The  first,  and  perhaps  the  most  important  of 
these,  was  at  Churubusco,  a  scattered  village  lying  midway  between 
San  Agustin  and  the  City  of  Mexico,  directly  on  the  road  at  a  spot 
where  the  stream  or  rivulet  of  Churubusco  runs  eastwardly  from  a 
point  on  the  road  from  San  Angel  to  the  capital  toward  the  lake 


338  MEXICO 

1847 

of  Xochimilco.  The  sides  of  the  water  course  were  planted  with 
the  prickly  maguey,  and  one  of  the  most  western  buildings  in  the 
village  was  a  strong,  massive  stone  convent,  whose  walls  had  been 
cut  for  musketry,  and  whose  parapets,  azoteas,  or  flat  roofs,  and 
windows  all  afforded  suitable  positions  for  soldiery.  Large  quan- 
tities of  ammunition  were  stored  within  the  edifice.  The  enclosure 
of  the  church  and  convent  was  defended  by  about  2000  men  and 
mounted  seven  guns,  while  toward  the  east  was  a  beautiful,  solid, 
and  scientifically  constructed  tete  de  pont  which  covered  the  bridge 
over  the  stream  by  which  the  road  led  to  the  capital.  In  this  work 
three  heavy  guns  were  mounted,  while  the  neighborhood  is  said  to 
have  swarmed  with  troops. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  garita  or  gate  of  San  Lazaro, 
which  was  the  entrance  to  the  city  by  the  main  road  from  the  east, 
passing  the  hill  and  fortification  of  El  Penon.  This  garita  was 
strengthened  by  strong  works  on  the  road,  with  platforms  and  em- 
brasures for  heavy  cannon,  which  would  have  swept  the  path,  while 
the  marches  on  the  south  were  protected  by  redoubts  and  lunettes 
extending  to  the  garita  or  entrance  of  La  Candelaria  on  the  canal 
from  Xochimilco.  North  of  San  Lazaro  strong  works  hemmed  in 
the  city  to  the  garita  of  Peralvillo,  and  connected  with  defenses  and 
fortified  houses  reaching  to  the  garita  of  Santiago.  Other  ad- 
vanced works  were  begun  in  that  quarter,  while  the  ground  in  front 
of  the  main  line  was  cut  into  troux  de  loups. 

On  the  west  of  the  city  are  the  garitas  of  San  Cosme  and 
Belen.  "  Works  had  been  commenced  to  connect  that  of  San 
Cosme,  the  most  northerly  of  the  two,  with  that  of  Santiago,  and 
the  nature  of  the  country  and  of  the  buildings  formed  obstructions 
to  any  advance  between  San  Cosme  and  Belen.  Belen  was  de- 
fended principally  by  the  citadel  of  Mexico,  a  square  bastioned 
work  with  wet  ditches,  immediately  inside  the  garita.  Barricades 
had  also  been  commenced ;  but  the  great  obstacle  to  an  entrance  by 
either  garita  was  presented  in  the  rock  and  castle  of  Chapultepec, 
two  miles  southwest  of  the  city.  From  this  hill  two  aqueducts 
extended  to  the  capital,  the  one,  northeast,  in  a  direct  line  to  Belen, 
and  the  other,  north,  to  the  suburb  of  San  Cosme,  where,  turning  at 
right  angles,  it  continued  onward  and  entered  at  the  Garita.  The 
roads  from  the  west  ran  along  the  sides  of  the  aqueducts.  Two 
roads  enter  the  city  from  the  south  between  the  garita  of  San 
Antonio  and  Belen,  one  at  Belen  and  the  other  at  the  garita  of  El 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  339 

1847 

Nino  PercUdo ;  neither  of  these  roads  have  branches  to  the 
Acapulco  road  south  of  the  Pedregal  and  the  hacienda  of  San 
Antonio,  and  therefore  had  been  left  comparatively  unfortified."  :; 

These  defenses,  overlooked  by  the  lofty  sierras  and  the  bar- 
rancas which  broke  their  feet,  hemmed  in  the  capital,  and  the  Mex- 
icans readily  imagined  that  they  could  not  be  turned  by  an  army 
marching  from  the  east,  so  as  to  reach  the  city  on  the  west,  except 
by  a  tedious  circuit  which  would  allow  them  time  to  complete  their 
protective  works  in  that  quarter.  The  east  had  claimed  their  chief 
and  most  natural  attention,  and  thus  the  south  and  the  west  became 
unquestionably  their  weakest  points. 

Such  were  the  Mexican  lines,  natural  and  artificial,  around  the 
capital  in  the  valley  in  the  middle  of  August,  1847,  anc^  sucn  was 
the  position  of  the  American  troops  in  front  of  them.  The  Mexi- 
cans numbered  then,  with  all  their  levies,  probably  more  than  30,000 
fighting  men,  while  the  Americans  did  not  count  more  than  10,000 
— under  arms  at  all  points.  The  invaders  had  prepared  as  well  as 
circumstances  admitted,  and  their  materiel  for  assault  or  siege  had 
been  gathered  carefully  and  transported  slowly  into  the  interior, 
through  the  country  intervening  between  Vera  Cruz  and  Puebla, 
every  train  being  usually  attacked  by  guerrillas,  and  fighting  its 
way  boldly  through  the  most  dangerous  passes. 

The  equipments  of  the  Mexicans,  except  the  weapons  saved 
from  the  wreck  of  former  battles,  had  been  chiefly  prepared  at  the 
cannon  foundries  and  powder  factories  of  the  country,  and  it  is 
quite  amazing  to  notice  how  completely  a  great  exigency  brought 
forth  the  latent  energies  of  the  people,  teaching  them  what  they 
might  ordinarily  effect  if  guided  by  a  spirit  of  industry  and  prog- 
ress. Under  the  most  disheartening  depression,  but  fired  by  the 
stimulus  of  despair,  by  an  overpowering  sense  of  patriotic  duty, 
and  by  religious  enthusiasm  which  had  been  excited  by  the  crusad- 
ing address  of  the  clergy  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  issued  in  the  month 
of  April,  they  manifested  in  their  last  moments  a  degree  of  zeal, 
calmness,  and  foresight  that  will  forever  redound  to  their  credit  on 
the  page  of  history. 

The  Mexican  preparations  for  defense  were  not,  of  course,  as 

completely  known   to   the  Americans   as   we  now   describe  them. 

Through    spies,    scouts,   and   reconnoissances   of   engineers,    some 

of  the  exterior,  and  even  of  the  interior,  lines  were  ascertained  with 

2  Major  Ripley,  "  History  of  the  War  with  Mexico,"  vol.  II.  p.  182. 


340  MEXICO 

1847 

tolerable  accuracy;  but  sufficient  was  known  to  satisfy  General 
Scott  that  of  all  the  approaching  routes  to  the  capital,  that  which 
led  along  the  southern  shores  of  Lake  Chalco  was  the  only  one  he 
ought  to  adopt.3 

Accordingly  on  August  15  the  movement  was  commenced  in  the 
reverse  order  from  that  in  which  the  army  had  entered  the  valley 
from  Puebla.  Worth's  division  passing  Pillow's,  led  the  advance, 
Pillow  and  Quitman  followed,  while  Twiggs's  brought  up  the  rear. 
Scott  took  his  position  with  Pillow,  so  as  to  communicate  easily 
with  all  parts  of  the  army.  Water  transportation  to  some  extent 
had  been  obtained  by  General  Worth  at  Chalco  by  the  seizure  of 
market  boats  which  plied  between  that  place  and  the  capital. 
When  Twiggs  moved  he  was  assailed  by  Alvarez  and  his  Pintos, 
but  soon  drove  them  off,  while  the  advance  columns,  after  passing 
San  Gregorio,  were  frequently  assailed  by  the  enemy's  light  troops 
in  their  front,  and  harassed  and  impeded  by  ditches  that  had  been 
hastily  cut  across  the  road  or  by  rocks  rolled  down  from  the  moun- 
tains. These  obstacles  necessarily  consumed  time,  but  the  simple- 
minded  Indians  of  the  neighborhood,  who  had  just  been  compelled 
by  the  Mexicans  to  throw  the  impediments  in  the  Americans'  way, 
were  perhaps  more  easly  induced  to  aid  in  clearing  the  path  for  the 
invaders  than  their  ancestors  had  been  in  the  days  of  Cortez.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  17th  Worth,  with  the  advance,  reached  San 
Agustin,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  and  at  the  intersection  of  the 
southern  road  from  Mexico  to  Cuernavaca  and  Acapulco — a  point 
whose  topography  we  have  already  described;  and  on  the  18th  the 
rear  division  entered  the  town. 

As  soon  as  Santa  Anna  discovered  Scott's  advance  by  the 
Chalco  route,  and  that  the  attack  on  Mexico  would  be  made  from 
the  south  instead  of  the  east,  he  at  once  perceived  that  it  was  useless 
to  attack  the  American  rear  while  passing  the  denies  between  the 
lake  and  the  mountains  even  if  he  could  possibly  come  up  with  it, 
and  consequently  that  it  was  best  for  him  to  quit  his  headquarters 
at  El  Penon,  while  he  also  recalled  General  Valencia  with  the  most 
of  the  troops  at  Tezcoco  and  at  Mexicalzingo,  which  were  no 
longer  menaced  by  the  foe.      Santa  Anna  himself  established  his 

3  General  Scott  had  set  his  heart,  even  at  Puebla,  on  the  Chalco  route,  but 
he  resolved  not  to  be  obstinate,  if.  on  a  closer  examination  of  the  ground,  a 
better  route  was  presented.  The  last  information  of  his  spies  and  officers,  in 
the  valley,  satisfied  him  as  to  the  propriety  of  advancing  by  Chalco. 


1847 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL 


341 


quarters  at  the  fortified  hacienda  of  San  Antonio,  and  ordered 
Valencia  to  march  his  whole  division,  cavalry,  infantry,  and  artil- 
lery, to  the  town  of  San  Angel  and  Coyoacan,  so  as  to  cover  the 
whole  west  and  center  of  the  valley  in  front  of  Mexico. 

In  order  to  understand  the  ensuing  military  movements  it  will 
be  proper  for  the  reader  to  study  the  map  of  the  valley  and  acquaint 
himself  fully  with  the  relative  position  of  both  parties.     The  plans 


of  both  generals-in-chief  were  well  made ;  but  the  blunders  and 
obstinacy  of  the  Mexican  second  in  command  disconcerted  Santa 
Anna's  desired  combination,  and  ultimately  opened  the  ground  to 
the  American  advance  with  more  ease  than  was  anticipated. 

We  will  sketch  rapidly  the  military  value  of  the  arena  upon 
which  the  combatants  stood,  on  August  18,  1847. 

Let  us  imagine  ourselves  beside  General  Scott,  standing  on  one 
of  the  elevations  above  the  town  of  San  Agustin  de  las  Cuevas,  at 


342  M  E  X  I  C  O 

1847 

the  base  of  the  southern  mountain  barrier  of  the  valley,  and  look- 
ing northward  toward  the  capital.  Directly  in  front,  leading  to  the 
city,  is  the  main  road,  the  left  or  western  side  of  which,  even  from 
the  gate  of  San  Agustin  to  the  hacienda  of  San  Antonio,  and  thence 
westwardly  to  San  Angel,  forms,  together  with  the  bases  of  the 
southern  and  western  mountains  about  St.  Geronimo  and  Con- 
treras,  a  vast  basin  ten  or  twelve  square  miles  in  extent,  covered 
with  the  Pedregal  or  the  field  of  broken  lava  which  we  have  already 
mentioned.  This  mass  of  jagged  volcanic  matter,  we  must  re- 
member, was  at  that  time  barely  passable  with  difficulty  for  infan- 
try, and  altogether  impassable  for  cavalry  or  artillery,  save  by  a 
single  mule  path.  North,  beyond  the  fortified  hacienda  and  head- 
quarters of  Santa  Anna  at  San  Antonio,  the  country  opened.  A 
line  of  field  works,  the  lake  of  Xochimilco,  a  few  cultivated  farms, 
and  vast  flooded  meadows  were  on  its  right  to  the  east,  but  from 
the  hacienda  a  road  branches  off  to  the  west,  leading  around  the 
northern  edge  of  the  Pedregal,  or  lava  field,  through  Coyoacan  and 
San  Angel,  whence  it  deflects  southwardly  to  Contreras.  The  main 
road,  however,  continues  onward  northwardly  from  the  hacienda 
of  San  Antonio  until  it  crosses  the  Churubusco  River  at  the  strong 
fortification  we  have  described.  Beyond  Churubusco  the  highway 
leads  straight  to  the  gate  of  San  Antonio  Abad,  whence  a  work  had 
been  thrown  northwestwardly  toward  the  citadel.  The  City  of 
Mexico,  built  on  the  bed  of  an  ancient  lake,  was  on  a  perfect  level, 
nor  were  there  any  commanding  or  protecting  elevations  of  impor- 
tance around  it  within  two  or  three  miles,  and  the  first  of  these  be- 
yond this  limit  were  chiefly  on  the  north  and  west. 

Thus  General  Santa  Anna  in  front  on  the  main  road  to  the 
city  at  the  massive  fortified  hacienda  of  San  Antonio  blocked  up 
the  highway  in  that  direction,  protected  on  his  right  by  the  barrier 
of  the  Pedregal;  and  by  the  lake  of  Xochimilco,  the  field  works, 
and  the  flooded  country  on  his  left.  General  Valencia  had  been 
placed  by  him  with  his  troops  at  San  Angel  on  the  western  edge 
of  the  valley,  and  at  the  village  of  Coyoacan,  a  little  further  east  in 
the  lap  of  the  valley  on  roads  communicating  easily  with  his  posi- 
tion at  San  Antonio,  while  they  commanded  the  approaches  to  the 
city  by  the  circuitous  path  of  the  Pedregal  around  the  edge  of  the 
valley  from  San  Agustin  de  las  Cuevas  through  Contreras  or  Pa- 
dierna.  Valencia  and  Santa  Anna  were  consequently  within  sup- 
porting distance  of  each  other;  and  in  their  rear,  in  front  of  the 


ADVANCE     T  0     T  H  E     C  A  P  I  T  A  L  343 

1847 

city,  were  the  fortifications  of  Chuntbusco.  General  Scott,  with  the 
whole  American  army,  was  therefore  apparently  hemmed  in  be- 
tween the  lakes  and  the  Pedregal  on  his  flanks,  the  Mexican  forti- 
fications and  army  in  front,  and  the  steep  mountains  toward  Cuer- 
navaca  in  his  rear.  He  was  obliged,  accordingly,  either  to  retreat 
by  the  defiles  through  which  he  had  advanced  from  Chalco — to 
climb  the  steeps  behind  him  and  pass  them  to  the  tierra  calicntc — 
to  force  the  position  in  front  at  the  hacienda  of  San  Antonio,  or  to 
burst  the  barrier  of  the  Pedregal  on  his  left,  and,  sweeping  round 
the  rim  of  the  valley,  to  advance  toward  the  capital  through  the 
village  of  San  Angel.  Such  were  some  of  the  dangers  and  diffi- 
culties that  menaced  Scott  on  his  arrival  at  San  Agustin.  He  was 
in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country,  in  front  of  a  capital  aroused  by 
pride,  patriotism,  and  despair,  and  possessing  all  the  advantages 
of  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  ground  on  which  it  stood  or  by 
which  it  was  surrounded.  Scott,  on  the  other  hand,  like  the  mar- 
iner in  storm  on  a  lee  shore,  was  obliged  to  feel  his  way  along  the 
dangerous  coast  with  the  lead,  and  could  not  advance  with  that 
perfect  confidence  which  is  ever  the  surest  harbinger  of  success. 

The  reconnoissances  of  the  American  engineers  which  had 
been  pushed  boldly  in  front  on  the  main  road  to  the  north  by  the 
hacienda  of  San  Antonio  soon  disclosed  the  difficulty  in  that  direc- 
tion. But  among  the  mass  of  information  which  the  American 
general  received  at  Puebla  his  engineers  learned  that  there  was  a 
pathway  through  this  Pedregal  whose  route  had  been  indicated  by 
the  spies  with  sufficient  distinctness  and  certainty  to  justify  a  hope 
that  he  might  be  able  to  render  it  practicable  for  his  whole  army, 
and  thus  enable  him  to  turn  the  right  flank  of  the  Mexicans' 
strongest  positions.  There  is  no  doubt,  as  subsequent  events 
demonstrated,  that  the  ground  in  the  neighborhood  of  Contreras, 
where  the  road  descends  from  the  mountains  and  barrancas  toward 
San  Angel,  was  of  great  importance  to  the  Mexicans  in  the  defense 
of  the  various  modes  of  access  to  the  city,  and  it  is  unquestionable 
that  a  strong  post  should  have  been  placed  in  that  quarter  to  cripple 
the  American  advance.  It  is  stated  by  Mexican  writers  that  Gen- 
eral Mendoza,  with  two  members  of  his  topographical  corps,  had 
reconnoitered  this  route  and  pass  and  pronounced  it  "  absolutely 
indefensible."  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  no  general  action  in- 
volving the  fortunes  of  a  division  or  of  a  large  mass  of  the  Mexican 
army  should  have  been  risked  among  the  ravines  between  the 


344  MEXICO 

1847 

mountains  and  the  Pedregal  near  Contreras;  yet  we  do  not  believe 
that  it  should  have  been  left  by  Santa  Anna  without  a  force  capable 
of  making  a  staunch  resistance. 

We  are  now  acquainted  with  the  ground  and  with  the  posi- 
tions of  the  two  armies.  Scott's  plan  was  to  force  a  passage  by 
either  or  both  of  the  two  adits  to  the  levels  of  the  valley  in  front  of 
the  city,  while  Santa  Anna's,  according  to  his  manifesto  dated  sub- 
sequently on  August  23,  was  to  have  made  a  concerted  retrograde 
movement  with  his  troops  and  to  have  staked  the  fortunes  of  the 
capital  on  a  great  battle  in  which  all  his  fresh,  enthusiastic,  and 
unharmed  troops  would  have  been  brought  into  a  general  action 
against  the  comparatively  small  American  army,  upon  an  open 
ground  where  he  would  have  had  full  opportunity  to  use  and 
maneuver  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery. 

But  this  plan  was  disconcerted  at  first,  and  probably  destroyed, 
both  in  its  materiel  and  morale,  by  the  gross  disobedience  of  Gen- 
eral Valencia,  who  forgot  as  a  soldier  that  there  can  never  be  two 
commanders  in  the  field.  Valencia,  apparently  resolving  to  seize 
the  first  opportunity  to  attack  the  Americans  in  spite  of  the  reported 
untenable  character  of  the  ground  about  Padierna  or  Contreras, 
left  his  quarters  at  Coyoacan  and  San  Angel,  and  advanced,  with- 
out consulting  his  commander,  to  Contreras,  upon  whose  heights 
he  threw  up  an  entrenched  camp !  As  soon  as  Santa  Anna  learned 
this  fact  he  ordered  the  vain  and  reckless  officer  to  retire,  but  find- 
ing him  obstinately  resolute  in  his  insubordination,  the  commander- 
in-chief  suffered  him,  in  direct  opposition  to  his  own  opinion,  to 
remain  and  to  charge  himself  with  the  whole  responsibility  of  the 
consequences.  Thus  if  Scott  advanced  upon  the  main  road  he 
would  meet  only  Santa  Anna  in  front,  and  the  efficiency  of  Valen- 
cia's force  on  his  left  flank  would  be  comparatively  destroyed.  If 
he  conquered  Valencia,  however,  at  Contreras,  after  passing  the 
Pedregal,  he  would  rout  a  whole  division  of  the  veterans  of  the 
north — the  remnants  of  San  Luis  and  Angostura — while  the  re- 
mainder of  the  army,  composed  of  recent  levies  and  raw  troops 
disciplined  for  the  occasion,  would  in  all  likelihood  fall  an  easy 
prey  to  the  eager  Americans. 

The  reconnoissances  of  the  American  army  were  now  com- 
pleted both  toward  San  Antonio  over  the  main  northern  road  and 
toward  Padierna  or  Contreras  over  the  southern  and  southwestern 
edge  of  the  Pedregal.     That  brave  and   accomplished  engineer, 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  845 

1847 

Captain  Robert  E.  Lee,  had  done  the  work  on  the  American  left 
across  the  fields  of  broken  lava,  and  being  convinced  that  a  road 
could  be  opened,  if  needed,  for  the  whole  army  and  its  trains,  Scott 
resolved  forthwith  to  advance. 

On  August  19  General  Pillow's  division  was  commanded  to 
open  the  way,  and,  advancing  carefully,  bravely,  and  laboriously 
over  the  worst  portion  of  the  pass — cutting  its  road  as  it  moved 
onward — it  arrived  about  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  at  a  point 
amid  the  ravines  and  barrancas  near  Padierna  or  Contreras  where 
the  new  road  could  only  be  continued  under  the  direct  fire  of  twenty- 
two  pieces  of  Mexican  artillery,  most  of  which  were  of  large 
caliber.  These  guns  were  in  a  strongly  entrenched  camp,  sur- 
rounded by  every  advantage  of  ground  and  by  large  bodies  of  in- 
fantry and  cavalry,  reinforced  from  the  city,  over  an  excellent  road 
beyond  the  volcanic  field.  Pillow's  and  Twiggs's  force,  with  all  its 
officers  on  foot,  picking  a  way  along  the  Mexican  front  and  extend- 
ing toward  the  road  from  the  city  and  the  enemy's  left,  advanced  to 
dislodge  the  foe.  Captain  Magruder's  field  battery  of  twelve  and 
six-pounders,  and  Lieutenant  Callender's  battery  of  mountain 
howitzers  and  rockets,  were  also  pushed  forward  with  great  diffi- 
culty within  range  of  the  Mexican  fortifications,  and  thus  a  station- 
ary battle  raged  until  night  fell  drearily  on  the  combatants  amid  a 
cold  rain  which  descended  in  torrents.  Wet,  chilled,  hungry,  and 
sleepless,  both  armies  passed  a  weary  time  of  watching  until  early 
the  next  morning,  when  a  movement  was  made  by  the  Americans 
which  resulted  in  a  total  rout  of  Valencia's  forces.  Firing  at  a 
long  distance  against  an  entrenched  camp  was  worse  than  useless  on 
such  a  ground,  and  although  General  Smith's  and  Colonel  Riley's 
brigades,  supported  by  Generals  Pierce's  and  Cadwallader's,  had 
been  under  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery  and  musketry  for  more  than 
three  hours  along  the  almost  impassable  ravine  in  front  and  to  the 
left  of  the  Mexican  camp,  yet  so  little  had  been  effected  in  destroy- 
ing the  position  that  the  main  reliance  for  success  was  correctly 
judged  to  be  in  an  assault  at  close  quarters.  The  plan  had  been 
arranged  in  the  night  by  Brigadier  General  Persifer  F.  Smith,  and 
was  sanctioned  by  General  Scott,  to  whom  it  was  communicated 
through  the  indefatigable  diligence  of  Captain  Lee,  of  the  En- 
gineers. 

At  3  o'clock  a.  m.  of  August  20  the  movement  commenced 
on  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  camp,  led  by  Colonel  Riley  and  followed 


346  MEXICO 

1847 

successively  by  Cadwallader's  and  Smith's  brigades,  the  whole 
force  being  commanded  by  General  Smith. 

The  march  was  rendered  tedious  by  rain,  mud,  and  darkness ; 
but  about  sunrise  Riley  reached  an  elevation  behind  the  Mexicans, 
whence  he  threw  his  men  upon  the  works,  and,  storming  the  en- 
trenchments, planted  his  flag  upon  them  in  seventeen  minutes. 
Meanwhile  Cadwallader  brought  on  the  general  assault  by  crossing 
the  deep  ravine  in  front  and  pouring  into  the  work  and  upon  the 
fugitives  frequent  volleys  of  destructive  musketry.  Smith's  own 
brigade  under  the  temporary  command  of  Major  Dimick  discovered 
opposite  and  outside  the  work  a  long  line  of  Mexican  cavalry  drawn 
up  in  support,  and  by  a  charge  against  the  flank  routed  the  horse 
completely,  while  General  Shields  held  masses  of  cavalry,  supported 
by  artillery,  in  check  below  him,  and  captured  multitudes  who  fled 
from  above. 

It  was  a  rapid  and  brilliant  feat  of  arms.  Scott,  the  skillful 
and  experienced  general  of  the  field,  doubts  in  his  dispatch  whether 
a  more  brilliant  or  decisive  victory  is  to  be*  found  on  record  when 
the  disparity  of  numbers,  the  nature  of  the  ground,  the  artificial 
defenses,  and  the  fact  that  the  Americans  accomplished  their  end 
without  artillery  or  cavalry  are  duly  and  honestly  considered.  All 
his  forces  did  not  number  more  than  4500  rank  and  file,  while  the 
Mexicans  maintained  at  least  6000  on  the  field,  and  double  that 
number  in  reserve  under  Santa  Anna,  who  had  advanced  to  support, 
but  probably  seeing  that  it  was  not  a  spot  for  his  theory  of  a 
general  action,  and  that  an  American  force  intervened,  declined 
aiding  his  disobedient  officer.  The  Mexicans  lost  about  700  killed, 
813  prisoners,  including  4  generals  among  88  officers.  Twenty- 
two  pieces  of  brass  ordnance,  thousands  of  small  arms  and  accou- 
terments,  many  colors  and  standards,  large  stores  of  ammunition, 
seven  hundred  pack  mules,  and  numbers  of  horses  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors. 

The  rage  of  Santa  Anna  against  Valencia  knew  no  bounds. 
He  ordered  him  to  be  shot  wherever  found ;  but  the  defeated  chief 
fled  precipitately  toward  the  west  beyond  the  mountains,  and  for  a 
long  time  lay  in  concealment  until  the  storm  of  private  and  public 
indignation  had  passed.  The  effect  of  this  battle,  resulting  in  the 
loss  of  the  veterans  of  the  north,  was  disastrous  not  only  in  the  city, 
but  to  the  morale  of  the  remaining  troops  of  the  main  division 
under  Santa  Anna.       It  certainly  demonstrated  the  importance  of 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  3i7 

1847 

Padierna  or  Contreras  as  a  military  point  of  defense;  but  it  un- 
questionably proved  that  the  works  designed  to  maintain  it  should 
have  been  differently  planned  and  placed  at  a  much  earlier  day  after 
mature  deliberation  by  skillful  engineers.  The  hasty  decision  and 
work  of  Valencia,  made  without  preconcert  or  sanction  of  the 
general-in-chief,  and  in  total  violation  of  his  order  of  battle,  fol- 
lowed by  the  complete  destruction  of  the  entire  division  of  the 
northern  army,  could  only  result  in  final  disaster. 

While  the  battle  of  Contreras  was  raging  early  in  the  day, 
brigades  from  Worth's  and  Quitman's  divisions  had  been  advanced 
to  support  the  combatants ;  but  before  they  arrived  on  the  field  the 
post  was  captured,  and  they  were  accordingly  ordered  to  return  to 
their  late  positions.  Worth,  advanced  from  San  Agustin  in  front 
of  San  Antonio,  was  now  in  better  position,  for  a  road  to  the  rear 
of  the  hacienda  had  been  opened  by  forcing  the  pass  of  Contreras. 
Moving  from  Contreras  or  Padierna  through  San  Angel  and  Co- 
yoacan,  Pillow's  and  Twiggs's  divisions  would  speedily  be  able  to 
attack  it  from  the  north,  while  Worth,  advancing  from  the  south, 
might  unquestionably  force  the  position.  Accordingly  while  Pillow 
and  Twiggs  were  advanced,  General  Scott  reached  Coyoacan,  about 
two  miles,  by  a  cross  road  in  the  rear  of  the  hacienda  of  San  An- 
tonio. From  Coyoacan  he  dispatched  Pillow  to  attack  the  rear  of 
San  Antonio,  while  a  reconnoissance  was  made  of  Churubusco, 
on  the  main  road,  and  an  attack  of  the  place  ordered  to  be  effected 
by  Twiggs  with  one  of  his  brigades  and  Captain  Taylor's  field 
battery. 

General  Pierce  was  next  dispatched  under  the  guidance  of 
Captain  Lee  by  a  road  to  the  left,  to  attack  the  enemy's  right  and 
rear  in  order  to  favor  the  movement  on  the  convent  of  Churubusco 
and  cut  off  retreat  to  the  capital.  And  finally  Shields,  with  the  New 
York  and  South  Carolina  volunteers,  was  ordered  to  follow  Pierce 
and  to  command  the  left  wing.  The  battle  now  raged  from  the 
right  to  the  left  of  the  whole  line.  All  the  movements  had  been 
made  with  the  greatest  rapidity  and  enthusiasm.  Not  a  moment 
was  lost  in  pressing  the  victory  after  the  fall  of  Contreras.  Shout- 
ing Americans  and  rallying  Mexicans  were  spread  over  every  field. 
Everyone  was  employed ;  and  in  truth  there  was  ample  work  to  do, 
for  even  the  commander-in-chief  was  left  without  a  reserve  or  an 
escort  and  had  to  advance  for  safety  close  in  Twiggs's  rear. 

Meanwhile,  about  an  hour  earlier,  Worth  by  a  skillful  and  dar- 


348  MEXICO 

1847 

ing  movement  upon  the  enemy's  front  and  right  at  the  hacienda 
of  San  Antonio  had  turned  and  forced  that  formidable  point,  whose 
garrison  no  doubt  was  panic-struck  by  the  victory  of  Contreras. 
The  enterprise  was  nobly  achieved.  Colonel  Clarke's  brigade,  con- 
ducted by  the  engineers  Mason  and  Hardcastle,  found  a  practicable 
path  through  the  Pedregal  west  of  the  road,  and  by  a  wide  sweep 
came  out  upon  the  main  causeway  to  the  capital.  At  this  point  the 
3000  men  of  the  Mexican  garrison  at  San  Antonio  were  met  in 
retreat,  and  cut  by  Clarke  in  their  very  center,  one  portion  being 
driven  off  toward  Dolores  on  the  right,  and  the  other  upon  Churu- 
busco  in  the  direct  line  of  the  active  operations  of  the  Americans. 
While  this  brave  feat  of  out-flanking  was  performed,  Colonel  Gar- 
land, Major  Gait,  Colonel  Belton,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  Duncan 
advanced  to  the  front  attack  of  San  Antonio,  and  rushing  rapidly 
on  the  flying  enemy,  took  one  general  prisoner  and  seized  a  large 
quantity  of  public  property,  ammunition,  and  the  five  deserted  guns. 

Thus  fell  the  two  main  keys  to  the  valley,  and  thus  did  all  the 
divisions  of  the  American  army  at  length  reach  the  open  and  com- 
paratively unobstructed  plains  of  the  valley. 

Worth  soon  reunited  his  division  on  the  main  straight  road  to 
the  capital,  and  was  joined  by  General  Pillow,  who,  advancing  from 
Coyoacan  to  attack  the  rear  of  San  Antonio,  as  we  have  already  re- 
lated, soon  perceived  that  the  hacienda  had  fallen,  and  immediately 
turned  to  the  left  through  a  broken  country  of  swamps  and  ditches, 
in  order  to  share  in  the  attack  on  Churubusco.  And  here,  it  was 
felt  on  all  sides,  that  the  last  stand  must  be  made  by  Mexico  in 
front  of  her  capital. 

The  hamlet  or  scattered  houses  of  Churubusco  formed  a  strong 
military  position  on  the  borders  of  the  stream  which  crosses  'the 
highway,  and,  besides  the  fortified  and  massive  convent  of  San 
Pablo,  it  was  guarded  by  a  tete  de  pont  with  regular  bastions  and 
curtains  at  the  head  of  a  bridge  over  which  the  road  passes  from 
the  hacienda  of  San  Antonio  to  the  city.  The  stream  was  a  de- 
fense, the  nature  of  the  adjacent  country  was  a  defense,  and  here 
the  fragments  of  the  Mexican  army,  cavalry,  artillery,  and  infantry, 
had  been  collected  from  every  quarter — panic-stricken,  it  is  true — 
yet  apparently  resolved  to  contest  the  passage  of  the  last  outwork 
of  importance  in  front  of  the  garita  of  San  Antonio  Abad. 

When  Worth  and  Pillow  reached  this  point  Twiggs  had  al- 
ready been  some  time  hotly  engaged  in  attacking  the  embattled 


ADVANCE     TO     THE     CAPITAL  349 

1847 

convent.  The  two  advancing-  generals  immediately  began  to  ma- 
neuver closely  upon  the  tete  dc  pout,  which  was  about  450  yards 
east  of  the  convent,  where  Twiggs  still  earnestly  plied  the  enemy. 
Various  brigades  and  regiments  under  Cadwallader,  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Smith,  Garland,  Clark,  Major  White,  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Scott  continued  to  press  onward  toward  the  tete  dc  pont, 
until  by  gradual  encroachments  under  a  tremendous  fire  they  at- 
tained a  position  which  enabled  them  to  assault  and  carry  the  for- 
midable work  by  the  bayonet.  But  the  convent  still  held  out. 
Twenty  minutes  after  the  tete  de  pont  had  been  taken,  and  after  a 
desperate  battle  of  two  hours  and  a  half,  that  stronghold  threw 
out  the  white  flag.  Yet  it  is  probable  that  even  then  the  conflict 
would  not  have  ended  had  not  the  Third  Infantry  under  Captains 
Alexander  and  J.  M.  Smith,  and  Lieutenant  O.  L.  Shepherd  cleared 
the  way  by  fire  and  the  bayonet  to  enter  the  work. 

While  this  gallant  task  was  being  performed  in  front  of  the 
Mexican  defenses,  Generals  Pierce  and  Shields  had  been  engaged 
on  the  left  in  turning  the  Mexicans'  works  so  as  to  prevent  the  es- 
cape of  the  garrisons  and  to  oppose  the  extension  of  numerous  corps 
from  the  rear  upon  and  around  the  left.  By  a  winding  march  of  a 
mile  around  to  the  right,  this  division,  under  the  command  of 
Shields,  found  itself  on  the  edge  of  an  open,  wet  meadow  near 
the  main  road  to  the  capital,  in  the  presence  of  nearly  4000  of  the 
Mexicans'  infantry,  a  little  in  the  rear  of  Churubusco.  Shields 
posted  his  right  at  a  strong  edifice,  and  extended  his  left  wing 
parallel  to  the  road,  to  outflank  the  enemy  toward  the  capital.  But 
the  Mexicans  extended  their  right  more  rapidly,  and  were  sup- 
ported by  several  regiments  of  cavalry,  on  better  ground.  Shields 
accordingly  concentrated  his  division  about  a  hamlet  and  attacked 
in  front.  The  battle  was  long  and  bravely  sustained  with  varied 
success,  but  finally  resulted  in  crowning  with  victory  the  zeal  and 
courage  of  the  American  commander  and  his  gallant  troops. 
Shields  took  380  prisoners,  including  officers;  while  at  Churubusco 
7  field  pieces,  some  ammunition,  1  standard,  3  generals,  and  1261 
prisoners,  including  other  officers,  were  the  fruits  of  the  sharply 
contested  victory. 

This  was  the  last  conquest  on  that  day  of  conquests.  As  soon 
as  the  tete  dc  pont  fell  Worth's  and  Pillow's  divisions  rushed  on- 
ward by  the  highway  toward  the  city,  which  now  rose  in  full 
sight  before  them  at  the  distance  of  four  miles.     Bounding  onward, 


350  MEXICO 

184? 

flushed  and  exultant,  they  encountered  Shields's  division,  now  also 
victorious,  and  all  combined  in  the  headlong  pursuit  of  the  flying 
foe.  At  length  the  columns  parted,  and  a  small  part  of  Harney's 
cavalry,  led  by  Captain  Kearney  of  the  First  Dragoons,  dashed  to 
the  front  and  charged  the  retreating  Mexicans  up  to  the  very  gates 
of  the  city. 

Thus  terminated  the  first  series  of  American  victories  in  the 
valley  of  Mexico. 


Chapter  XXXI 

THE  ARMISTICE  BEFORE  THE  CAPITAL.     1847 

IT  was  late  in  the  day  when  the  battles  ended.  One  army  was 
weaned  with  fighting  and  victory;  the  other  equally  op- 
pressed by  labor  and  defeat.  The  conquered  Mexicans  fled 
to  their  eastern  defenses  or  took  refuge  within  the  gates  of  their 
city.  There  was  for  the  moment  utter  disorganization  among  the 
discomfited,  while  the  jaded  band  of  a  few  thousand  invaders  had 
to  be  rallied  and  reformed  in  their  ranks  and  regiments  after  the 
desperate  conflicts  of  the  day  over  so  wide  a  field.  It  surely  was 
not  a  proper  moment  for  an  unconcentrated  army,  almost  cut  off 
from  support,  three  hundred  miles  in  the  interior  of  an  enemy's 
country,  and  altogether  ignorant  of  the  localities  of  a  great  capital 
containing  nearly  two  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  to  rush  madly 
at  nightfall  into  the  midst  of  that  city.  Mexico,  too.  was  not  an 
ordinary  town  with  wide  thoroughfares  and  houses  like  those  in 
which  the  invaders  had  been  accustomed  to  dwell.  Spanish  houses 
are  almost  castles  in  architectural  strength  and  plan,  while  from 
their  level  and  embattled  roofs  a  mob,  when  aroused  by  the  spirit 
of  revenge  or  despair,  may  do  the  service  of  a  disciplined  army. 
Nor  was  it  known  whether  the  metropolis  had  been  defended  by 
works  along  its  streets — by  barricades,  impediments,  and  batteries 
— among  which  the  entangled  assailants  might  be  butchered  with 
impunity  in  the  narrow  passages  during  the  darkness  and  before 
they  could  cencentrate  upon  any  central  or  commanding  spot.  Re- 
pose and  daylight  were  required  before  a  prudent  general  would 
venture  to  risk  the  lives  of  his  men  and  the  success  of  his  whole 
mission  upon  such  a  die. 

Accordingly  the  army  was  halted;  the  dispersed  recalled,  the 
wounded  succored,  the  dead  prepared  for  burial,  and  the  tired 
troops  ordered  to  bivouac  on  the  ground  they  had  wrested  from  the 
enemy. 

Meanwhile  the  greatest  consternation  prevailed  within  the 
city.      When  Santa  Anna  reached  the  palace  he  hastily  assembled 

351 


352  MEXICO 

1847 

the  ministers  of  state  and  other  eminent  citizens,  and,  after  review- 
ing the  disasters  of  the  day  and  their  causes,  he  proclaimed  the  in- 
dispensable necessity  of  recurring  to  a  truce  in  order  to  take  a  long 
respite.  There  was  a  difference  of  opinion  upon  this  subject;  but 
it  was  finally  agreed  that  a  suspension  of  arms  should  be  negotiated 
through  the  Spanish  minister  and  the  British  consul  general. 
Pacheco,  the  minister  of  foreign  relations,  accordingly  addressed 
Mackintosh  and  Bermudez  de  Castro,  entreating  them  to  effect 
this  desired  result.  During  the  night  the  British  consul  general 
visited  the  American  camp,  and  was  naturally  anxious  to  spare 
the  effusion  of  blood  and  the  assault  by  an  army  on  a  city  in 
which  his  country  had  so  deep  an  interest.  On  the  morning  of 
August  21,  when  General  Scott  was  about  to  take  up  battering  or 
assaulting  positions,  to  authorize  him  to  summon  the  capital  to  sur- 
render or  to  sign  an  armistice  with  a  pledge  to  enter  at  once  into 
negotiations  for  peace,  he  was  met  by  General  Mora  y  Villamil  and 
Serior  Arrangoiz,  with  proposals  for  an  armistice  in  order  to  bury 
the  dead,  but  without  reference  to  a  treaty.  Scott  had  already  de- 
termined to  offer  the  alternative  of  assault  or  armistice  and  treaty 
to  the  Mexican  Government,  and  this  resolution  had  been  long 
cherished  by  him.  Accordingly  he  at  once  rejected  the  Mexican 
proposal,  and,  without  summoning  the  city  to  surrender,  dis- 
patched a  note  to  Santa  Anna,  expressing  his  willingness  to  sign, 
on  reasonable  terms,  a  short  armistice  in  order  that  the  American 
commissioner  and  the  Mexican  Government  might  amicably  and 
honorably  settle  the  international  differences  and  thus  close  an 
unnatural  war  in  which  too  much  blood  had  already  been  shed. 
This  frank  proposal,  coming  generously  from  the  victorious  chief, 
was  promptly  accepted.  Commissioners  were  appointed  by  the 
commanders  of  the  two  armies  on  the  22d;  the  armistice  was 
signed  on  the  23d,  and  ratifications  exchanged  in  the  24th ;  and  thus 
the  dispute  was  for  a  while  transferred  once  more  from  the  camp  to 
the  council  chamber.  On  the  morning  of  the  21st  the  American 
army  was  posted  in  the  different  villages  in  the  vicinity.  Worth's 
division  occupied  Tacubaya,  Pillow's  Mixcoac,  Twiggs's  San  Angel, 
while  Quitman's  remained  still  at  San  Agustin,  where  it  had  served 
during  the  battles  of  the  19th  and  20th  in  protecting  the  rear  and 
the  trains  of  the  army.  Tacubaya  became  the  residence  of  Gen- 
eral Scott,  and  the  headquarters  of  the  commander-in-chief  were 
established  in  the  bishop's  palace. 


THE     A  It  M  ISTIC  1  ■;  358 

1847 

There  are  critics  and  politicians  who  are  never  satisfied  with 
results,  and,  while  their  prophecies  are  usually  dated  after  the 
events  which  they  claim  to  have  foreseen,  they  unfortunately  find 
too  much  favor  with  the  mass  of  readers  who  are  not  in  the  habit 
of  ascertaining  precisely  what  was  known  and  what  was  not  known 
at  the  period  of  the  occurrences  which  they  seek  to  condemn.  Gen- 
eral Scott  has  fallen  under  the  heavy  censure  of  these  writers  for 
offering-  the  armistice  and  avoiding  the  immediate  capture  of  the 
capital,  the  practicability  of  which  they  now  consider  as  demon- 
strated. We  propose  to  examine  this  question,  but  we  believe  that 
the  practicability  or  impracticability  of  that  event  does  not  become 
one  of  the  primary  or  even  early  elements  of  the  discussion. 

If  we  understand  the  spirit  of  this  age  correctly,  we  must  be- 
lieve that  mankind,  purified  by  the  progressive  blessings  of  Chris- 
tianity and  modern  civilization,  desires  the  mitigation  rather  than 
the  increase  of  the  evils  of  war.  It  does  not  seek  merely  to  avert 
danger  or  disaster  from  the  forces  of  one  party  in  the  strife,  but 
strives  to  produce  peace  with  as  little  harm  as  possible  to  all  who 
are  engaged  in  warfare.  It  is  not  the  mission  of  a  soldier  to  kill 
because  his  profession  is  that  of  arms.  It  is  ever  the  imperative 
duty  of  a  commander  to  stop  the  flow  of  blood  as  soon  as  he  per- 
ceives the  slightest  chance  of  peace :  and  if  his  honorable  efforts  fail 
entirely,  through  the  folly  or  obstinacy  of  the  foe,  he  will  be  more 
fully  justified  in  the  subsequent  and  stringent  measures  of  coercion. 

The  Mexican  masses,  mistaking  vanity  for  true  national  pride, 
had  hitherto  persevered  in  resisting  every  effort  to  settle  the  inter- 
national difficulties.  Diplomacy  with  such  a  nation  was  extremely 
delicate.  If  symptoms  of  leniency  were  exhibited  she  became  pre- 
sumptuous ;  if  hostilities  were  pushed  to  the  extreme,  she  grew  dog- 
gedly obstinate.  On  August  21  her  capital  was  in  Scott's  power. 
His  victorious  army  was  at  her  gates.  Two  terrible  battles  had 
been  fought,  and  the  combatants  on  both  sides  had  shown  courage, 
skill,  and  endurance.  The  Mexican  army  was  routed,  but  not  en- 
tirely dispersed  or  destroyed.  At  this  moment  it  doubtless  occurred 
to  General  Scott,  and  to  all  who  were  calm  spectators  of  the  scene, 
that  before  the  last  and  fatal  move  was  made  it  was  his  duty  to 
allow  Mexico  to  save  her  point  of  honor  by  negotiating,  ere  the  city 
was  entered,  and  while  she  could  yet  proclaim  to  her  citizens  and 
the  world  that  her  capital  had  never  been  seized  by  the  enemy. 
This    assuaged   national    vanity   and   preserved   the    last   vantage 


354  MEXICO 

184? 

ground  upon  which  the  nation  might  stand  with  pride,  if  not  with 
perfect  confidence.  It  still  left  something  to  the  conquered  people 
which  was  not  necessary  or  valuable  to  the  conquerors. 

There  are  other  matters,  unquestionably,  that  weighed  much 
in  the  very  responsible  deliberations  of  General  Scott.  If  the  army 
entered  the  city  triumphantly,  or  took  it  by  assault,  the  frail  ele- 
ments of  government  still  lingering  at  that  period  of  disorganiza- 
tion would  either  fly  or  be  utterly  destroyed.  All  who  were  in 
power,  in  that  nation  of  jealous  politicians  and  wily  intriguers, 
would  be  eager  to  shun  the  last  responsibility.  If  Santa  Anna 
should  be  utterly  beaten,  the  disgrace  would  blot  out  the  last  traces 
of  his  remaining  prestige.  If  so  fatal  a  disaster  occurred,  as  sub- 
sequent events  proved,  the  Americans  would  be  most  unfortunately 
situated  in  relation  to  peace,  for  there  would  be  no  government  to 
negotiate  with !  Santa  Anna's  government  was  the  only  consti- 
tutional one  that  had  existed  in  Mexico  for  a  long  period,  and  with 
such  a  legalized  national  authority  peace  must  be  concluded.  It 
was  not  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  destroy  a  government 
and  with  the  fragments  reconstruct  another  with  which  it  might 
treat.  If  a  revolutionary  or  provisional  authority  existed,  what 
prospect  could  there  be  of  enduring  pacification?  What  guaranty 
could  be  held  in  a  treaty  celebrated  with  a  military  despot,  a  tem- 
porary chief,  or  a  sudden  usurper,  that  such  a  treaty  could  be  main- 
tained before  the  nation?  What  constitutional  or  legal  right 
would  an  American  general  or  commissioner  have  to  enter  into 
such  a  compact?  Was  it  not,  therefore,  Scott's  duty  to  act  with 
such  tender  caution  as  not  to  endanger  the  fate  of  the  only  man 
who  might  still  keep  himself  at  the  head  of  his  rallied  people? 

Besides  these  political  considerations  there  are  others,  of  a 
military  character,  that  will  commend  themselves  to  the  prudent 
and  the  just.  The  unacclimated  American  army  had  marched 
from  Puebla  to  the  valley  of  Mexico  during  the  rainy  season,  in  a 
tropical  zone,  when  the  earth  is  saturated  with  water  and  no  one 
travels  who  can  avoid  exposure.  The  men  were  forced  to  undergo 
the  hardships  of  such  a  campaign,  to  make  roads,  to  travel  over 
broken  ground,  to  wade  marshes,  to  bivouac  on  the  camp  soil  with 
scarce  a  shelter  from  the  storm,  to  march  day  and  night,  and  finally, 
without  an  interval  of  repose,  to  fight  two  of  the  sharpest  actions 
of  the  war.  The  seven  or  eight  thousand  survivors  of  these  ac- 
tions— many  of  whom  were  new  levies — demanded  care  and  zeal- 


THE     ARMISTICE  355 

1847 

ous  husbanding-  for  future  events.  They  were  distant  from  the 
coast  and  ctit  off  from  support  or  immediate  succor.  The  enemy's 
present  or  prospective  weakness  was  not  to  be  relied  on.  Wisdom 
required  that  what  was  in  the  rear  should  be  thought  of  as  well 
as  what  was  in  advance. 

May  it  not  then  be  justly  said  that  it  was  a  proper  moment  for 
a  heroic  general  to  pause,  in  front  of  a  national  capital  containing 
two  hundred  thousand  people,  and  to  allow  the  civil  arm  to  assume 
for  a  moment  of  trial  the  place  of  the  military?  Like  a  truly  brave 
man,  he  despised  the  eclat  of  entering-  the  capital  as  Cortez  had 
done  on  nearly  the  same  day  of  the  same  month,  326  years  before. 
Like  a  wise  man,  he  considered  the  history  and  condition  of  the 
enemy  instead  of  his  personal  glory,  and  laid  aside  the  false  ambi- 
tion of  a  soldier  to  exhibit  the  forbearance  of  a  Christian  statesman.1 

The  American  commissioner  unquestionably  entered  upon  the 
negotiations  in  good  faith,  and  it  is  probable  that  Santa  Anna  was 
personally  quite  as  well  disposed  for  peace.  He,  however,  had  a 
delicate  game  to  play  with  the  politicians  of  his  own  country,  and 
was  obliged  to  study  carefully  the  attitude  of  parties  as  well  as  the 
momentary  strength  of  his  friends  and  enemies.  Well  acquainted 
as  he  was  with  the  value  of  men  and  the  intrigues  of  the  time,  he 
would  have  been  mad  not  to  guard  against  the  risk  of  ruin,  and 
accordingly  his  first  efforts  were  directed  rather  toward  obtaining 
the  ultimatum  of  the  United  States  than  to  pledging  his  own  gov- 
ernment in  any  project  which  might  prove  either  presently  un- 
popular or  destroy  his  future  influence.  The  instructions,  there- 
fore, that  were  given  to  the  Mexican  commissioners  were  couched 
in  such  extreme  terms  that  much  could  be  yielded  before  there  was 
a  likelihood  of  approaching  the  American  demands.  In  the  mean- 
while, as  negotiations  progressed,  Mexico  obtained  time  to  rally 
her  soldiers,  to  appease  those  who  were  discontented  with  the 
proposed  peace,  and  to  adjure  the  project  if  it  should  be  found 
either  inadmissible  or  impossible  of  accomplishment  without  loss  of 
popularity. 

1  It  will  be  remembered  that  even  Cortez  had  paused  in  the  precincts  of 
the  ancient  capital  of  the  Aztecs  in  order  to  give  them  a  chance  of  escape  before 
striking  the  fatal  blow.  It  is  a  little  remarkable  also,  that  the  dates  of  Scott's 
and  Cortez's  victories  coincide  so  closely.  Cortez's  victory  was  on  August  13, 
1521,  Scott's  on  August  20,  1847.  The  date  of  Cortez's  achievement  is  given 
according  to  the  old  style,  but  if  we  add  ten  days  to  bring  it  up  to  new  style, 
it  will  be  corrected  to  August  23! 


356  MEXICO 

1847 

For  several  days  consultations  took  place  between  Trist  and 
the  commissioners,  but  it  was  soon  found  that  the  American  pre- 
tensions in  regard  to  the  position  of  Texas,  the  boundary  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  and  the  cession  of  New  Mexico  and  Upper  California 
were  of  such  a  character  that  the  Mexicans  would  not  yield  to  them 
at  the  present  moment.  The  popular  feeling,  stimulated  by  the 
rivals  of  Santa  Anna,  his  enemies,  and  the  demagogues,  was  en- 
tirely opposed  to  the  surrender  of  territory.  Sensible  as  the 
president  was  that  the  true  national  interests  demanded  instantane- 
ous peace,  he  was  dissuaded  by  his  confidential  advisers  from  pre- 
senting a  counter  projct,  which  would  have  resulted  in  a  treaty. 
Congress,  moreover,  had  virtually  dissolved  by  the  precipitate 
departure  of  most  of  its  members  after  the  battles  of  the  20th. 

All  the  party  leaders  labored  diligently  at  this  crisis,  but  none 
of  them  with  cordiality  for  Santa  Anna,  in  whose  negotiations  of  a 
successful  peace  with  the  United  States  they  either  foresaw  or 
feared  the  permanent  consolidation  of  his  power.  The  Puros,  or 
Democrats,  still  clung  to  their  admiration  of  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States;  to  their  opposition  to  the  standing  army;  to 
their  desire  for  modifying  the  power  and  position  of  the  church 
and  its  ministers,  and  to  their  united  hostility  against  the  president. 
They  were  loud  in  their  exhortations  to  continue  the  war,  while 
Olaguibel,  one  of  their  ablest  men  and  most  devoted  lover  of 
American  institutions,  issued  a  strong  manifesto  against  the  pro- 
jected treaty.  This  was  the  party  which,  it  is  asserted,  in  fact 
desired  the  prolongation  of  the  war  until  the  destroyed  nationality 
of  Mexico  took  refuge  from  domestic  intrigues,  misgovernment, 
and  anarchy  in  annexation  to  the  United  States. 

The  Monarquistas,  who  still  adhered  to  the  church  and  the 
army,  proclaimed  their  belief  in  the  total  failure  of  the  republican 
system.  Revolutions  and  incessant  turmoils,  according  to  their 
opinions,  could  only  be  suppressed  by  the  strong  arm  of  power, 
and  in  their  ranks  had  again  appeared  General  Mariano  Paredes 
y  Arrellaga,  who,  returning  from  exile,  landed  in  disguise  at  Vera 
Cruz,  and  passing  secretly  through  the  American  lines,  proceeded 
to  Mexico  to  continue  his  machinations  against  Santa  Anna,  whom 
he  cordially  hated. 

The  Moderados  formed  a  middle  party  equally  opposed  to  the 
ultraisms  of  monarchy  and  democracy.  They  counted  among  their 
number  many  of  the  purest  and  wisest  men  in  the  republic,  and  al- 


THE     ARMISTICE  357 

1847 

though  they  were  not  as  inimical  to  the  United  States  as  the  Mon- 
arquistas,  or  as  many  of  the  Puros  pretended  to  be,  yet  they  cor- 
dially desired  or  hoped  to  preserve  the  nationality  and  progressive 
republicanism  of  Mexico.  In  this  junto  Santa  Anna  found  a  few 
partisans  who  adhered  to  him  more  from  policy  than  principle,  for 
all  classes  had  learned  to  distrust  a  person  who  played  so  many 
parts  in  the  national  drama  of  intrigue,  war,  and  government.  As 
a  party,  they  were  doubtless  unwilling  to  risk  their  strength  and 
prospects  upon  a  peace  which  might  be  made  under  his  auspices. 

In  this  crisis  the  president  had  no  elements  of  strength  still 
firmly  attached  to  him  but  the  army,  whose  favor,  amid  all  his  re- 
verses, he  generally  contrived  to  retain  or  to  win.  But  that  army 
was  now  much  disorganized,  and  the  national  finances  were  so  low 
that  he  was  scarcely  able  to  maintain  it  from  day  to  day.  The 
mob,  composed  of  the  lower  classes,  and  the  leperos,  knowing 
nothing  of  the  principles  of  the  war,  and  heedless  of  its  conse- 
quences— plied  moreover  by  the  demagogues  of  all  the  parties — 
shouted  loudly  for  its  continuance,  and  thus  the  president  was 
finally  forced  to  yield  to  the  external  pressure  and  to  be  governed 
by  an  impulse  which  he  was  either  too  timid  or  too  weak  to 
control. 

The  armistice  provided  that  the  Americans  should  receive  sup- 
plies from  the  city,  and  that  no  additional  fortifications  should  be 
undertaken  during  its  continuance;  nevertheless  the  American 
trains  were  assailed  by  the  populace  of  the  city,  and  it  is  alleged 
that  Santa  Anna  disregarded  the  provision  forbidding  fortifica- 
tions. When  it  became  evident  to  the  American  commissioner 
and  General  Scott  that  the  Mexicans  were  merely  trifling  and 
temporizing,  that  the  prolongation  of  the  armistice  would  be  ad- 
vantageous to  the  enemy,  without  affording  any  correspondent 
benefits  to  them,  and  when  their  supplies  had  been  increased  so  as 
to  afford  ample  support  for  the  army  during  the  anticipated  attack 
on  the  city,  it  was  promptly  resolved  to  renew  the  appeal  to  arms. 
Accordingly  on  September  6  General  Scott  addressed  Santa 
Anna,  calling  his  attention  to  the  infractions  of  the  compact,  and 
declaring  that  unless  satisfaction  was  made  for  the  breaches  of 
faith  before  noon  of  the  following  day  he  would  consider  the 
armistice  terminated  from  that  hour.  Santa  Anna  returned  an 
answer  of  false  recriminations,  and  threw  off  the  mask.  He  as- 
serted his  willingness  to  rely  on  arms ;  he  issued  a  bombastic  appeal 


358  MEXICO 

1847 

to  the  people,  in  which  he  announced  that  the  demands  of  the 
Americans  would  have  converted  the  nation  into  a  colony  of  their 
Union.  He  improved  upon  the  pretended  patriotic  zeal  of  all  the 
parties — Puros,  Moderados,  Monarquistas,  and  Mob — 'who  had 
proclaimed  themselves  in  favor  of  the  war.  Instead  of  opposing 
or  arguing  the  question,  he  caught  the  war  strain  of  the  hour  and 
sent  it  forth  to  the  multitude  in  trumpet  tones.  He  was  determined 
not  to  be  hedged  or  entrapped  by  those  who  intrigued  to  destroy 
him,  and  resolved  that  if  he  must  fall,  his  opponents  should  share 
the  political  disaster.  Nor  was  he  alone  in  his  electioneering  gas- 
conade, for  General  Herrera — a  man  who  had  been  notoriously 
the  advocate  of  peace,  both  before  and  since  the  rupture — addressed 
the  clergy  and  the  people,  craving  their  aid  by  prayer,  money,  fire, 
and  sword,  to  exterminate  the  invaders!  All  classes  were  thus 
placed  in  a  false  and  uncandid  position. 


Chapter  XXXII 

THE    FALL    OF   THE    CAPITAL.     1847- 1848 

AT  the  termination  of  the  armistice  the  position  of  the 
American  forces  was  greatly  changed  from  what  it  had 
L  been  on  the  morning  of  August  20.  The  occupation  of  San 
Agustin  had  been  followed  by  that  of  Contreras,  San  Angel,  Co- 
yoacan,  and  Churubusco  in  the  course  of  that  day,  and  on  the  next 
Mixcoac  and  Tacubaya  were  taken  possession  of.  Thus  the  whole 
southern  and  southwestern  portion  of  the  valley,  in  front  of  Mex- 
ico, were  now  held  by  the  Americans ;  and  this  disposition  of  their 
forces,  commanding  most  of  the  principal  approaches  to  the  capital, 
enabled  them  for  the  first  time  to  select  their  point  of  attack. 

In  reconnoitering  the  chief  outworks  of  the  Mexicans  by 
which  he  was  still  opposed,  General  Scott  found  that  there  were 
several  of  great  importance.  Directly  north  of  his  headquarters 
at  Tacubaya,  and  distant  about  a  mile,  arose  the  lofty,  isolated  hill 
of  Chapultepec,  surmounted  by  its  massive  edifice,  half  castle,  half 
palace,  crowned  with  cannon.  This  point,  it  was  known,  had  been 
strongly  fortified  to  maintain  the  road  leading  from  Tacubaya  to 
the  garita  of  San  Cosme  on  the  west  of  the  city.  Westwardly, 
beyond  the  hill  of  Chapultepec,  whose  southern  side  and  feet  are 
surrounded  by  a  dense  grove  of  cypresses,  and  on  a  rising  ground 
within  the  military  works  designed  to  strengthen  the  castle,  was  the 
Molino  del  Rey,  or  King's  Mill,  which  was  represented  to  be  a 
cannon  foundry  to  which  large  quantities  of  church  bells  had  been 
sent  to  be  cast  into  guns.  Still  further  west,  but  near  the  Molino 
or  Mill,  was  the  fortified  Casa  Mata,  containing  a  large  deposit 
of  powder. 

These,  together  with  the  strong  citadel  lying  near  the  garita 
of  Belen  in  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  city,  were  the  principal 
external  defenses  still  remaining  beyond  the  immediate  limits  of 
the  capital.  The  city  itself  stands  on  a  slight  swell  between  Lake 
Tezcoco  and  the  western  edge  of  the  valley,  and  throughout  its 
greater  extent  is  girdled  by  a  ditch  or  navigable  canal  extremely 

359 


360  MEXICO 

1847 

difficult  to  bridge  in  the  face  of  an  enemy,  which  served  the  Mexi- 
cans not  only  as  a  military  defense,  but  for  drainage,  and  protec- 
tion of  their  customs.  Each  of  the  eight  strong  city  gates  was 
protected  by  works  of  various  character  and  merit.  Outside  and 
within  the  cross  fires  of  these  gates  there  were  other  obstacles 
scarcely  less  formidable  toward  the  south.  The  main  approaches 
to  the  city  across  the  flat  lands  of  the  basin  are  raised  on  causeways 
flanked  by  wide  and  deep  ditches  designed  for  their  protection  and 
drainage.  These  causeways,  as  well  as  the  minor  cross-roads, 
which  are  similarly  built,  were  cut  in  many  places  and  had  their 
bridges  destroyed  so  as  to  impede  the  Americans'  advance  and  to 
form  an  entangling  network,  while  the  adjacent  meadows  were  in 
this  rainy  season  either  filled  with  water  in  many  places  or  liable 
to  be  immediately  flooded  by  a  tropical  storm. 

With  these  fields  for  his  theater  of  action,  and  these  defenses 
still  in  front  of  him,  it  was  an  important  and  responsible  ques- 
tion whether  General  Scott  should  attack  Mexico  on  the  west  or  on 
the  south. 

There  can  be  hardly  a  doubt  that  the  capture  of  the  hill  and 
castle  of  Chapultepec,  before  assaulting  the  city,  was  imperatively 
demanded  by  good  generalship.  If  the  capital  were  taken  first,  the 
Mexicans  instead  of  retreating  toward  Guadalupe  and  the  north, 
when  attacked  from  the  south,  would  of  course  retire  to  the 
avoided  stronghold  of  Chapultepec;  and  if  the  American  forces 
were  subsequently  obliged  to  leave  the  city  in  order  to  take  the 
fortress,  its  sick,  wounded,  and  thinned  regiments  would  be  left 
to  the  mercy  of  the  mob  and  the  leperos.  Chapultepec  would  thus 
become  the  nucleus  and  garrison  of  the  whole  Mexican  army,  and 
the  Americans  might  be  compelled  to  fight  two  battles  at  the  same 
time — one  in  the  city  and  the  other  at  the  castle.  But,  by  captur- 
ing the  castle  first  and  seizing  the  road  northward  beyond  it,  they 
possessed  all  the  most  important  outworks  in  the  lap  of  the  valley 
and  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Mexicans  from  the  city  either  to  the 
west,  to  the  castle,  or  toward  the  rear  in  the  valley.  They  ob- 
tained, moreover,  absolute  command  of  two  of  the  most  important 
entrances  to  the  capital,  inasmuch  as  from  the  eastern  foot  of  the 
hill  of  Chapultepec  two  causeways,  and  aqueducts  raised  on  lofty 
arches,  diverged  northeastwardly  and  eastwardly  toward  the  city. 
The  northernmost  of  these  entered  Mexico  by  the  garita  of  San 
Cosme,  while  the  other  reached  it  by  that  of  Belen  near  the  citadel. 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  361 

1847 

In  attacking  Chapultepec  it  was  important  to  consider  the  value 
of  the  Molino  del  Rey  or  King's  Mill,  and  Casa  Mata,  both  of 
which  lie  on  rising  ground  within  the  works  designed  to  protect 
Chapultepec.  The  Molino  del  Rey  bears  the  relation  of  a  very 
strong  western  outwork  both  to  the  castle  of  Chapultepec  and  its 
approaches  by  the  inclined  plain  which  serves  to  ascend  its  summit. 
As  the  Molino  del  Rey  is  commanded  and  defended  by  the  castle, 
so  it  reciprocally  commands  and  defends  the  only  good  approach 
to  the  latter.1  As  long  as  the  Molino  was  held  by  the  Mexicans  it 
would  of  course  form  an  important  stronghold  easily  reached  from 
the  city  around  the  rear  of  Chapultepec;  so  that  if  Scott  attacked 
the  castle  and  hill  from  the  south,  where  the  road  that  ascends  it 
commenced,  he  would  be  in  danger  of  an  attack  on  his  left  flank 
from  the  Mexicans  in  the  defenses  at  Molino  and  Casa  Mata. 

If  the  King's  Mill  fell,  the  result  to  the  enemy  would  be  that,  in 
addition  to  the  loss  of  an  important  outwork  and  the  consequent 
weakening  of  the  main  work,  its  occupants  or  defenders  would  be 
driven  from  a  high  position  above  the  roads  and  fields  into  the  low 
grounds  at  the  base  of  Chapultepec,  which  were  completely  com- 
manded from  the  Molino,  and  thus  the  Mexicans  would  be  unable 
to  prevent  the  American  siege-pieces  from  taking  up  the  most  favor- 
able position  for  battering  the  castle.  It  was  important,  therefore, 
not  only  that  the  foundry  should  be  destroyed,  but,  in  a  strategetic 
view,  it  was  almost  indispensable  in  relation  to  future  operations 
that  the  position  should  be  taken.  It  is  undeniable,  as  following 
events  showed,  that  the  Mexicans  regarded  it  as  one  of  their  formid- 
able military  points.  The  capture  of  Chapultepec  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  post  at  Molino  del  Rey  were  accordingly  determined  on 
as  preliminary  to  the  final  assault  upon  the  city. 

As  soon  as  the  armistice  was  terminated  bold  reconnoissances 
were  made  by  the  engineers  in  the  direction  of  Chapultepec  and 
the  Molino  and  Casa  Mata.  On  September  7  Santa  Anna's  answer 
to  Scott's  dispatch  was  received,  and  on  the  same  day  the 
commander-in-chief  and  General  Worth  examined  the  formid- 
able dispositions  near  and  around  the  castle-crowned  hill.  The 
Mexican  array  was  found  to  consist  of  an  extended  line  of 
cavalry  and  infantry,  sustained  by  a  field  battery  of  four  guns, 
either  occupying  directly  or  supporting  a  system  of  defenses  col- 
lateral to  the  castle  and  summit;  but  as  the  lines  were  skillfully 
masked  a  very  inadequate  idea  of  the  extent  of  the  forces  was 
1  See  Lieutenant  Smith's  "  Memoir,"  ut  an  tea,  p.  8. 


362  MEXICO 

1847 

obtained.  Captain  Mason's  reconnoissance  on  the  morning  of  the 
same  day  represented  the  enemy's  left  as  resting  on  and  occupy- 
ing the  group  of  strong  stone  buildings  at  the  Molino  adjacent 
to  the  grove  at  the  foot  of  Chapultepec  and  directly  under  the 
castle's  guns.  The  right  of  his  line  rested  on  the  Casa  Mata,  at 
the  foot  of  the  ridge  sloping  gradually  to  the  plain  below  from  the 
heights  above  Tacubaya;  while  midway  between  these  buildings 
were  the  field  battery  and  infantry  forces  disposed  on  either  side 
to  support  it.  This  reconnoissance  indicated  that  the  center  was 
the  weak  point  of  the  position,  and  that  its  left  flank  was  the 
strongest.  In  the  Mill  or  Molino  on  the  left  was  the  brigade  of 
General  Leon,  reinforced  by  the  brigade  of  General  Rangel ;  in 
the  Casa  Mata  on  the  right  was  the  brigade  of  General  Perez ; 
and  on  the  intermediate  ground  was  the  brigade  of  General 
Ramirez,  with  several  pieces  of  artillery.  The  Mexican  reserve 
was  composed  of  the  First  and  Third  Light,  stationed  in  the  groves 
of  Chapultepec,  while  the  cavalry,  consisting  of  4000  men,  rested  at 
the  hacienda  of  Morales,  not  very  far  from  the  field.  Such  was  the 
arrangement  of  the  Mexican  forces  made  by  Santa  Anna  in  person 
on  September  7,  though  it  has  been  alleged  by  Mexican  writers 
that  it  was  somewhat  changed  during  the  following  night.  The 
wily  chief  had  not  allowed  the  time  to  pass  during  the  negotiation 
between  Trist  and  the  commissioners  in  political  discussion  alone. 
Regarding  the  failure  of  the  treaty  as  most  probable,  he  had  striven 
to  strengthen  once  more  the  military  arm  of  his  nation,  and  the 
first  result  of  this  effort  was  demonstrated  in  his  disposition  of 
troops  at  El  Molino  del  Rey.  The  Americans'  attack  upon  Chapul- 
tepec, as  commanding  the  nearest  and  most  important  access  to 
the  city,  had  been  foreseen  by  him  as  soon  as  the  armistice  ended, 
and  as  a  military  man  he  well  knew  that  the  isolated  hill  and  castle 
could  not  be  protected  by  the  defenders  within  its  walls  alone  or 
by  troops  stationed  either  immediately  at  its  base  or  on  the  sloping 
road  along  its  sides. 

General  Scott's  plan  of  assault  upon  the  city  seems  now  to 
have  been  matured,  though  it  required  several  days  for  full  develop- 
ment according  to  the  reconnoissances  of  his  engineers.  He  de- 
signed to  make  the  main  assault  on  the  west  and  not  on  the  south 
of  the  city.  Possessing  himself  suddenly  of  the  Molino  del  Rey 
and  the  adjacent  grounds,  he  was  to  retire  after  the  capture  without 
carrying  Chapultepec,  the  key  of  the  roads  to  the  western  garitas 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  363 

1847 

of  San  Cosme  and  Belcn.  The  immediate  capture  of  Chapultepec 
would  have  been  a  signal  to  Santa  Anna  to  throw  his  whole  force 
into  the  western  defense  of  the  city;  but  by  retiring,  after  the 
fall  of  the  Molino,  and  by  playing  off  skillfully  on  the  south  of 
the  city  in  the  direction  of  the  garita  of  San  Antonio  Abad,  Scott 
would  effectually  divert  the  attention  of  the  Mexicans  to  that 
quarter  and  thus  induce  them  to  weaken  the  western  defenses  and 
strengthen  the  southern.  At  length  at  the  proper  moment,  by  a 
rapid  inversion  of  his  forces  from  the  south  to  the  west,  he  in- 
tended to  storm  the  castle-crowned  hill,  and  thence  rush  along  the 
causeways  to  the  capital  before  the  enemy  could  recover  his 
position. 

In  pursuance  of  this  plan  an  attack  upon  El  Molino  del  Rey 
and  La  Casa  Mata  was  the  first  great  work  to  be  accomplished,  and 
as  soon  as  Santa  Anna's  reply  closing  the  armistice  was  received  on 
the  7th  the  advance  toward  that  place  was  ordered  for  the  follow- 
ing morning.  This  important  work  was  intrusted  to  General 
Worth,  whose  division  was  reinforced  by  three  squadrons  of 
dragoons,  one  command  of  270  mounted  riflemen  under  Major 
Sumner,  3  field-pieces  under  Captain  Drum,  2  twenty-four  pounders 
under  Captain  Huger,  and  Cadwallader's  brigade,  784  strong.  The 
reconnoissances  had  been  completed;  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing of  September  8  the  several  columns  were  put  in  motion  on  as 
many  different  routes,  and  when  the  gray  dawn  enabled  them  to  be 
seen  they  were  as  accurately  posted  as  if  in  midday  for  review. 
Colonel  Duncan  was  charged  with  the  general  disposition  of  the 
artillery,  while  the  cavalry  wrere  under  Major  Sumner. 

At  the  first  glimmer  of  day  Huger's  powerful  guns  saluted  the 
walls  of  El  Molino  and  continued  to  play  in  that  quarter  until  this 
point  of  the  Mexican  line  became  sensibly  shaken.  At  that  moment 
the  assaulting  party,  commanded  by  Wright  of  the  Eighth  Infantry, 
dashed  forward  to  assault  the  center.  Musketry  and  canister  were 
showered  upon  them  by  the  aroused  enemy,  but  on  they  rushed, 
driving  infantry  and  artillerists  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  captur- 
ing the  field  pieces  and  training  them  on  the  flying  foe,  until  the 
Mexicans,  perceiving  that  they  had  been  assailed  by  a  mere  handful 
of  men,  suddenly  rallied  and  reformed.  In  an  instant  the  reassured 
and  gallant  foe  opened  upon  the  Americans  a  terrific  fire  of  mus- 
ketry, striking  down  eleven  out  of  the  fourteen  officers  who  com- 
posed the  command,  and  for  the  time  staggering  the  staunch  assail- 


364  MEXICO 

1847 

ants.  But  this  paralysis  continued  for  an  instant  only.  A  light 
battalion  which  had  been  held  to  cover  Huger's  battery,  commanded 
by  Captain  E.  Kirby  Smith,  rushed  forward  to  support,  and  exe- 
cuting its  bloody  task  amid  horrible  carnage,  finally  succeeded  in 
carrying  the  line  and  ocupying  it  with  troops.  In  the  mean- 
while Garland's  brigade,  sustained  by  Drum's  artillery,  assaulted 
the  enemy's  left  near  the  Molino,  and  after  an  obstinate  contest  drove 
him  from  his  position  under  the  protecting  guns  of  Chapultepec. 
Drum's  section  and  Huger's  battering  guns  advanced  to  the  enemy's 
position,  and  his  captured  pieces  were  now  opened  on  the  retreating 
force.  While  these  efforts  were  successfully  making  on  the  Mexi- 
can center  and  left,  Duncan's  battery  blazed  on  the  right,  and  Colonel 
Mackintosh  was  ordered  to  assault  that  point.  The  advance  of  his 
brigade  soon  brought  it  between  the  enemy  and  Duncan's  guns, 
and  their  fire  was  of  course  discontinued.  Onward  sternly  and 
steadily  moved  the  troops  toward  the  Casa  Mata,  which,  as  it  was 
approached,  proved  to  be  a  massive  stonework  surrounded  with 
bastioned  entrenchments  and  deep  ditches,  whence  a  deadly  fire 
was  delivered  and  kept  up  without  intermission  upon  the  advancing 
troops  until  they  reached  the  very  slope  of  the  parapet  surrounding 
the  citadel.  The  havoc  was  dreadful.  A  large  proportion  of  the 
command  was  either  killed  or  wounded;  but  still  the  ceaseless  fire 
from  the  Casa  Mata  continued  its  deadly  work,  until  the  maimed 
and  broken  band  of  gallant  assailants  was  withdrawn  to  the  left  of 
Duncan's  battery,  where  its  remnants  rallied.  Duncan  and  Sumner 
had  meanwhile  been  hotly  engaged  in  repelling  a  charge  of  Mexican 
cavalry  on  the  left,  and  having  just  completed  the  work  the  brave 
colonel  found  his  countrymen  retired  from  before  the  Casa  Mata 
and  the  field  again  open  for  his  terrible  weapons.  Directing  them 
at  once  upon  the  fatal  fort,  he  battered  the  Mexicans  from  its  walls, 
and  as  they  fled  from  its  protecting  enclosure  he  continued  to  play 
upon  the  fugitives  as  relentlessly  as  they  had  recently  done  upon 
Mackintosh  and  his  doomed  brigade. 

The  Mexicans  were  now  driven  from  the  field  at  every  point. 
La  Casa  Mata  was  blown  up  by  the  conquerors.  Captured  ammu- 
nition and  cannon  molds  in  El  Molino  were  destroyed.  And  the 
Americans,  according  to  Scott's  order  previous  to  the  battle, 
returned  to  Tacubaya,  with  3  of  the  enemy's  guns  (a  fourth  being 
spiked  and  useless),  800  prisoners,  including  52  commissioned  offi- 
cers, and  a  large  quantity  of  small  arms,  with  gun  and  musket 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  365 

1847 

ammunition.  On  this  day  3251  Americans  had  driven  four  times 
their  number  from  a  selected  field;  but  they  had  paid  a  large  and 
noble  tribute  to  death  for  the  victory.  Nine  officers  were  included 
in  the  116  of  the  killed,  and  49  officers  in  the  665  of  the  wounded. 
The  Mexicans  suffered  greatly  in  wounded  and  slain,  while  the 
gallant  General  Leon  and  Colonel  Balderas  fell  fighting  bravely  on 
the  field  of  battle. 

The  battle  was  over  by  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The 
Americans,  after  collecting  their  dead  and  wounded,  retired  from 
the  bloody  field,  but  they  were  not  allowed  to  mourn  over  their 
painful  losses.  They  had  suffered  severely,  yet  the  battle  had  been 
most  disastrous  to  the  Mexicans.  The  fine  commands  of  Generals 
Perez  and  Leon  and  of  Colonel  Balderas  were  broken  up,  the  posi- 
tion, once  destroyed,  could  not  serve  for  a  second  defense,  and  the 
morale  of  the  soldiers  had  suffered.  The  Mexicans  were  beginning 
to  believe  that  mere  formidable  masses,  if  not  directed  by  skillful 
chiefs,  were  in  truth  but  harmless  things,  and  not  to  be  relied  on 
very  confidently  for  national  defense.  The  new  levies,  the  old  regu- 
lar army,  and  the  volunteers  of  the  city  had  all  been  repeatedly 
beaten  in  the  valley  both  before  and  since  the  armistice.  Neverthe- 
less Santa  Anna,  in  spite  of  all  these  defeats  and  disasters  at  the 
Molino  and  Casa  Mata,  caused  the  bells  of  the  city  to  be  merrily 
rung  for  a  victory,  and  sent  forth  proclamations  by  extraordinary 
couriers  in  every  direction  announcing  the  triumph  of  Mexican  valor 
and  arms ! 

On  the  morning  of  the  nth  Scott  proceeded  to  carry  out  the 
remainder  of  his  projected  capture  of  the  capital.  His  troops  had 
been  already  for  some  time  hovering  around  the  southern  gates, 
and  he  now  surveyed  them,  closely  covered  by  General  Pillow's 
division  and  Riley's  brigade  of  Twiggs's  command,  and  then  or- 
dered Quitman  from  Coyoacan  to  join  Pillow  by  daylight  before 
the  southern  gates.  By  night,  however,  the  two  generals  with  their 
commands  were  to  pass  the  two  intervening  miles  between  their 
position  and  Tacubaya,  where  they  would  unite  with  Worth's  divi- 
sion, while  General  Twiggs  was  left,  with  Riley,  Captain  Taylor, 
and  Steptoe,  in  front  of  the  gates  to  maneuver,  threaten,  or  make 
false  attacks  so  as  to  occupy  and  deceive  the  enemy.  General 
Smith's  brigade  was  halted  in  supporting  distance  at  San  Angel, 
in  the  rear,  till  the  morning  of  the  13th,  so  as  to  support  the  general 
depot  at  Mixcoac.    This  stratagem  against  the  south  was  admirably 


366  MEXICO 

1847 

executed  throughout  the  12th  and  until  the  afternoon  of  the  13th, 
when  it  was  too  late  for  Santa  Anna  to  recover  from  his  delusion. 

In  the  meanwhile  preparations  had  been  duly  made  for  the 
operations  on  the  west  by  the  capture  of  Chapultepec.  Heavy 
batteries  were  established  and  the  bombardment  and  cannonade 
under  Captain  Huger  were  commenced  early  on  the  morning  of  the 
1 2th.  Pillow  and  Quitman  had  been  in  position,  as  ordered,  since 
early  on  the  night  of  the  nth,  and  Worth  was  now  commanded  to 
hold  his  division  in  reserve  near  the  foundry  to  support  Pillow, 
while  Smith  was  summoned  to  sustain  Quitman.  Twiggs  still 
continued  to  inform  with  his  guns  that  held  the  Mexicans  on 
the  defensive  in  that  quarter  and  kept  Santa  Anna  in  constant 
anxiety,  Scott's  positions  and  strategy  perfectly  disconcerted  him. 
One  moment  on  the  south,  the  next  at  Tacubaya,  then  reconnoiter- 
ing  the  south  again,  and  at  last  concentrating  his  forces  so  that  they 
might  be  easily  moved  northward  to  Chapultepec  or  southward  to 
the  gate  of  San  Antonio  Abad.  These  movements  rendered  him 
constantly  sensible  of  every  hour's  importance,  yet  he  would  not 
agree  with  the  veteran  Bravo,  who  commanded  Chapultepec  and 
was  convinced  that  the  hill  and  castle  would  be  the  points  assailed. 
During  the  whole  of  the  12th  the  American  pieces,  strengthened 
by  the  captured  guns,  poured  an  incessant  shower  of  shot  into  the 
fortress  until  nightfall,  when  the  assailants  slept  upon  their  arms, 
to  be  in  position  for  an  early  renewal  on  the  13th. 

At  half-past  five  in  the  morning  the  American  guns  recom- 
menced upon  Chapultepec:  but  still  Santa  Anna  clung  to  the  south- 
ern gates,  while  Scott  was  silently  preparing  for  the  final  assault 
according  to  a  preconcerted  signal.  About  eight  o'clock,  judging 
that  the  missiles  had  done  the  wrork,  the  heavy  batteries  suddenly 
ceased  firing,  and  instantaneously  Pillow's  division  rushed  forward 
from  the  conquered  Molino  del  Rey,  and  overbearing  all  obstacles 
and  rapidly  clambering  up  the  steep  acclivities,  raised  their  scaling 
ladders  and  poured  over  the  walls.2 

2  The  importance  of  the  previous  capture  of  El  Molino  del  Rey  was  proved 
in  this  assault  upon  Chapultepec,  for  Pillow's  division  started  from  this  very 
Mill,  from  within  the  enemy's  works,  and  found  itself  on  an  equality  with  the 
foe  up  to  the  very  moment  of  scaling  the  walls  at  the  crest  of  the  mount, 
whereas  the  other  assaulting  column  under  Quitman,  taking  the  only  remaining 
road  to  the  castle,  a  causeway  leading  from  Tacubaya,  was  successfully  held  at 
bay  by  the  outworks  defending  this  road  at  the  base  of  the  hill  until  after  the 
castle  was  taken  and  the  opposing  force  was  taken  in  rear  by  troops  passing 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  367 

1847 

Quitman,  supported  by  Generals  Shields  and  Smith,  was  mean- 
while advancing  rapidly  toward  the  southeast  of  the  works  over  a 
causeway  with  cuts  and  batteries  defended  by  an  army  strongly 
posted  outside  the  works  toward  the  east.  But  nothing  could  resist 
the  impulse  of  the  storming  division,  though  staunchly  opposed 
and  long  held  at  bay,  and  while  it  rushed  to  complete  the  work,  the 
New  York,  South  Carolina,  and  Pennsylvania  volunteers,  under 
Shields,  crossed  the  meadows  in  front  amid  a  heavy  fire,  and  entered 
the  outer  enclosure  of  Chapultepec  in  time  to  join  the  enterprise 
from  the  west.  The  castle  was  now  possessed  at  every  point.  The 
onslaught  had  been  so  rapid  and  resistless  that  the  Mexicans  stood 
appalled  as  the  human  tide  foamed  and  burst  over  their  battlements. 
Men  who  had  been  stationed  to  fire  the  mines  either  fled  or  were 
shot  down.  Officers  fell  at  their  posts,  and  the  brave  old  Bravo, 
fighting  to  the  last,  was  taken  prisoner,  with  a  thousand  combatants. 

Santa  Anna  was  at  last  undeceived.  He  detached  at  once  the 
greater  portion  of  his  troops  from  near  the  garita  of  San  Antonio 
Abad ;  but  it  was  too  late — the  key  to  the  roads  of  San  Cosme  and 
Belen  had  fallen.  The  advance  works  were  weak,  and  the  routed 
troops  of  Chapultepec  fled  rapidly  along  the  causeways  and  over 
the  meadows.  Still  as  they  retreated  they  fought  courageously,  and 
as  the  Americans  approached  the  walls  the  fresh  troops  in  the 
neighborhood  poured  their  volleys  from  behind  parapets,  windows, 
and  steeples.  Nevertheless,  Santa  Anna  dared  not  withdraw  all 
his  forces  in  the  presence  of  Twiggs's  threatening  division  on  the 
south. 

Meanwhile  Worth  had  seized  the  causeway  and  aqueduct  ot 
San  Cosme,  while  Quitman  advanced  by  the  other  toward  the  garita 
of  Belen.  The  double  roads  on  each  side  of  these  aqueducts  which 
rested  on  open  arches  spanning  massive  pillars  afforded  fine  points 
for  attack  and  defense.  Both  the  American  generals  were  prompt 
in  pursuing  the  retreating  foe,  while  Scott,  who  had  ascended  the 
battlements  of  Chapultepec  and  beheld  the  field  spread  out  beneath 
him  like  a  map,  hastened  onward  all  the  stragglers  and  detachments 
to  join  the  flushed  victors  in  the  final  assault. 

Worth  speedily  reached  the  street  of  San  Cosme  and  became 

through  and  around  Chapultepec.  Had  El  Molino  still  been  held  by  the 
Mexicans,  the  siege  pieces  would  not  have  been  allowed  to  play  uninterruptedly, 
nor  would  the  assaulting  parties  been  able  to  take  position  or  attack  with 
impunity.     See  Lieutenant  Smith's  "  Memoir/'  ut  antea  p.  8. 


368  MEXICO 

1847 

engaged  in  desperate  conflict  with  the  enemy  from  the  houses  and 
defenses.  Ordering  forward  Cadwallader's  brigade  with  mountain 
howitzers,  preceded  by  skirmishers  and  pioneers  with  pick-axes 
and  crowbars  to  force  windows  and  doors  and  to  burrow  through 
the  walls,  he  rapidly  attained  an  equality  of  position  with  the 
enemy;  and  by  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  after  carrying  two 
batteries  in  this  suburb,  he  planted  a  heavy  mortar  and  piece  of 
artillery  from  which  he  might  throw  shot  and  shells  into  the  city 
during  the  night.  Having  posted  guards  and  sentinels  and  sheltered 
his  weary  men,  he  at  length  found  himself  with  no  obstacle  but  the 
gate  of  San  Cosme  between  his  gallant  band  and  the  great  square 
of  Mexico. 

The  pursuit  by  Quitman  on  the  road  to  the  gate  of  Belen  had 
been  equally  hot  and  successful.  Scott  originally  designed  that 
this  general  should  only  maneuver  and  threaten  the  point  so  as  to 
favor  Worth's  more  dangerous  enterprise  by  San  Cosme.  But  the 
brave  and  impetuous  Quitman,  seconded  by  the  eager  spirits  of  his 
division,  longing  for  the  distinction  of  which  they  had  been  hitherto 
deprived,  heeded  neither  the  external  defenses  nor  the  more  danger- 
ous power  of  the  neighboring  citadel.  Onward  he  pressed  his  men 
under  flank  and  direct  fires,  seized  an  intermediate  battery  of  two 
guns,  carried  the  gate  of  Belen,  and  thus  before  two  o'clock  was  the 
first  to  enter  the  city  and  maintain  his  position  with  a  loss  propor- 
tionate to  the  steady  firmness  of  his  desperate  assault.  After 
nightfall  he  added  several  new  defenses  to  the  point  he  had  won  so 
gloriously,  and  sheltering  his  men  as  well  as  he  was  able,  awaited 
the  return  of  daylight  under  the  guns  of  the  formidable  and  unsub- 
dued citadel. 

So  ended  the  battles  of  September  13,  1847,  and  so>  m  fact> 
ended  the  great  contests  of  the  war.  Santa  Anna  had  been  again 
"  disconcerted  "  in  his  plan  of  battle  by  Scott,  as  he  had  previously 
been  thwarted  by  Valencia's  disobedience  and  willfulness.  Scott 
would  not  attack  the  south  of  the  city,  where  he  expected  him,  and 
consequently  the  American  chief  conquered  the  point  where  he  had 
not  expected  him! 

When  darkness  fell  upon  the  city  a  council  of  disheartened 
officers  assembled  in  the  Mexican  citadel.  After  the  customary 
crimination  and  recrimination  had  been  exhausted  between  Santa 
Anna  and  other  officers,  it  was  acknowledged  that  the  time  had 
come  to  decide  upon  future  movements.     Beaten  in  every  battle, 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  369 

1847 

they  now  saw  one  American  general  already  within  the  city  gate, 
while  another  was  preparing  to  enter  on  the  following  morning,  and 
kept  the  city  sleepless  by  the  loud  discharges  of  his  heavy  cannon 
or  bursting  bombs  as  they  fell  in  the  center  of  the  capital.  General 
Carrera  believed  the  demoralization  of  his  army  complete.  Lom- 
bardini,  Alcorta,  and  Perez  coincided  in  his  opinion,  and  Santa 
Anna  at  length  closed  the  panic-stricken  council  by  declaring  that 
Mexico  must  be  evacuated  during  the  night,  and  by  naming  Lom- 
bardini  general-in-chief  and  General  Perez  second  in  command. 
Between  eight  and  nine  o'clock  Senor  Trigneros  called  at  the  citadel 
with  his  coach  and  bore  away  the  luckless  military  president  to  the 
sacred  town  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  three  miles  north  of  the  capital. 
The  retreat  of  the  Mexican  army  began  at  midnight,  and  not 
long  after  a  deputation  from  the  ayuntamiento,  or  city  council, 
waited  upon  General  Scott  with  the  information  that  the  federal 
government  and  troops  had  fled  from  the  capital.  The  haggard 
visitors  demanded  terms  of  capitulation  in  favor  of  the  church,  the 
citizens,  and  the  municipal  authorities.  Scott  refused  the  ill-timed 
request,  and  promising  no  terms  that  were  not  self-imposed,  sent 
word  to  Quitman  and  Worth  to  advance  as  soon  as  possible  on  the 
following  morning,  and,  guarding  carefully  against  treachery,  to 
occupy  the  city's  strongest  and  most  commanding  points.  Worth 
was  halted  at  the  Alameda,  a  few  squares  west  of  the  Plaza,  but 
Quitman  was  allowed  the  honor  of  advancing  to  the  great  square, 
and  hoisting  the  American  flag  on  the  national  palace.  At  nine 
o'clock  the  commander-in-chief,  attended  by  his  brilliant  staff,  rode 
into  the  vast  area  in  front  of  the  venerable  cathedral  and  palace  amid 
the  shouts  of  the  exulting  army  to  whose  triumphs  his  prudence  and 
genius  had  so  greatly  contributed.  It  was  a  proud  moment  for 
Scott,  and  he  might  well  have  flushed  with  excitement  as  he 
ascended  the  palace  stairs  and  sat  down  in  the  saloon  which  had 
been  occupied  by  so  many  viceroys,  ministers,  presidents,  and  gen- 
erals, to  write  the  brief  order  announcing  his  occupation  of  the 
capital  of  Mexico.  Yet  the  elation  was  but  momentary.  The  cares 
of  conquest  were  now  exchanged  for  those  of  preservation.  He 
was  allowed  no  interval  of  repose  from  anxiety.  His  last  victories 
had  entirely  disorganized  the  republic.  There  was  no  longer  a 
national  government,  a  competent  municipal  authority,  or  even  a 
police  force  which  could  be  relied  on  to  regulate  the  fallen  city. 
Having  accomplished  the  work  of  destruction,  the  responsibility  of 


370  MEXICO 

1847 

reconstruction  was  now  imposed  upon  him;  and  first  among  his 
duties  was  the  task  of  providing  for  the  safety  and  subordination 
of  that  slender  band  which  had  been  so  suddenly  forced  into  a  vast 
and  turbulent  capital.3 

Scarcely  had  the  divisions  of  the  American  army,  after  the 
enthusiastic  expression  of  their  joy,  begun  to  disperse  from  the 
great  square  of  Mexico  in  search  of  quarters  when  the  populace 
commenced  firing  upon  them  from  within  the  deep  embrasures 
of  the  windows  and  from  behind  the  parapet  walls  of  the  house- 
tops. This  dastardly  assault  by  the  mob  of  a  surrendered  city 
lasted  for  two  days,  until  it  was  terminated  by  the  vigorous 
military  measures  of  General  Scott.  Yet  it  is  due  to  the  Mexicans 
to  state  that  this  horrible  scheme  of  assassination  was  not  counte- 
nanced by  the  better  classes,  but  that  the  base  outbreak  was  alto- 
gether owing  to  the  liberation  of  about  two  thousand  convicts  by 
the  flying  government  on  the  previous  night.  These  miscreants,  the 
scum  and  outcasts  of  Mexico — its  common  thieves,  assassins,  and 
notorious  vagrants — banded  with  nearly  an  equal  number  of  the 
disorganized  army,  had  already  thronged  the  palace  when  Quitman 
arrived  with  his  division,  and  it  was  only  by  the  active  exertion  of 

3  We  shall  record  as  very  interesting  historical  facts  the  numbers  with 
which  General  Scott  achieved  his  victories  in  the  valley. 

FORCES. 

He    left    Puebla    with 10,738  rank  and  file. 

At  Contreras  and  Churubusco  there  were 8,497  engaged. 

At  El  Molino  del  Rey  and  La  Casa  Mata 3,251         " 

On  September  12  and  13,  at  Chapultepec,  etc....  7,180        " 

Final  attack  on  city,  after  deducting  killed, 
wounded,  garrison  of  Mixcoac  and  Chapul- 
tepec      6,000 

LOSSES. 

At  Contreras  and  Churubusco 137  killed.    877  wounded.     38  missing. 

At  El  Molino,  etc 116      "  665        "  18      " 

September  12,  13,  and  14 130      "  703        "  29      " 

Grand  total  of  losses,  2703. 

"  On  the  other  hand,"  says  Scott  in  his  dispatch  September  18,  1847,  "  this 
small  force  has  beaten  on  the  same  occasions,  in  view  of  the  capital,  the  whole 
Mexican  army,  composed  at  the  beginning  of  thirty  odd  thousand  men,  posted 
always  in  chosen  positions,  behind  entrenchments  or  more  formidable  defenses 
of  nature  and  art ;  killed  or  wounded  of  that  number  more  than  7000  officers  and 
men,  taken  3730  prisoners,  one-seventh  officers,  including  13  general,  of  whom 
three  had  been  presidents  of  this  republic:  captured  more  than  20  colors  and 
standards,  75  pieces  of  ordnance,  besides  57  wall  pieces,  20,000  small  arms,  and 
an  immense  quantity  of  shot,  shells  and  powder." — See  Ex.  Doc  No.  1  Senate, 
30th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  384. 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  371 

1847 

Watson's  marines  that  the  vagrant  crowd  was  driven  from  the 
edifice. 

General  Quitman  was  immediately  appointed  civil  and  military 
governor  of  the  conquered  capital,  and  discharged  his  duties  under 
the  martial  law  proclaimed  by  Scott  on  September  7.  The  general 
order  of  the  commander-in-chief  breathes  the  loftiest  spirit  of  self- 
respect,  honor,  and  national  consideration.  He  points  out  clearly 
the  crimes  commonly  incident  to  the  occupation  of  subdued  cities, 
and  gives  warning  of  the  severity  with  which  their  perpetrators 
will  be  punished.  He  protects  the  administration  of  justice  among 
the  Mexicans  in  the  courts  of  the  country.  He  places  the  city,  its 
churches,  worship,  convents,  monasteries,  inhabitants,  and  property 
under  the  special  safeguard  of  the  faith  and  honor  of  the  American 
army.  And  finally,  instead  of  demanding,  according  to  the  custom 
of  many  generals  in  the  Old  World,  a  splendid  ransom  from  the 
opulent  city,  he  imposed  upon  it  a  trifling  contribution  of  $150,000 
— $20,000  of  which  he  devoted  to  extra  comforts  for  the  sick  and 
wounded,  $90,000  to  purchase  blankets  and  shoes  for  gratuitous  dis- 
tribution among  the  common  soldiers,  while  but  $40,000  were 
reserved  for  the  military  chest.  This  act  of  clemency  and  considera- 
tion is  in  beautiful  contrast  with  the  last  malignant  spitefulness  of 
the  conquered  army,  whose  commander,  unable  to  overthrow  the 
invaders  in  fair  combat,  had  released  at  midnight  the  desperadoes 
from  his  prisons,  with  the  hope  that  assassination  might  do  the 
work  which  military  skill  and  honorable  valor  had  been  unable  to 
effect. 

Meanwhile  Santa  Anna  dispatched  a  circular  from  the  town  of 
Guadalupe  recounting  to  the  governors  of  the  different  States  the 
loss  of  the  capital,  and  on  the  16th  he  issued  a  decree  requiring 
congress  to  assemble  at  Queretaro,  which  was  designated  as  the 
future  seat  of  government.  As  president  and  politician  he  at  once 
saw  that  he  could  do  nothing  more  without  compromising  himself 
still  further.  Resigning,  therefore,  the  executive  chair  in  favor  of 
his  constitutional  successor,  Sefior  Pena-y-Pefia,  Chief  Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  he  dispatched  General  Herrera  with  4000 
troops  to  Queretaro,  and  departed  to  assail  the  Americans  in  Puebla. 
On  the  1 8th  he  evacuated  Guadalupe,  and  took  the  road  to  the  east- 
ward, with  2000  cavalry  commanded  by  General  Alvarez.  He 
knew  that  communication  with  the  American  base  of  operations  in 
that  quarter  was  seriously  interrupted  if  not  entirely  cut  off,  and 


372  MEXICO 

184? 

he  vainly  hoped  to  recover  his  military  prestige  by  some  brilliant 
feat  of  arms  over  detached  or  unequal  squadrons. 

When  Scott  marched  into  the  valley  of  Mexico  Puebla  was  left 
in  charge  of  Colonel  Childs,  with  400  efficient  men  and  nearly  1800 
in  his  hospitals.  The  watchful  commander  and  his  small  band 
preserved  order  until  the  false  news  of  Mexican  success  at  Molino 
del  Rey  was  received.  But  at  that  moment  the  masses,  joined  by 
about  3000  troops  under  General  Rea,  a  brave  and  accomplished 
Spaniard,  rose  upon  and  besieged  the  slender  garrison.  On  the 
22d  Santa  Anna  arrived  and,  increasing  the  assailants  to  nearly 
8000,  made  the  most  vigorous  efforts  during  the  six  following  days 
and  nights  to  dislodge  the  Americans  from  the  position  they  had 
seized. 

About  the  middle  of  the  month  Brigadier  General  Lane  left 
Vera  Cruz  with  a  fresh  command,  and  at  Jalapa  joined  the  forces 
of  Major  Lally,  who,  with  nearly  1000  men  and  a  large  and  valu- 
able train,  had  fought  his  way  thither  against  Jarauta  and  his 
guerrilleros  at  San  Juan,  Paso  de  Ovejas,  Puente  Nacional,  Plan 
del  Rio,  Cerro  Gordo,  and  Los  Animas.  As  soon  as  the  news  of 
Puebla's  danger  reached  these  commanders  they  marched  to  sup- 
port the  besieged  band,  while  Santa  Anna,  believing  that  Rea  could 
either  conquer  or  hold  Childs  in  check  until  his  return,  departed  in 
quest  of  the  advancing  columns  of  Lane  and  Lally,  who  were  re- 
ported to  have  convoyed  from  the  coast  an  immense  amount  of 
treasure.  The  combined  lust  of  glory  and  gold  perhaps  stimulated 
this  last  effort  of  the  failing  chief.  Rea  continued  the  siege  of 
Puebla  bravely.  Santa  Anna,  advancing  eastward,  and  apparently 
confident  of  success,  established  his  headquarters  at  Huamantla ;  but 
while  maneuvering  his  troops  to  attack  the  approaching  columns 
Lane  fell  upon  him  suddenly  on  October  9,  and  after  a  sharp  action 
remained  victor  on  the  field.  On  the  next  day  General  Lane 
continued  his  march  to  Puebla,  and,  entering  it  on  October  13, 
drove  the  Mexicans  from  all  their  positions  and  effectually 
relieved  the  pressed  but  pertinacious  commander  of  the  beleagured 
Americans. 

It  was  now  the  turn  of  those  who  had  been  so  long  assailed  to 
become  assailants.  Rea  retired  to  Atlixco,  about  twenty-five  miles 
from  Puebla,  but  the  inexorable  Lane  immediately  followed  in  his 
steps,  and,  reaching  the  retreat  at  sunset  on  the  19th,  by  a  bright 
moonlight   cannonaded   the  town   from   the  overlooking  heights. 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  373 

1847 

After  an  hour's  incessant  labor  Atlixco  surrendered,  the  enemy  fled, 
and  thus  was  destroyed  a  nest  in  which  many  a  guerrillero  party 
had  been  fitted  out  for  the  annoyance  or  destruction  of  Americans. 

Mexico  possesses  a  wonderful  facility  in  the  creation  of  armies 
or  in  the  aggregation  of  men  under  the  name  of  soldiers.  Wherever 
a  standard  is  raised  it  is  quickly  surrounded  by  the  idlers,  the  thrift- 
less, and  the  improvident,  who  are  willing  at  least  to  be  supported, 
if  not  munificently  recompensed,  for  the  task  of  bearing  arms.  At 
this  period,  and  notwithstanding  all  the  recent  disgraceful  and  dis- 
heartening defeats,  a  large  corps  had  already  been  gathered  in 
different  parts  of  the  republic.  The  recruits  were,  however,  divided 
into  small,  undisciplined,  and  consequently  inefficient  bodies.  It  was 
reported  that  Lombardini  and  Reyes  were  in  Queretaro  with  iooo 
men;  Santa  Anna's  command,  now  turned  over  to  General  Rincon 
by  order  of  President  Pena-y-Pefia,  consisted  of  4000 :  in  Tabasco 
and  Chiapas  there  were  2000;  Urrea,  Carrabajal,  and  Canales  com- 
manded 2000;  Filisola  was  at  San  Luis  Potosi  with  3000;  Pefia  y 
Barrangan  had  2000  at  Toluca;  1000  were  in  Oaxaca,  while  nearly 
3000  guerrilleros  harassed  the  road  between  Puebla  and  Vera  Cruz, 
and  rendered  it  impassable  after  the  victories  in  the  valley.  The 
conflict  was  now  almost  given  up  to  these  miscreants,  under  Padre 
Jarauta  and  Zenobio,  for  in  the  eastern  districts  General  Lane  with 
his  ardent  partisans  held  Rincon,  Alvarez,  and  Rea  in  complete 
check. 

These  guerrilla  bands  had  inflicted  such  injury  upon  the 
Americans  that  it  became  necessary  to  destroy  them  at  all  hazards. 
This  severe  task  was  accomplished  by  Colonel  Hughes  and  Ma j or 
John  R.  Kenly,  who  commanded  at  Jalapa,  and  by  General  Patter- 
son, whose  division  of  4000  new  levies  was  shortly  to  be  reinforced 
by  General  Butler  with  several  thousand  more.  Patterson  gar- 
risoned the  National  Bridge  in  the  midst  of  these  bandits'  haunts, 
and  having  executed,  at  Jalapa,  two  paroled  Mexican  officers  cap- 
tured in  one  of  the  marauding  corps,  and  refused  the  surrender  of 
Jarauta,  he  drove  that  recreant  priest  from  the  neighborhood  into 
the  valley  of  Mexico,  in  which  Lane  pursued  and  destroyed  his 
reorganized  band. 

While  these  scattered  military  events  were  occurring,  Pefia-y- 
Pefia,  as  president  of  the  republic,  had  endeavored,  both  at  Toluca 
and  at  Queretaro,  to  combine  once  more  the  elements  of  a  congress 
and  a  government.     He  summoned,  moreover,  the  governors  of 


374  MEXICO 

1847 

States  to  convene  and  consult  upon  the  condition  of  affairs ;  he  sus- 
pended Santa  Anna ;  ordered  Paredes  into  nominal  arrest  at  Tololo- 
pan;  directed  a  court-martial  upon  Valencia  for  his  conduct  at 
Contreras ;  attempted  to  reform  the  army,  and  in  all  his  acts  seems 
to  have  been  animated  by  a  sincere  spirit  of  national  reorganization 
and  peace.  Nevertheless,  among  the  deputies  who  were  assembled 
the  same  quarrels  that  disgraced  former  sessions  again  arose  be- 
tween the  Puros,  the  Moderados,  the  Monarquistas,  and  Santan- 
nistas,  or  friends  of  Santa  Anna,  who  now  formed  themselves  into 
a  zealous  party,  notwithstanding  the  disgraceful  downfall  of  their 
leader.  These  contests  were  continued  until  early  in  November, 
when  a  quorum  of  the  members  reached  Queretaro  and  elected 
Anaya,  the  former  president  substitute,  to  serve  until  the  month 
of  January,  to  which  period  the  counting  of  votes  for  the  presidency 
had  been  postponed,  as  we  have  already  stated,  by  the  intrigues  of 
Santa  Anna.     Anaya's  election  was  a  triumph  of  the  Moderados. 

Congress  broke  up  after  a  few  days'  session,  having  provided 
for  the  assemblage  of  a  new  one  on  January  I,  1848;  but  unfor- 
tunately most  of  the  leaders  did  not  depart  from  Queretaro,  which 
was  henceforth  for  many  months  converted  into  a  political  battle- 
field for  the  benefit  or  disgrace  of  the  military  partisans.  The 
Puros,  led  by  Gomez  Farias,  were  joined  by  the  disaffected  officers 
of  the  army  ready  for  revolution,  pronunciamientos,  or  anything 
that  might  prolong  the  war  with  the  same  ultimate  views  that  ani- 
mated them  during  the  armistice  in  August.  But  Pena-y-Pefia  and 
Anaya  were  firm,  discreet,  and  consistent  in  their  resistance.  The 
assembled  governors  of  States  resolved  to  support  the  president, 
his  opinions,  and  acts  with  their  influence  and  means,  while  the 
mass  of  substantial  citizens  and  men  of  property  throughout  the 
republic  joined  in  an  earnest  expression  of  anxiety  for  peace. 
Guanajuato,  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  Jalisco,  under  the  lead  of  San- 
tannistas  and  Puros,  who  mutually  hated  each  other,  alone  continued 
hostile  to  a  treaty. 

Trist  soon  after  the  capture  of  Mexico  had  sounded  Peria- 
y-Peiia  in  relation  to  the  renewal  of  negotiations ;  but  it  was  not  until 
the  end  of  October  that  the  prudent  president  thought  himself 
justified  in  expressing,  through  his  minister,  Don  Luis  de  la  Rosa, 
a  simple  but  ardent  wish  for  the  cessation  of  war.  When  Anaya 
assumed  the  presidency  a  few  days  afterward,  Peha-y-Pena  did 
not  disdain  to  enter  his  cabinet  as  minister,  and  on  November  22 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  375 

1847-1848 

offered  the  American  envoy  the  appointment  of  commissioners. 
But  in  the  meanwhile  the  government  in  Washington,  believing  that 
the  continuance  of  Trist  in  Mexico  was  useless,  and  probably  dis- 
contented with  his  conduct,  had  recalled  him  from  the  theater  of 
action.  The  American  commissioner  hastened,  therefore,  to  de- 
cline the  negotiation  and  apprised  the  Mexicans  of  his  position. 
But  mature  reflection  upon  the  political  state  of  Mexico  as  well  as 
upon  the  real  desires  of  his  government  and  people,  induced  Trist 
to  change  his  views,  and  accordingly  he  notified  the  Mexican 
cabinet  that  in  spite  of  his  recall  he  would  assume  the  responsibility 
of  a  final  effort  to  close  the  war.  Good  judgment  at  the  moment 
and  subsequent  events  fully  justified  the  envoy's  diplomatic  resolve. 
Commissioners  were  at  once  appointed  to  meet  him,  and  negotia- 
tions were  speedily  commenced  in  a  spirit  of  sincerity  and  peace. 
General  Scott,  nevertheless,  though  equally  anxious  to  terminate 
the  conflict,  did  not  for  a  moment  intermit  his  military  vigilance. 
The  capital  and  the  captured  towns  were  still  as  strictly  governed, 
the  growing  army  was  organized  for  future  operations,  and  a 
general  order  was  issued  demanding  a  large  contribution  from  each 
of  the  States  for  the  support  of  the  army.  This  military  decree, 
moreover,  reformed  and  essentially  changed  the  duties,  taxation, 
and  collections  of  the  nation;  it  indicated  the  intention  of 
the  United  States  to  spread  its  troops  all  over  the  land ;  and  while 
it  reasserted  the  supremacy  of  law,  and  the  purity  of  its  administra- 
tion, it  announced  instant  death  by  sentence  of  a  drumhead  court- 
martial  to  all  who  engaged  in  irregular  war.  This  decree  satisfied 
reflecting  Mexicans,  who  noticed  the  steady  earnestness  and  in- 
crease of  the  army,  that  their  nationality  was  seriously  endangered, 
and  greatly  aided,  as  doubtless  it  was  designed  to  do,  in  stimulating 
the  action  of  the  cabinet  and  commissioners. 

Thus  closed  the  eventful  year  of  1847.  On  January  1,  1848, 
only  thirty  deputies  of  the  new  congress  appeared  in  their  places ; 
and  on  the  8th — the  day  for  the  decision  of  the  presidency — as  there 
was  still  no  quorum  in  attendance,  and  Anaya's  term  had  expired, 
he  promptly  resigned  his  power  to  his  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
Pena-y-Pena,  who  reassumed  the  executive  chair,  as  he  formerly 
had  done,  by  virtue  of  his  constitutional  right  as  chief  justice. 
Anaya  at  once  came  into  his  cabinet  as  minister  of  war,  while 
De  la  Rosa  took  the  portfolio  of  foreign  relations.  All  these  per- 
sons were  still  sincere  coadjutors  in  the  work  of  peace. 


376  MEXICO 

1848 

The  destiny  of  Santa  Anna  was  drawing  to  a  close.  Huamantla 
had  been  perhaps  his  last  battlefield  in  Mexico.  About  the  middle 
of  January  General  Lane  received  information  of  the  lurking-place 
of  the  chieftain,  who  now,  with  scarcely  the  shadow  of  his  ancient 
power  or  influence,  was  concealed  at  Tehuacan  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Puebla.  The  astute  intriguer's  admission  into  the  republic  had 
once  been  considered  a  master-stroke  of  American  policy;  but  his 
death,  capture,  or  expulsion  was  now  equally  desired  by  those  who 
had  watched  him  more  closely  and  knew  him  better.  Lane  accord- 
ingly, with  a  band  of  about  350  mounted  men,  undertook  the  deli- 
cate task  of  seizing  Santa  Anna,  and  had  he  not  received  timely 
warning,  notwithstanding  the  secrecy  of  the  American's  movements, 
it  is  scarcely  probable  that  he  would  have  quitted  his  retreat  alive. 
Among  the  corps  of  partisan  warriors  who  went  in  search  of  the 
fugitive  there  were  many  Texans  who  still  smarted  under  the 
memory  of  the  dreary  march  from  Santa  Fe  in  1841,  the  decimation 
at  Mier,  the  cruelties  of  Goliad  and  the  Alamo,  and  the  imprison- 
ments in  Mexico,  Puebla,  or  Perote  in  1842.  But  when  Lane  and 
his  troopers  reached  Tehuacan  the  game  had  escaped,  though  his 
lair  was  still  warm.  All  the  personal  effects  left  behind  in  his  rapid 
flight  were  plundered,  with  the  exception  of  his  wife's  wardrobe, 
which,  with  a  rough  though  chivalrous  gallantry,  was  sent  to  the 
beautiful  but  ill-matched  lady.  A  picked  military  escort,  personally 
attached  and  doubtless  well  paid,  still  attended  him.  But  beyond 
this  he  had  no  military  command,  and  as  a  soldier  and  politician  his 
power  in  Mexico  had  departed. 

Having  sought  by  public  letters  to  throw,  as  usual,  the  disgrace 
of  his  defeats  at  Belen  and  Chapultepec  upon  General  Terres  and 
the  revolutionary  hero  Bravo,  he  aroused  the  united  hatred  of  these 
men  and  the  disgust  of  their  numerous  friends.  Public  opinion 
openly  condemned  him  everywhere.  After  Lane's  assault  he  took 
refuge  in  Oaxaca ;  but  the  people  of  that  region  were  qually  inimi- 
cal and  significantly  desired  his  departure.  Thus,  broken  in  fame 
and  character,  deprived  of  a  party,  personal  influence,  patronage, 
and  present  use  of  his  wealth,  the  foiled  warrior-president  stood 
for  a  moment  at  bay.  But  his  resolution  was  soon  taken.  From 
Cascatlan  he  wrote  to  the  minister  of  war  on  February  1,  demand- 
ing passports,  and  at  the  same  time  he  intimated  to  the  American 
commander-in-chief  his  willingness  to  leave  an  ungrateful  republic 
and  to  "  seek  an  asylum  on  a  foreign  soil  where  he  might  pass  his 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  377 

1848 

last  days  in  that  tranquillity  which  he  could  never  find  in  the  land 
of  his  birth."  The  desired  passports  were  granted.  He  was  assured 
that  neither  Mexicans  nor  Americans  would  molest  his  departure; 
and,  moving-  leisurely  toward  the  eastern  coast  with  his  family,  he 
was  met  near  his  hacienda  of  Encero  by  a  select  guard,  detailed  by 
Colonel  Hughes  and  Major  Kenly,  and  escorted  with  his  long  train 
of  troopers,  domestics,  treasure,  and  luggage  to  La  Antigua,  where 
he  embarked  on  April  5,  1848,  on  board  a  Spanish  brig  bound  to 
Jamaica.  One  year  and  eight  months  before,  returning  from  exile, 
he  had  landed  from  the  steamer  Arab  in  the  same  neighborhood  to 
regenerate  his  country! 

But  before  his  departure  from  Mexico  Santa  Anna  had  been 
doomed  to  see  the  peace  concluded.  The  complete  failure  of  the 
Mexicans  in  all  their  battles,  notwithstanding  the  courage  with 
which  they  individually  fought  at  Churubusco,  Chapultepec,  and 
Molino  del  Rey,  impressed  the  nation  deeply  with  the  conviction 
of  its  inability  to  cope  in  arms  with  the  United  States.  The  discom- 
fiture of  Paredes,  the  want  of  pecuniary  resources,  the  disorganiza- 
tion of  the  country,  the  growing  strength  of  the  Americans,  who 
were  pouring  into  the  capital  under  Patterson,  Butler,  and  Marshall, 
and  the  utter  failure  of  the  arch-intriguer — all  contributed  to 
strengthen  the  arm  of  the  executive  and  to  authorize  both  the 
negotiation  of  a  treaty  and  the  arrangement  of  an  armistice  until 
the  two  governments  should  ratify  the  terms  of  peace.  Nicholas 
P.  Trist,  Don  Luis  G.  Cuevas,  Don  Bernardo  Couto,  and  Don 
Miguel  Atristain  signed  the  treaty  thus  consummated  on  February 
2,  1848,  at  the  town  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo.  Its  chief  terms  were: 
1st,  the  reestablishment  of  peace;  2d,  the  boundary  which  con- 
firmed the  southern  line  of  Texas  and  ceded  New  Mexico  and 
Upper  California;  3d,  the  payment  of  fifteen  millions  by  the  United 
States,  in  consideration  of  the  extension  of  its  boundaries ;  4th, 
the  payment  by  the  United  States  of  all  the  claims  of  its  citizens 
against  the  Mexican  Republic  to  the  extent  of  three  and  a  quarter 
millions,  so  as  to  discharge  Mexico  forever  from  all  responsibility ; 
5th,  a  compact  to  restrain  the  incursions  and  misconduct  of  the 
Indians  on  the  northern  frontier.  The  compact  contained,  in  all, 
thirty-three  articles  and  a  secret  article  prolonging  the  period  of 
ratification  in  Washington  beyond  the  four  months  from  its  date 
as  stipulated  in  the  original  instrument. 

This  important  treaty,   which  we  believe  history  will  justly 


378  MEXICO 

1848 

characterize  as  one  of  the  most  liberal  ever  assented  to  by  the 
conquerors  of  so  great  a  country,  was  dispatched  immediately  by 
an  intelligent  courier  to  Washington,  and  notwithstanding  the  irreg- 
ularity of  its  negotiation  after  Trist's  recall,  was  at  once  sent 
to  the  Senate  by  President  Polk.  In  that  illustrious  body  of  states- 
men it  was  fully  debated,  and  after  mature  consideration  ratified, 
with  but  slight  change,  on  March  10.  Senator  Sevier  and  Attor- 
ney-General Clifford  resigned  their  posts  and  were  sent  as  plenipo- 
tentiaries to  Mexico  to  secure  its  passage  by  the  Mexican  congress. 

Meanwhile  the  last  action  of  the  war  was  fought  and  won  on 
March  16,  in  ignorance  of  the  armistice,  by  General  Price  at  Santa 
Cruz  de  Rosales,  near  Chihuahua;  and  the  diplomatic  and  military 
career  of  two  distinguished  men,  Trist  and  Scott,  was  abruptly 
closed  on  the  theater  of  their  brilliant  achievements.  Scott,  the 
victor  of  so  many  splendid  fields,  was  suspended  from  the  com- 
mand of  the  army  he  had  led  to  glory,  and  General  William  O. 
Butler  was  ordered  to  replace  him.  Hot  dissensions  had  occurred 
between  the  commander-in-chief,  Worth,  Pillow,  and  other  meri- 
torious officers,  and  although  the  United  States  might  well  have 
avoided  a  scandalous  rupture  at  such  a  moment  in  any  enemy's 
capital,  a  court  of  inquiry  was  nevertheless  convened  to  discuss  the 
battles  and  the  men  who  had  achieved  the  victories ! 

While  the  court  of  inquiry  pursued  its  investigations  in  the 
capital,  and  the  United  States  Senate  was  engaged  in  ratifying 
the  treaty,  President  Pena-y-Pena  and  his  cabinet  still  labored 
zealously  to  assemble  a  congress  at  Oueretaro.  The  Mexican 
president  resolved,  if  necessary  to  obtain  a  quorum,  to  exclude 
New  Mexico,  California,  and  Yucatan  from  representation;  the 
first  two  being  in  possession  of  the  United  States  and  the  latter  in 
revolt.  The  disturbance  in  Yucatan  which  had  been  for  some  time 
fermenting  broke  out  fiercely  in  July.  1847,  and  became  in  fact  a 
long-continued  war  of  castes.  The  Indian  peones  and  rancheros, 
under  their  leaders  Pat  and  Chi,  carried  fire  and  sword  among  the 
thinly-scattered  whites,  until  relief  was  afforded  them  by  Commo- 
dore Perry,  the  Havanese,  the  English  of  Jamaica,  and  some 
enlisted  corps  of  American  volunteers  returning  from  the  war. 
About  Tuspan  and  Tampico  on  the  east  coast,  in  the  interior  State 
of  Guanajuato,  and  on  the  northern  frontiers  of  Sonora,  Durango, 
and  San  Luis  the  wild  Indians  and  the  semi-civilized  Indian  labor- 
ers were  rebellious  and  extremely  annoying  to  the  lonely  settlers. 


FALL     OF     THE     CAPITAL  379 

1848 

There  were  symptoms  everywhere,  not  only  of  national  disorganiza- 
tion, but  almost  of  national  dissolution.  Yet  difficult  as  was  the 
position  of  the  government  amid  all  these  foreign  and  domestic 
dangers,  every  member  strove  loyally  to  sustain  the  nation  and  its 
character  until  the  return  of  the  ratified  treaty.  Money  was  con- 
tributed freely  by  the  friends  of  peace,  who  sought  a  renewal  of 
trade  and  desired  to  see  the  labors  of  the  mines  and  of  agriculture 
again  pursuing  their  wonted  channels.  The  clergy,  too,  who  feared 
national  ruin,  annexation,  or  complete  conquest,  bestowed  a  portion 
of  their  treasures ;  and  thus  the  members  of  congress  were  supplied 
with  means  to  assemble  at  the  seat  of  government. 

On  May  25  a  brilliant  cortege  of  American  cavalry  was  seen 
winding  along  the  hills  toward  Queretaro  as  the  escort  of  the 
American  commissioners,  who  were  welcomed  to  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment by  the  national  authorities,  and  entertained  sumptuously  in 
an  edifice  set  apart  for  their  accommodation.  The  town  was  wild 
with  rejoicing.  Those  who  had  been  so  recentlv  regarded  as  bitter 
foes  were  hailed  with  all  the  ardor  of  ancient  and  uninterrupted 
friendship.  No  one  would  have  imagined  that  war  had  ever  been 
waged  between  the  soldiers  of  the  north  and  south  who  now  shared 
the  same  barracks  and  pledged  each  other  in  their  social  cups.  If 
the  drama  was  prepared  for  the  occasion  by  the  government  it  was 
certainly  well  played,  and  unquestionably  diverted  the  minds  of  the 
turbulent  and  dangerous  classes  of  the  capital  at  a  moment  when 
good  feeling  was  most  needed. 

Congress  was  in  session  when  the  commissioners  arrived,  and 
on  the  same  day  the  Senate  ratified  the  treaty,  which,  after  a  stormy 
debate,  had  been  previously  sanctioned  by  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
On  May  30  the  ratifications  were  finally  exchanged,  and,  the  first 
installment  of  indemnity  being  paid  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  the 
troops  evacuated  the  country  in  the  most  orderly  manner  during 
the  following  summer. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Mexican  Government,  whose 
tenure  of  power  was  so  frail,  almost  trembled  at  the  sudden  with- 
drawal of  the  forces  and  the  full  restoration  of  a  power  for  which, 
as  patriots,  they  naturally  craved.  The  sudden  relaxation  of  a  firm 
and  dreaded  military  authority  in  the  capital,  amid  all  those  classes 
of  intriguing  politicians,  soldiers,  and  demagogues  who  had  so 
long  disturbed  the  nation's  peace  before  Scott's  capture  of  Mexico, 
naturally  alarmed  the  president  and  cabinet,  who  possessed  no  reli- 


380  MEXICO 

1848 

able  army  to  replace  the  departing  Americans.  But  the  three  mil- 
lions received  opportunely  for  indemnity  were  no  doubt  judiciously 
used  by  the  authorities,  while  the  men  of  property  and  opulent  mer- 
chants leagued  zealously  with  the  municipal  authorities  to  preserve 
order  until  national  reorganization  might  begin.  One  of  the  first 
steps  in  this  scheme  was  the  election  by  congress  of  General  Herrera, 
a  hero  of  revolutionary  fame,  as  constitutional  president,  and  of 
Pefia-y-Pena  as  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  These  and 
other  conciliatory  but  firm  acts  gave  peace  at  least  for  the  moment 
to  the  heart  of  the  nation,  but  beyond  the  capital  all  the  bonds  of 
the  federal  union  were  totally  relaxed.  Scarcely  had  the  national 
government  been  reinstalled  in  the  City  of  Mexico  when  General 
Mariano  Paredes  y  Arrillaga  unfurled  the  standard  of  rebellion  in 
Guanajuato,  under  the  pretext  of  opposing  the  treaty.  The  admin- 
istration, possessing  only  the  skeleton  of  an  army,  did  not  halt  to 
consider  the  smallness  of  its  resources,  but  promptly  placed  all  its 
disposable  men  under  the  command  of  Anastasio  Bustamante,  who, 
with  Minon,  Cortazar,  and  Lombardini,  not  only  put  down  the 
revolution  of  Paredes,  but  by  their  influence  and  admirable  conduct 
imposed  order  and  inspired  renewed  hopes  for  the  future  wherever 
they  appeared.  In  the  same  way  the  strong  arm  of  power  was 
honestly  used  to  destroy  faction  wherever  it  dared  to  lift  its  turbu- 
lent head,  and  the  national  guard  of  the  Federal  District  faithfully 
performed  its  duty  in  this  patriotic  task.  Paredes  disappeared  after 
his  fall  in  Guanajuato,  and  remained  in  concealment  or  obscurity 
until  his  death. 


Chapter    XXXIII 

FOREIGN  INTERVENTION  AND  THE  EMPIRE  UNDER 
MAXIMILIAN.     1848-1867 

WE  find  Mexico  to-day  a  federated  republic  consisting  of 
twenty-seven  States,  three  Territories,  and  one  Federal 
District,  each  State  "  with  a  right  to  manage  its  own 
local  affairs,  but  the  whole  number  bound  together  in  one  body 
politic  by  fundamental  and  constitutional  laws."  The  country  has 
been  at  peace  with  all  the  world  for  many  years.  For  a  very  brief 
period  after  the  departure  of  the  American  army  from  its  capital 
in  1848  the  distracted  republic  was  quiet,  perforce,  except  for  the 
prowling  bands  of  guerrillas  which,  deprived  of  foreign  prey,  turned 
upon  their  countrymen  and  for  years  set  all  laws  at  defiance. 

President  Herrera,  who  was  elected  by  congress  in  1848,  was 
the  first  executive  to  take  peaceful  possession  of  power  within  the 
memory  of  any  person  then  in  politics.  His  administration  on 
the  whole  was  economical  and  tolerant,  and  was  continued  in  its 
main  features  by  General  Mariano  Arista,  who  succeeded  him 
in  185 1. 

In  accordance  with  the  terms  of  a  treaty  negotiated  December 
30,  1853,  the  government  of  the  United  States  paid  Mexico  ten 
millions  of  dollars  for  that  portion  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona 
now  included  in  the  "  Gadsden  Purchase,"  and  comprising  an  area 
of  45.535  square  miles.  Together  with  what  had  been  paid  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  war,  this  made  twenty-five  million  dollars  received 
by  Mexico  from  the  country  that  had  conquered  her,  and  presented 
substantial  evidence  of  the  good  feeling  that  then  prevailed. 

That  same  year  the  arch-pronunciador,  Santa  Anna,  returned 
from  exile,  and  was  received  by  certain  classes  with  open  arms.  His 
prestige  was  sufficient  to  attract  a  multitude  of  followers;  but  his 
decrees  of  December,  1853,  which  in  effect  declared  himself  a  per- 
petual dictator,  aroused  the  opposition  of  the  Liberals,  who  started 
a  counter-rebellion  against  an  arbitrary  and  centralized  government 
such  as  Santa  Anna  would  establish.     The  noted  leaders  of  this 

381 


382  MEXICO 

1853-1857 

movement  were  Generals  Alvarez  and  Comonfort,  who  drove  Santa 
Anna  from  the  capital  and  from  the  country  and  took  possession, 
Alvarez  being  elected  president.  He  made  Comonfort  his  minister 
of  war,  but  soon  resigned  the  presidency  in  his  favor,  to  which  he 
was  constitutionally  elected  by  the  people's  votes  in  1857.  This  was 
the  year  in  which  was  adopted  the  famous  "  Constitution  of  1857," 
under  which,  with  its  various  amendments,  the  Republic  of  Mexico 
is  governed  to-day. 

Tt  will  be  seen  that  Comonfort  occupied  the  presidential  chair 
at  a  most  critical  period  of  the  republic's  history,  for  the  constitu- 
tion of  1857  was  a  vastly  different  instrument  from  that  declared  by 
the  first  national  congress  in  1812.  The  since  celebrated  "Law  of 
Juarez "  "  abolished  the  whole  system  of  class-legislation,  sup- 
pressed the  military  and  ecclesiastical  fueros — those  privileged  and 
special  tribunals  and  charters  of  the  army  and  the  clergy — and 
established  for  the  first  time  in  Mexico's  history  the  equality  of  all 
citizens  before  the  law."  Elected  to  office  as  a  Liberal,  yet  Comon- 
fort gave  government  aid  to  General  Zuloaga,  who,  commanding 
a  brigade  in  the  army,  "  pronounced  "  in  favor  of  the  church  party 
and  against  the  constitution.  In  January,  1858.  Zuloaga  pro- 
claimed the  "  Plan  of  Tacubaya,"  by  which  the  fueros  were  to  be 
restored,  the  press  again  subjected  to  church  censorship,  and  an 
"  irresponsible  central  dictatorship  established  looking,  if  possible, 
to  the  restoration  of  monarchic  principles.  The  constitution  of 
1857  implied  a  complete  reconstruction  of  society  in  all  the  domain 
of  government,  of  religious  institutions,  and  of  the  entire  fabric  of 
civil,  social,  and  educational  life."  It  was  the  outcome  of  more 
than  thirty  years  of  almost  continuous  war.  "  From  1824 — when 
the  first  really  national  congress  met  and  the  first  constitution  was 
proclaimed — to  1853  the  country  had  been  rent  by  a  succession  of 
conflicts,  in  which  the  distinctive  principles  of  the  two  great  parties 
were  ever  uppermost.  The  power  of  the  church  was  wielded  with 
indefatigable  energy  to  baffle  the  Republicans  and  stay  the  progress 
of  constitutional  freedom.     But  its  inarch  was  irresistible." 

The  church  at  that  time  possessed,  it  is  said,  two-thirds  of  the 
nation's  wealth;  but  when,  in  1846,  at  a  critical  period  in  the  war, 
it  had  been  asked  for  a  loan  of  fourteen  millions — and  at  a  moment, 
too,  when  the  very  life  of  the  nation  was  threatened  by  a  foreign  foe 
— it  had  not  only  refused,  but  drove  Gomez  Farias,  who  had  sug- 
gested this  loan,  from  power  in  disgrace.     But  in  the  person  of 


E  M  V  I  K  E     U  N  D  E  U     M  A  X  I  M  ILIAN  383 

1857-1861 

Benito  Juarez,  upon  whom  devolved  the  presidency  after  the  igno- 
minious flight  of  Comonfort,  the  church  had  quite  a  different  man 
to  deal  with.  Juarez  was  born  in  1806,  a  Zapotec  Indian,  belong- 
ing to  a  race  that  had  never  been  conquered.  J I e  was  thus  a  true 
Mexican,  and,  as  his  subsequent  career  gave  proof,  the  very  man  to 
bring  Mexico  out  of  the  labyrinth  into  which  she  had  been  led  and 
where  she  seemed  inextricably,  hopelessly,  lost.  In  Guanajuato, 
whither  he  had  been  driven  by  the  army  of  the  church,  Juarez  and 
the  faithful  members  *>f  his  cabinet  undertook  to  organize  the  gov- 
ernment on  the  basis  of  the  constitution  of  1857.  But  though  the 
president  of  the  people,  he  had  against  him  then  the  almost  invinci- 
ble powers  of  the  army  and  the  church.  He  and  his  cabinet  were 
captured,  but  rescued  by  a  patriot  leader  and  sent  to  Colima,  on 
the  west  coast  of  Mexico,  whence  they  finally  reached  Vera  Cruz, 
on  the  east  coast,  by  crossing  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  via  New 
Orleans.  Aiding  Juarez  in  the  "  Three  Years'  War  of  Reform," 
which  existed  from  1858  to  and  through  1861,  were  such  generals 
as  Doblado,  Degollado,  Arteaga,  Ortega,  and  Zaragoza,  who 
fought  in  defense  of  the  constitution;  while  against  it  and  in  favor 
of  the  church  were  Osollo,  Robles,  Marquez,  Miramon,  and  Zulo- 
aga.  This  insane,  fratricidal  strife  went  on  for  years;  but  in  Decem- 
ber, i860,  the  decisive  battle  of  Calpulalpam  was  fought,  through 
the  victory  of  which,  gained  by  the  Liberals,  Juarez  finally  entered 
the  capital  of  Mexico  and  took  possession  of  the  government. 

Elected  constitutional  president  in  i860,  Juarez  was  properly 
the  nation's  head;  but  even  after  the  defeat  of  the  church's  army 
he  could  not  at  once  minister  to  the  needs  of  his  long-suffering 
people.  Peace  might  have  ensued  had  time  been  granted  the  dis- 
tracted country ;  but  a  new  element  of  disturbance  now  entered  into 
the  scheme  of  government.  Absolutely  impoverished  as  well  as 
exhausted,  the  government  was  forced  to  resort  to  most  extraor- 
dinary measures  in  order  to  raise  funds,  and  so  a  law  was  passed, 
on  July  17,  1 861,  suspending  payment  of  interest  on  all  debts, 
internal  and  foreign,  for  two  years  from  that  date.  :t  With  the 
funds  thus  obtained  from  the  nation's  revenues,  temporarily  diverted 
to  the  relief  of  the  country,  it  was  hoped  that  all  armed  opposition 
could  be  put  down,  internal  neace  preserved,  and  the  government 
finally  established." 

But  this  scheme  was  fatal  to  the  success  of  the  Liberal  cause, 
then  on  the  eve  of  its  ultimate  reward,  for  it  gave  the  enemies  of 


384.  MEXICO 

1861-1862 

Mexico,  its  foreign  enemies,  an  opportunity  to  intervene  in  its 
internal  affairs. 

It  was  not  the  first  time  Mexico  had  made  herself  conspicuous 
in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  for  during  more  than  forty  years  she  had 
been  convulsed  with  feuds  and  strife,  having  in  that  period  passed 
through  thirty-six  different  forms  of  government  under  seventy- 
three  rulers  of  various  stripe. 

"  For  a  few  years  past,"  wrote  Corwin,  the  United  States 
minister  to  Mexico,  "  the  condition  of  this  country  has  been  so 
unsettled  as  to  raise  the  question,  on  both  sides  the  Atlantic, 
whether  the  time  has  not  come  when  some  foreign  power  ought,  in 
the  general  interests  of  society,  to  intervene  to  establish  a  protector- 
ate or  some  other  form  of  government  here,  and  guarantee  its 
continuance." 

And  yet,  when  in  October,  i86i,a  tripartite  alliance  was  entered 
into  between  Spain,  France,  and  England  for  intervention,  with  the 
act  of  the  Juarez  government  as  a  pretext,  and  the  government  of 
the  United  States  was  tardily  invited  to  join  in  demanding  redress, 
Corwin  wrote :  "  I  cannot  find  in  this  republic  any  men,  of  any 
party,  better  qualified  in  my  judgment  for  the  task  than  those  now 
in  power!  .  .  .  Her  late  suspension,  leading  to  the  cessation 
of  diplomatic  relations  with  England  and  France  [for  the  French 
and  British  ministers  had  demanded  their  passports]  may,  perhaps, 
have  been  imprudent.  She  could  not  pay  her  debts,  however,  and 
maintain  her  government ;  and  perhaps  it  was  as  well  to  say  she 
would  not  pay  for  two  years,  as  to  promise  to  pay  and  submit  her- 
self to  the  mortification  of  constantly  asking  further  time.  She  is 
impoverished  to  the  last  degree,  by  forty  years  of  civil  war." 

The  total  amount  of  Mexico's  foreign  indebtedness  at  that 
time  was  about  $86,000,000,  of  which  nearly  four-fifths  was  to  the 
British  and  less  than  $10,000,000  to  the  French.  Yet,  after  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish  troops  had  been  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  a  treaty  was 
effected  under  which  Spain  and  England  retreated  from  their 
humiliating  position,  though  the  French  troops  persisted  in  march- 
ing into  the  interior,  reaching  Orizaba  without  opposition,  but  suf- 
fering defeat  at  Puebla,  on  May  5,  1862. 

The  "  glorious  Fifth  of  May  " — the  Cinco  de  Mayo — has  been 
called  the  Mexican  Fourth  of  July,  for  it  has  ever  since  been  annu- 
ally celebrated  as  the  anniversary  of  the  most  decisive  victory  ever 
won  by  Mexican  troops  over  a  foreign  foe.    General  Zaragoza  was 


EMPIRE     UNDER     MAXIMILIAN  385 

1861-1862 

in  command  of  the  Mexican  patriots ;  later  on  other  generals  came 
to  the  front,  such  as  Porfirio  Diaz,  the  savior  of  the  south ; 
Negretti,  and  Escobedo,  fighting  desperately  in  the  north.1 

It  should  not  be  overlooked,  in  reviewing  the  events  connected 
with  the  intervention,  that  from  the  very  first  the  United  States 
held  and  maintained  a  most  friendly  attitude  toward  the  govern- 
ment of  Mexico,  even  going  to  the  length  of  offering  to  negotiate 
a  loan  for  its  relief  rather  than  permit  anything  detrimental  to  its 
autonomy.  The  maintenance  of  friendly  relations  has  become  the 
traditional  policy  between  Los  Estados  Unidos  del  Norte  and  Los 
Estados  de  Mexico;  but  the  friendship  oegun  at  the  close  of  the 
Mexican  War,  incited  by  the  mutual  admiration  of  worthy  foes 
and  cemented  by  the  generosity  of  the  United  States  on  several 
occasions,  has  never  been  more  conspicuously  exemplified  than  in 
this  instance.  Invited  by  the  European  Powers  to  join  them  in 
demanding  redress,  the  United  States,  through  Seward,  the  secre- 
tary of  state,  made  reply  as  follows:  "  .  .  .  It  is  true,  as  the 
high  contracting  parties  assume,  that  the  United  Staes  have,  on 
their  part,  claims  to  urge  against  Mexico.  Upon  due  consideration, 
however,  the  President  is  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  inexpedient 
to  seek  satisfaction  of  their  claims  at  this  time  through  an  act  of 
accession  to  the  convention.  Among  the  reasons  for  this  decision 
are,  first,  that  the  United  States,  so  far  as  it  is  practicable,  prefer 
to  adhere  to  a  traditional  policy,  recommended  to  them  by  their 
first  President  and  confirmed  by  a  happy  experience,  which  forbids 
them  from  making  close  alliances  with  foreign  nations ;  second, 
Mexico  being  a  neighbor  of  the  United  States  on  this  con- 
tinent, and  possessing  a  system  of  government  similar  to  our 
own  in  many  of  its  important  features,  the  United  States 
habitually  cherish  a  decided  good  will  toward  that  republic,  and  a 
lively  interest  in  its  security,  prosperity,  and  welfare.  Animated 
by  these  sentiments,  the  United  States  do  not  feel  inclined  to  resort 
to  forcible  remedies  for  their  claims  at  the  present  moment,  when 

1  Mexico  has  two  national  holidays,  the  Cinco  de  Mayo,  or  Fifth  of  May, 
the  anniversary  of  the  defeat  of  the  French  at  Puebla,  May  5,  1862,  by  Mexican 
troops  under  General  Zaragoza.  The  second  national  holiday,  the  first  in  order 
of  importance  and  in  its  history,  falls  due  on  September  15,  and  is  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  "  Grito  de  Dolores,"  the  war-cry  of  the  warrior-priest,  Hidalgo,  who 
gave  the  watchword,  "  Independencia,"  on  September  15,  1810.  This  is  the  true 
"  Independence  Day,"  and  as  such  is  annually  celebrated  with  great  eclat 
throughout  the  country. 


386  MEXICO 

1861-1862 

the  government  is  deeply  disturbed  by  factions  within  and  war  with 
foreign  nations.  And,  of  course,  the  same  sentiments  render  them 
still  more  disinclined  to  allied  war  against  Mexico  than  to  war  to 
be  urged  against  her  by  themselves  alone. 

"  The  undersigned  is  further  authorized  to  state  to  the  plenipo- 
tentiaries, for  the  information  of  Spain,  France,  and  Great  Britain, 
that  the  United  States  are  so  earnestly  anxious  for  the  safety  and 
welfare  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico  that  they  have  already  empowered 
their  minister  residing  there  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  Mexican 
Republic,  conceding  to  it  some  material  aid  and  advantage,  which 
it  is  to  be  hoped  may  enable  that  republic  to  satisfy  the  just  claims 
and  demands  of  the  said  sovereigns,  and  so  avert  the  war  which 
these  sovereigns  have  agreed  among  each  other  to  levy  against 
Mexico."'2 

It  should  be  remembered  that  at  the  time  of  this  friendly  offer 
from  the  United  States  that  country  was  itself  plunged  into  a  civil 
war  which  promised  to  tax  its  utmost  energies  and  resources.  In 
fact,  there  is  every  reason  for  assuming  that  the  emperor  of  France, 
Napoleon  III.,  took  account  of  the  conditions  prevailing  in  the 
United  States  at  this  time,  as  well  also  as  those  in  Mexico,  and 
regarded  the  moment  as  opportune  for  the  establishing  of  French 
dominion. 

The  governments  of  England,  France,  and  Spain  had  offered 
mediation  to  Mexico,  proposing  to  guarantee  the  Liberals  the 
establishment  of  social  reforms  such  as  they  desired;  and  to  the 
Conservatives,  or  church  party,  the  maintenance  of  political  prin- 
ciples in  accord  with  their  wishes.  As  these  foreign  powers  were 
disposed  to  recognize  the  church  party  as  the  de  facto  government 
of  Mexico,  which  steadily  invited  mediation,  the  Mexican  people 
as  persistently  refused  any  form  of  intervention  in  their  home 
affairs.  It  was  acknowledged  that  they  had  thus  far  afforded 
the  Powers  an  excuse  for  interposing  under  the  pretext  that  the 
domestic  dissensions  would  be  interminable ;  but  the  Mexican  com- 
monalty still  had  faith  in  themselves,  and  they  showed  their  confi- 
dence in  Juarez  and  his  cabinet  by  reelecting  him  constitutional 
president  for  another  term.  This  was  in  1861,  and  the  offer  of 
mediation  was  made  in  March  of  that  year.  In  October  the  tripar- 
tite alliance  was  entered  into,  and  in  December  Spanish  troops  were 

2  From    "  Diplomatic    Correspondence,    Mexican    Affairs,"    1862,    page    189 
et  seq. 


KM  PI  RE     UNDER     MAXIMILIAN  387 

1863-1863 

landed  at  Vera  Cruz.  Mexican  diplomacy,  however,  brought  about 
an  armistice,  followed  by  ihe  treaty  for  the  future  regulation  of 
commerce  between  Mexico  and  the  great  Powers  of  Europe,  by 
which  the  English  and  Spanish  withdrew  their  troops  from  Mexi- 
can soil. 

But  the  French  persisted  in  their  intention  to  force  themselves 
upon  a  people  unwilling  to  receive  them  and  distrustful  of  their 
motives.  The  French  force  already  in  Mexico  was  strongly  rein- 
forced, and  in  May,  1863,  General  Forey,  in  command,  advanced 
upon  Puebla  and  took  it,  in  spite  of  a  determined  resistance.  Ally- 
ing with  the  reactionary  party,  their  forces  augmented  by  the  sol- 
diers faithful  to  the  church,  the  French  marched  upon  the  City  of 
Mexico,  of  which  they  gained  possession  on  the  last  of  May.  the 
Juarez  government  retreating  northward  toward  San  Luis  Potosi. 
Subsequently  these  faithful  adherents  of  the  constitution,  to  defend 
which  they  had  been  elected  by  the  people,  were  driven  from  one 
place  to  another,  ever  fleeing  northward  toward  the  frontier  of  the 
United  States,  which  was  their  final  refuge. 

Against  Puebla  General  Forey  had  brought  a  force  of  26,000 
men,  and  by  the  time  the  army  under  his  command  had  arrived 
before  the  capital  its  augmentation  by  disaffected  Mexicans  of  the 
Reactionists  was  such  as  to  make  it  actually  overwhelming.  At 
all  events,  though  the  Mexican  soldiers  commanded  by  General 
Porfirio  Diaz  (who  has  since  appeared  in  various  roles  from  that  of 
the  pronunciador  to  president  of  the  republic)  would  have  made  a 
brave  defense,  it  was  finally  resolved,  in  order  to  deliver  the  city 
from  the  horrors  of  a  bombardment,  to  withdraw  the  government, 
which  was  accordingly  removed  to  San  Luis  Potosi.  The  cap- 
ital was  occupied  by  Forey  on  June  10,  1863,  and  on  the  16th  he 
issued  a  decree  declaring  for  the  formation  of  a  provisional  govern- 
ment. Thirty-five  Mexican  citizens  were  named  as  constituting  a 
"  Junta  Superior  de  Gobicrno"  who  chose,  as  a  substitute  for  the 
republican  congress,  215  persons  as  an  "Assembly  of  Notables," 
who  were  to  decide  the  form  of  government  to  be  adopted.  The 
junta  also  named  three  eminent  citizens  as  a  provisional  triumvirate, 
consisting  of  Almonte,  who  had  figured  as  president  of  the  Conserv- 
atives ;  the  Centralist,  ex-President  Salas,  and  Archbishop  Labas- 
tida.  The  people  of  the  capital,  with  their  natural  tendency  to 
satire,  baptized  this  triumvirate  as  the  "  mariposa  dc  San  Juan,'' 
composed,  as  they  said,  of  an  Indian,  a  dotard,  and  a  saint,  denoting 


388  MEXICO 

1862-1863 

thus  the  pronounced  racial  type  of  Almonte,  the  decrepitude  of  Salas 
(who  was  president  as  far  back  as  1846),  and  the  sanctity  of  the 
archbishop. 

In  brief,  the  French  commander-in-chief  dictated  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  junta,  the  junta  elected  the  notables,  and  the  not- 
ables created  the  triumvirs  as  the  supreme  executives  pending  the 
establishment  of  a  definitive  government.  This  proceeding  re- 
minds one  of  the  equally  farcical  doings  of  Hernando  Cortez,  when, 
at  La  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz  in  15 19,  he  nominated  the  magis- 
trates to  whom  he  resigned  his  command,  in  order  to  be  imme- 
diately reappointed  captain-general  and  chief  justice  of  the  first 
colony  in  New  Spain. 

The  Assembly  of  Notables  first  met  as  a  body  on  July  8,  1863, 
and  three  days  later  issued  their  "  Decree  "  embodying  the  declara- 
tion that  the  Mexican  "nation  "  adopts  (first)  for  its  form  of  gov- 
ernment a  limited,  hereditary  monarchy,  with  a  Catholic  prince  at 
its  head ;  second,  "  the  Sovereign  will  take  the  title,  Emperor  of 
Mexico  " ;  third,  "  the  Imperial  Crown  of  Mexico  is  hereby  offered 
to  his  Imperial  Highness,  Prince  Ferdinand  Maximilian,  Arch- 
duke of  Austria,  for  him  and  his  descendants." 

The  reception  of  this  declaration  by  the  people  was  not  of  the 
most  cordial  character,  for  most  of  them  had  hardly  become  recon- 
ciled to  the  invasion  of  Mexico  by  a  foreign  power,  let  alone  the 
unnatural  union  between  the  invaders  and  the  Conservatives. 
There  still  remained  the  fixed  idea  that,  despite  their  numerous  fail- 
ures to  set  up  a  stable  republican  government,  the  time  had  not 
arrived  for  inviting  intervention  by  a  foreign  power,  backed  by  an 
army,  and  in  union  with  the  church.  The  popular  indignation  was 
great,  for  the  soil  of  Mexico  was  still  moist  with  the  blood  of  her 
sons,  slaughtered  while  defending  her  honor  from  assault  by  the 
very  army  which  backed  with  its  bayonets  the  Decree  of  the  Nota- 
bles, by  which  a  ruler  was  invited  from  across  the  ocean  to  govern 
a  land  presumably  unable  to  govern  itself. 

Still,  provided  a  foreign  prince  were  chosen,  the  Archduke 
Maximilian  might  be  considered  the  least  objectionable  of  any.  He 
was  the  brother  of  Austria's  emperor  and  a  descendant  of  Charles 
V.,  the  first  sovereign  of  Mexico  after  the  conquest ;  thus  it  was 
hoped  that  through  the  prestige  of  his  birth  and  an  alliance  with  a 
powerful  nation,  the  contending  factions  would  be  united,  or  at 
least  blinded,  by  the  brilliancy  of  his  name.      Personally,    also, 


EMPIRE     UNDER     MAXIMILIAN  389 

1863-1864 

Maximilian  was  irreproachable,  possessing  a  generous,  refined 
nature  with  eminent  natural  endowments  and  a  polish  resulting 
from  his  education  at  court  in  the  midst  of  accomplished  personages 
of  almost  every  nationality.  His  intellectual  as  well  as  superficial 
accomplishments  were  of  the  very  highest  order;  he  was  an  adept 
at  diplomacy;  he  spoke  fluently  half  a  dozen  languages;  and  his 
bearing  was  ever  courteous,  his  personality  pleasing  in  the  ex- 
treme. 

Born  in  1832,  he  was  already  married,  to  the  Princess  Maria 
Charlotte  Amalia,  daughter  of  Leopold  L,  King  of  the  Belgians, 
whom  he  had  wedded  in  1857.  These  two  were  childless,  but 
unusually  devoted  to  each  other  and  in  every  respect  models  of 
virtue  and  propriety.  Maximilian  was  taller  than  the  average  of 
men,  with  fine,  frank  countenance,  bright  blue  eyes  and  long,  flow- 
ing beard;  while  his  wife's  beauty  was  of  the  captivating  "  sympa- 
thetic "  type  so  much  appreciated  among  the  Latin  peoples.  Both 
were  benevolent  and  kindly  disposed  toward  the  masses;  but  they 
were  not  the  people's  choice,  and  had  they  been  angels  from  heaven, 
says  a  native  historian,  they  would  not  have  satisfied  the  Mexicans, 
holding  as  they  did  a  false  and  untenable  position  on  the  newly 
erected  throne  of  Mexico. 

The  commission  sent  to  Europe  to  offer  the  crown  of  Mexico 
to  Maximilian,  and  which  departed  from  Vera  Cruz  in  August, 
1863,  found  him  amid  the  delights  of  his  beautiful  castle  of  Mira- 
mar,  near  Trieste.  He  received  the  commissioners  graciously,  but 
declined  entertaining  their  most  flattering  offer  until  a  popular  vote 
had  been  taken  in  Mexico.  Two  years  before,  when  addressed  with 
reference  to  accepting  a  tentative  offer  of  Mexico's  mythical  throne, 
Maximilan  had  made  reply :  "  My  cooperation  in  favor  of  the 
work  of  governmental  reform,  or  transformation,  on  which  de- 
pends, according  to  your  statements,  the  salvation  of  Mexico,  could 
not  be  determined  unless  a  national  manifestation  should  prove  to 
me,  in  a  manner  undoubted,  the  desire  of  the  nation  to-  see  me 
occupy  that  throne."  This  was  his  condition  for  acceptance :  to  be 
called  to  Mexico  by  the  popular  voice ;  hence,  when  another  deputa- 
tion, in  March,  1864,  waited  upon  him  and  claimed  that  this  condi- 
tion had  been  fulfilled,  he  was  misled  into  accepting  the  proffered 
crown  and  throne.  This  act  was  in  accordance,  as  is  well  known, 
with  the  desire  of  Napoleon  III.,  who  the  same  day,  by  the  Treaty 
of  Miramar,   between  the   Emperor  of   France   and  Maximilian, 


390  MEXICO 

1864-1866 

pledged  himself  to  support  the  latter  on  his  throne  until  firmly 
seated. 

At  the  outset  of  the  expedition  by  the  allied  Powers  against 
Mexico  each  nation  had,  through  its  special  instructions  to  the 
respective  commanders  of  the  fleet,  disclaimed  any  intention  what- 
ever of  interfering  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  country.  And 
yet,  within  three  years  of  the  setting  forth  of  that  expedition  we 
find  a  French  army  of  occupation  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  the 
Emperor  of  France  providing  by  treaty  for  the  imposition  of  a 
foreign  prince  upon  a  throne  supported  solely  by  the  bayonets  of 
his  soldiers. 

Arrived  at  Vera  Cruz,  in  May,  1864,  the  new  sovereigns  were 
received,  both  at  that  seaport  and  all  along  the  route  from  the  coast 
to  the  capital,  with  a  factitious  enthusiasm  that  at  first  deceived 
them  into  believing  themselves  really  the  people's  choice.  But  they 
had  not  been  long  in  Mexico  before  the  truth  became  apparent  to 
them  that,  strive  as  they  might  to  reach  the  heart  of  the  Mexicans, 
they  could  not  do  so  by  any  means  in  their  power.  What  these 
people  had  been  fighting  for  (blindly,  perhaps,  and  for  many  years 
without  guidance)  was  liberty,  and  for  liberty  they  were  still  pre- 
pared to  sacrifice  their  possessions  and  even  their  lives.  It  is  now 
known  that  Maximilian  deeplv  sympathized  with  the  people  of 
Mexico,  and  it  is  believed  that  at  heart  he  was  as  republican  as  any 
of  his  subjects:  yet  he  must  perforce  play  the  part  he  had  assumed, 
and  the  Mexicans  must  support  the  foreign  mercenaries  who  served 
as  props  to  his  throne,  as  well  as  pay  for  the  vast  improvements  he 
inaugurated,  such  as  the  embellishment  of  the  capital  and  its 
suburbs,  the  construction  of  the  grand  Paseo,  the  great  avenue  lead- 
ing to  the  groves  of  Chapultepec,  and  the  renovation  and  beautify- 
ing of  the  castle  situated  on  the  hill  made  memorable  by  association 
with  Axayacatl  and  Montezuma,  the  viceroys  and  the  siege  of  Mex- 
ico by  the  North  Americans.  Maximilian's  favorite  residence  was 
at  Chapultepec,  with  an  occasional  resort  to  Cuernavaca.  where 
Cortez  once  had  an  estate,  and  to  Orizaba,  the  gem  of  the  tierra 
templada.  Still  associated  with  the  flowers  and  fountains  of  the 
City  of  Mexico's  great  central  square  are  the  names  of  Maximilian 
and  Carlota :  but  less  agreeable  reminders  of  their  presence  in 
Mexico  are  the  loans  they  contracted  in  London  for  the  costly 
improvements  and  the  payment  of  the  hireling  troops  of  France. 

The  period  of  intervention  was  brief,  fortunately  for  Mexico; 


EMPIRE     UNDER     MAXIMILIAN  891 

1865-1866 

but  its  effects  were  disastrous  in  the  extreme,  both  to  the  country 
and  to  the  national  morale.  It  protracted  that  fratricidal  strife 
which  had  been  waged  for  nearly  half  a  century,  it  introduced  into 
the  politics  of  the  land  such  elements  of  distraction  as  without  it 
would  have  been  unknown.  Church  and  state  were  at  odds,  in- 
numerable families  were  divided,  and  the  prospect  for  a  permanent 
peace  rendered  more  problematical  than  ever  before.  The  con- 
servative or  reactionary  leaders  found  in  Maximilian  one  more 
liberal  than  the  most  advanced  of  their  party.  In  fact,  it  is  said 
that  perceiving-  the  masses  were  overwhelmingly  in  sympathy  with 
the  Republicans,  he  would  have  identified  himself  with  them,  rather 
than  with  the  Conservatives,  had  the  leaders  of  the  former  not 
rejected  him  as  impossible  to  be  considered.  It  was  soon  apparent 
that  he,  like  Comonfort  and  others  before  him,  was  to  be  deserted, 
perhaps  betrayed,  by  the  very  party  that  had  invited  him  to  Mexico. 
Through  the  instigation  of  his  arch-enemies,  he  had  been  induced 
to  sign  that  revolting  measure  known  as  the  "  Black  Decree,"  of 
October,  1865,  by  the  previsions  of  which  all  persons  discovered 
fighting  against  the  forces  of  the  empire  were  declared  banditti,  to 
be  shot  as  soon  as  apprehended.  This  decree  was  intended  to 
operate  mainly  against  the  guerrillas  that  swarmed  the  country  in 
every  part ;  but  many  patriotic  Republicans  fell  victims  to  this  nefari- 
ous measure,  and  the  feeling  against  its  putative  author  was  deep 
and  lasting.  In  fact,  it  operated  against  Miximilian  after  his 
capture  and  was  the  ostensible  excuse  for  his  execution.  It  was 
urged  in  its  extenuation  that  the  measure  was  no  harsher  in  its 
provisions  than  an  anti-imperialist  decree  issued  by  Juarez  in  1862, 
in  which  the  death  penalty  was  frequently  invoked  against  the  in- 
vaders. Again,  while  the  letter  of  the  law  was  harsh,  it  was  not, 
doubtless,  the  emperor's  intention  to  have  it  enforced  in  all  its 
severity;  and  while  he  was  made  responsible  for  its  infliction,  it 
was  the  French  soldiery  who  committed  the  innumerable  outrages 
against  the  Mexicans  at  which  humanity  shudders. 

But.  whatever  the  cooperating  causes  of  Maximilian's  down- 
fall, the  end  was  swiftly  approaching,  and,  abandoned  first  by  the 
church,  and  then  by  Napoleon  III.,  the  unfortunate  ruler  without  a 
country  was  henceforth  compelled  to  play  his  hand  mainly  alone. 
Maximilian  was  at  his  country  retreat  in  Cuernavaca,  when  the 
fatal  decision  of  Louis  Napoleon  to  abandon  him  to  his  fate  reached 
Mexico.     Though  at  first  stunned,  he  was  not  crushed,  and  the 


392  MEXICO 

1865-1866 

noble  Carlota  determined  to  proceed  at  once  to  France  and  implore 
the  emperor  to  continue  his  assistance  at  this  most  critical  juncture. 
She  left  Mexico  in  July,  arriving  at  Paris  the  following  month,  and 
lost  no  time  in  securing  an  interview  with  Louis  Napoleon,  who 
was,  however,  obdurate,  refusing  to  send  another  soldier  or  embark 
another  expedition  in  support  of  the  tottering  dynasty  he  had  been 
instrumental  in  establishing.  Without  aid  from  him  she  knew 
full  well  there  was  no  hope  for  the  empire  in  Mexico,  and,  appalled 
at  the  prospect,  her  reason  gave  way  before  the  last  blow  in  a  series 
of  terrible  misfortunes.  "  Poor  Carlota,"  as  the  world  now  knows 
her,  never  returned  to  Mexico,  but  after  a  brief  visit  to  Rome,  in 
the  vain  hope  of  assistance  from  the  Pope,  she  was  taken  to  Bel- 
gium, where  a  castle  was  provided  for  the  unhappy  empress,  and 
where  she  wore  the  years  away  subject  to  fits  of  insanity  with  in- 
frequent lucid  intervals.  The  imperial  couple  never  met  again  on 
earth,  for  events  swiftly  shaped  the  destiny  of  both,  and  Maxi- 
milian, after  first  resolving  to  abdicate  and  flee  the  country,  and 
having  already  proceeded  toward  the  coast  as  far  as  Orizaba,  re- 
called his  decision  and  returned  to  meet  an  ignoble  death  at  the 
hands  of  his  enemies. 

The  relinquishment  by  the  Emperor  of  France  of  his  pet 
scheme — an  empire  in  Mexico  under  the  Archduke  Maximilian — 
was  brought  about  through  pressure  applied  in  a  masterly  man- 
ner by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  which,  ever  alert  to 
befriend  its  nearest  neighbor  in  the  south,  was  at  the  same  time 
determined  that  no  monarchical  government  should  be  established 
on  the  American  continent.  At  the  outset  the  French  interven- 
tion found  the  United  States  engaged  in  suppressing  a  mighty 
rebellion  on  its  own  soil,  and  unable  to  detach  even  a  single 
regiment  for  the  relief  of  the  hard-pressed  Mexicans;  but  as  soon 
as  the  Union  arms  had  triumphed  in  ever}'  portion  of  the  disaffected 
territory,  measures  were  taken  for  the  immediate  relief  of  Mexico. 
The  result  was  a  triumph  for  diplomacy  and  the  withdrawal  of 
the  French  army  in  Mexico,  without  a  single  gun  having  been 
fired  by  soldiers  of  the  United  States  in  behalf  of  the  Liberal 
cause ;  and  for  this  reason  it  should  be  regarded  as  the  greatest  of 
triumphs. 

Having  in  mind  that  no  direct  cause  for  a  quarrel  existed  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  France,  which,  in  fact,  were  united  by 
the  strongest  ties  of  international  friendship,  yet  were  the  most 


E  M  P  I  R  E     U  N  D  E  It     MAXIMILIAN  393 

1865-1866 

prominent  statesmen  of  that  country  firm  in  the  determination  that 
Napoleon  should  recall  his  legions  and  leave  the  Mexicans  to  settle 
their  own  affairs  in  the  best  way  possible  without  foreign  interven- 
tion. Neither  against  Napoleon  nor  Maximilian  was  there  anv 
feeling  of  personal  enmity:  but  a  great  principle  was  at  stake — the 
autonomy  of  a  friendly  government,  already  recognized  by  the 
United  States,  was  in  peril.  Many  plans  for  the  accomplishment 
of  Mexican  relief  were  discussed  at  Washington,  where  the  tal- 
ented Romero  was  Mexico's  accredited  representative,  and  the 
great  statesman,  Seward,  was  secretary  of  state,  and  the  decision 
finally  arrived  at  is  fully  set  forth  in  a  letter,  or  order,  from  Lieu- 
tenant General  Grant  to  Major  General  Sheridan,  who  was  then 
near  the  Rio  Grande  with  an  army  of  50,000  men.  This  force  had 
been  massed  in  that  quarter  for  a  very  obvious  reason ;  though  it 
consisted  mainly  of  Union  volunteers  whose  terms  of  enlistment 
had  practically  expired  at  the  termination  of  the  Civil  War,  but  who 
served  very  well  to  support  the  purposes  of  diplomacy  in  the  matter, 
and  who  might  readily  form  the  nucleus  of  an  army  of  invasion. 

Headquarters  Armies  of  the  United  States, 
West  Point,  N.  Y.,  July  25,  1865. 
Major  General  P.  H.  Sheridan, 

Commanding  Mil.  Div.  of  the  Gulf. 
General : 

Major  General  J.  M.  Schofield  goes  to  the  Rio  Grande  on  an  inspection 
tour,  carrying  with  him  leave  of  absence  for  one  year,  with  authority  to  leave 
the  United  States.  If  he  avails  himself  of  this  leave  he  will  explain  to  yon 
more  fully  than  I  could  do  in  the  limits  of  a  letter,  and  much  more  fully  than 
I  could  do  now,  under  any  circumstances,  because  much  that  will  have  to  be 
learned  to  fix  his  determination,  whether  to  go  or  not,  has  yet  to  be  found  out 
in  Washington  while  I  shall  be  away. 

This,  however,  I  can  say :  General  Schofield's  leave  of  absence  has  been 
given  with  the  concurrence  of  the  president,  he  having  full  knowledge  of  the 
object.  I  have  both  written  my  views  to  the  president  and  had  conversations 
with  him  on  the  subject.  In  all  that  relates  to  Mexican  affairs  he  agrees  in  the 
duty  we  owe  to  ourselves  to  maintain  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  both  as  a  principle 
and  as  a  security  for  our  future  peace. 

On  the  Rio  Grande,  or  in  Texas,  convenient  to  get  there,  we  must  have  a 
large  amount  of  surrendered  ordnance  and  ordnance  stores,  or  such  articles 
accumulating  from  discharging  men  who  leave  their  stores  behind.  Without 
special  orders  to  do  so,  send  none  of  these  articles  back,  but  rather  place  them 
convenient  to  be  permitted  to  go  into  Mexico,  if  they  can  be  got  into  the  hands 
of  the  defenders  of  the  only  government  we  recognize  in  that  country.  I  hope 
General  Schofield  may  go  with  orders  direct  to  receive  these  articles,  but  if  he 
does  not  I  know  it  will  meet  with  general  approbation  to  let  him  have  them,  if 
contrary  orders  are  not  received. 

It  is  a  fixed  determination  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 


394  MEXICO 

1866-1387 

and  I  think  myself  safe  in  saying  on  the  part  of  the  president,  also,  that  an 
empire  shall  not  be  established  on  this  continent  by  the  aid  of  foreign  bayonets. 
A  war  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  is  to  be  avoided,  if  possible;  but  it  will 
be  better  to  go  to  war  now  when  but  little  aid  given  to  the  Mexicans  will 
settle  the  question,  than  to  have  in  prospect  a  greater  war,  sure  to  come,  if 
delayed  until  the  empire  is  established! 

We  want,  then,  to  aid  the  Mexicans  without  giving  cause  of  war  between 
the  United  States  and  France.  Between  the  would-be  empire  of  Maximilian 
and  the  United  States  all  difficulty  can  be  easily  settled  by  observing  the  same 
sort  of  neutrality  that  has  been  observed  toward  us  for  the  last  four  years. 

This  is  a  little  indefinite  as  a  letter  of  instructions  to  be  governed  by.  I 
hope  with  this  you  may  receive  those  instructions  in  much  more  positive  terms. 
With  a  knowledge  of  the  fact  before  you,  however,  that  the  greatest  desire  is 
felt  to  see  the  Liberal  government  restored  in  Mexico, — and  no  doubt  exists  of 
the  strict  justice  of  our  right  to  demand  this,  and  enforce  the  demand,  with  the 
whole  strength  of  the  United  States, — your  own  judgment  gives  you  a  basis  of 
action  that  will  aid  you. 

I  will  recommend  in  a  few  days  that  you  be  directed  to  discharge  all  the 
men  you  think  can  be  spared  from  the  Department  of  Texas,  where  they  are, 
giving  transportation  to  their  homes  to  all  who  desire  to  return.  You  are 
aware  that  existing  orders  permit  discharged  soldiers  to  retain  their  arms  and 
accounterments  at  low  rates,  fixed  in  orders.3 

Very  respectfully,  your  Obt.  svt, 

U.  S.  Grant, 

Lt  Gen. 

A  careful  reading  of  this  letter  written  by  the  astute  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  will  place  one 
in  possession  of  all  the  motives  actuating-  the  actors  in  this  signifi- 
cant drama  of  war  and  diplomacy,  as  well  as  the  methods  to  he 
employed  for  coercing  Napoleon.  Instead  of  proceeding  to  the 
Mexican  border,  General  Schofield  went  to  France  for  the  further- 
ance of  the  deep-laid  scheme  by  which  the  emperor  was  to  be  made 
aware  of  the  imminent  risk  he  incurred  in  allowing  French  troops 
to  remain  longer  in  Mexico.  It  was  a  skillfully  played  game,  with- 
out a  single  mismove,  for  the  military  diplomat  in  Paris,  assisted 
by  the  prestige  of  the  military  demonstration  on  the  Mexican  fron- 
tier, accomplished  all  that  was  intended  by  the  statesmen  in 
Washington.  Napoleon's  eyes  were  at  last  opened  to  the  dangers 
increasingly  menacing,  not  alone  his  army  in  Mexico,  but  the  in- 
tegrity of  his  position  as  a  dominant  factor  in  European  politics. 
Hitherto  he  had  been  successful  in  almost  every  venture  he  had 
made ;  but  his  prestige  received  a  lasting  shock  by  the  failure  of  his 
military  invasion  of  Mexico.      It  is  not  by  any  means  an  academic 

3  From  "  The  Withdrawal  of  the  French  from  Mexico ;  a  Chapter  of  Secret 
History,"  by  Lieutenant  General  John  M.  Schofield,  U.  S.  A.  (Retired).— 
Century  Magazine. 


EMPIRE     UNDER     MAXIMILIAN  395 

1866-1867 

assumption  that  but  for  the  Mexican  campaign,  with  its  consequent 
failure  of  accomplishment,  there  might  have  been  no  crucial  battle 
of  Sadowa  with  its  humiliation  for  Austria,  no  war  with  Prussia  in 
1870,  with  its  terrible  consequences  to  France  and  Louis  Napoleon. 
The  opportunity  for  Bismarck  and  Prussia  came  when  Napoleon 
III.  had  his  hands  tied  in  Mexico,  and  the  surrender  at  Metz  was 
but  a  natural  sequence  to  the  recall  of  Bazaine  from  the  country 
where  he  held  supreme  command  and  committed  so  many  blunders 
as  well  as  atrocities. 

Yielding  to  the  inevitable,  then,  the  Emperor  of  France  re- 
called Bazaine  and  his  army,  the  order  going  into  effect  in  the  early 
part  of  1867.  Thrown  upon  his  own  resources,  with  the  number 
of  his  friends  constantly  decreasing,  feeling  bound  in  honor  to 
remain  and  share  the  fate  of  his  followers,  while  the  French  with- 
drew from  the  country,  Maximilian  realized  to  the  full  the  dangers 
and  perplexities  of  his  position.  It  may  have  been  from  a  quixotic 
sense  of  duty  that  he  remained ;  but  the  leaders  of  the  Conservatives 
were  now  deeply  alarmed,  and  by  convincing  him  that  his  departure 
would  involve  them  in  certain  destruction,  and  that  by  uniting  with 
Miramon  and  Marquez  against  the  Liberals,  victory  might  crown 
their  efforts,  he  was  detained  for  the  fate  that  met  him  at  Ouere- 
taro.  He  returned  to  the  capital  in  December,  resolved  to  meet 
the  Liberal  army,  now  advancing  southward  from  the  frontier 
States.  The  French  forces  had  driven  Juarez  and  the  little  band 
that  adhered  to  his  fortunes  as  far  north  as  the  frontier  town  of  El 
Paso  on  the  Rio  Grande ;  but  upon  the  pressure  being  relaxed  these 
patriots  had  returned  toward  the  capital  of  their  country.  By  this 
time  they  had  reached  Zacatecas,  where,  acting  with  the  energy  of 
despair,  the  imperialists  inflicted  a  temporary  defeat,  but  retreated 
upon  the  city  of  Queretaro,  where  Maximilian  made  his  last  stand 
against  the  now  overwhelming  forces  of  his  foes. 

The  Liberal  army  was  rapidly  augmented  by  the  patriotic  peo- 
ple flocking  to  it  from  every  direction,  so  that  by  the  time  Miramon 
had  taken  position  at  Queretaro  with  the  imperialist  forces,  his 
opponents  were  estimated  at  more  than  30.000  in  number.  They 
were  commanded  by  General  Escobedo,  a  gallant  Mexican  who  had 
fought  all  through  the  war  with  the  United  States  and  held  the 
rank  of  brigadier  general  at  the  time  of  the  French  invasion.  He 
had  opposed  the  French  at  Puebla  in  1862,  resisted  Maximilian  in 
1864,  surprised  the  garrison  of  Monterey  in  1865,  and  by  the  cap- 


396  MEXICO 

1866-186? 

ture  of  Saltillo,  in  June,  1866,  made  it  possible  for  Juarez  to  estab- 
lish temporarily  his  government  in  that  city.  By  the  end  of  1866 
he  was  enabled  to  march  upon  San  Luis  Potosi  with  an  army  of 
15,000  men,  and  on  February  1  he  had  fallen  upon  the  imperialist 
army  under  Miramon  and  half  destroyed  it.  Escobedo  was  ever 
in  the  van  of  that  refluent  wave  of  Liberals  which,  gathering  force 
as  it  swept  southward  toward  the  capital,  finally  became  resistless 
at  Queretaro. 

Maximilian  reached  Queretaro  on  February  19,  where  he  was 
received  with  intense  enthusiasm,  not  only  by  the  soldiers  of  his 
army,  but  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  ancient  city,  a  hotbed  of  im- 
perialism. Perhaps  it  was  from  sentiment  more  than  on  account 
of  its  situation  that  Queretaro  had  been  chosen  by  the  emperor  as  a 
rendezvous  for  his  debilitated  forces,  for  as  a  strategic  position  it 
had  few  advantages.  Founded  in  1531,  it  is  one  of  the  old  Spanish 
cities  of  Mexico,  and  delightfully  situated  in  the  center  of  a  fertile 
valley  surrounded  by  mountains.  It  has,  however,  an  immediate 
environment  of  hills,  which,  commanding  the  city  as  they  do,  ren- 
dered it  defective  as  a  defensive  situation ;  for  soon  after  the  army 
under  Miramon  and  Marquez  had  gathered  here,  to  the  number  of 
about  9000  men.  the  surrounding  hills  were  effectually  occupied  by 
the  swarming  Liberals.  And  here,  caught  like  rats  in  a  trap, 
the  imperialists  gathered  about  their  idol,  Maximilian,  while  the 
enemy  so  closely  invested  the  city  that  soon  provisions  failed  and 
famine  threatened  both  citizens  and  soldiers.  Soon  the  cavalry 
were  dismounted,  owing  to  the  death  of  their  horses  from  starva- 
tion and  the  necessity  of  shooting  them  for  food.  Three  dismal 
months  passed  away,  at  the  end  of  which  time  it  was  apparent  to  all 
that  something  desperate  must  be  done.  It  was  resolved  to  at- 
tempt a  sortie  and  escape,  if  possible,  to  the  sierras,  where  life  might 
be  prolonged,  even  if  eventual  escape  were  impossible.  But,  though 
Maximilian  had  endeared  himself  to  every  citizen  and  soldier  in 
Queretaro  by  his  attentions  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  had  ex- 
cited their  admiration  by  his  bravery  and  disregard  of  personal 
safety,  he  was  to  be  betrayed  by  one  to  whom  he  had  shown  many 
favors,  and  upon  whom  he  had  conferred  undeserved  distinctions. 
On  the  night  of  May  14,  when  everything  was  in  readiness  for  the 
sortie,  a  body  of  Liberals  gained  access  to  the  city,  through  the 
treachery  of  Colonel  Lopez,  an  officer  of  Miramon's  command,  and 
soon   after  daylight   Queretaro    was   in  possession   of   Escobedo. 


EM  PI  UK     UNDER     MAXIMILIAN  897 

1867 

Disdaining-  to  take  any  advantage  of  liis  position  in  order  to  escape, 
Maximilian  remained  with  his  soldiers  and  was  captured  in  the 
outskirts  of  the  city,  at  a  place  known  as  the  Hill  of  Hells,  where  he 
was  subsequently  shot.  Miramon  was  wounded,  but  there  was 
comparatively  little  bloodshed  attendant  upon  the  capture  of  the 
city,  owing-  to  the  treachery  of  Lopez,  by  which  the  Liberals  had 
been  able  to  enter  it  at  night,  and  the  entire  force  of  the  besieged 
was  taken  after  having  made  but  feeble  resistance. 

A  month  later  a  court-martial  was  convened  for  the  trial  of 
Maximilian,  Miramon,  and  Mejia,  the  high  commanding  officers  of 
the  imperialist  troops,  and  they  were  condemned  to  be  shot.  The 
sentence  was  confirmed  by  Escobedo,  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Liberal  forces,  who  fixed  the  time  of  execution  for  June  16,  at  three 
in  the  afternoon.  On  the  morning  of  the  day  named  the  con- 
demned wrere  prepared  for  their  end,  but  a  respite  was  granted  till 
the  19th.  On  receiving  information  of  this  action  the  emperor  is 
said  to  have  exclaimed,  somewhat  impatiently :  "  What  a  pity,  for  I 
am  already  prepared  to  leave  the  world !  "  And  having  been 
falsely  told  that  the  Empress  Carlota  had  died,  he  said,  resignedly, 
after  some  emotion :  "  Then  there  is  one  tie  the  less  to  bind  me  to 
life."  He  looked  forward  to  death  as  a  great  relief,  and  on  the 
morning  of  June  19,  standing  on  the  Hill  of  Bells,  together  with 
Mejia  and  Miramon,  he  faced  his  executioners  "  with  the  valor  of  a 
gentleman  and  the  dignity  of  a  prince." 


Chapter   XXXIV 

THE    RESTORATION    OF   THE    REPUBLIC,   AND 
RECONSTRUCTION.     1867-1910 

THREE  of  the  imperialistic  leaders  fell  before  the  avenging 
bullets  of  the  Liberals  at  the  Cerro  de  las  Campanas, 
Queretaro;  but  the  arch-traitor  Marquez,  who  had  been 
dispatched  to  the  City  of  Mexico  for  reinforcements,  disobeyed 
orders,  and  instead  of  returning  to  the  succor  of  Maximilian, 
marched  against  General  Diaz  at  Puebla.  Defeated  by  Diaz,  he 
fled  first  to  the  capital,  and  thence  by  the  way  of  Vera  Cruz  to 
Havana,  with  a  vast  amount  of  ill-gotten  wealth.  During  the  de- 
tention of  the  Liberal  Army  of  the  North  at  and  around  Quere- 
taro most  desperate  fighting  had  taken  place  in  and  southward 
from  the  valley  of  Mexico.  The  Army  of  the  South  was  com- 
manded by  Don  Porfirio  Diaz,  like  Juarez,  a  native  of  Oaxaca,  and, 
like  him,  with  Indian  blood  in  his  veins.  The  latter  was  born  a 
statesman ;  the  former  a  fighter,  a  strategist,  a  commander  of  men. 
Having  early  engaged  in  opposition  to  the  French  invasion  and  the 
empire,  Diaz  had  acquired  an  influence  second  only  to  that  of  the 
president.  He  had  been  twice  a  captive,  but  had  escaped  each 
time  to  the  hills  of  Oaxaca  and  there  organized  those  invincible 
battalions  known  as  the  Serranos,  with  whom,  after  the  capitula- 
tion of  Oaxaca,  in  October,  1866,  he  marched  upon  Puebla.  This 
city  he  took  by  storm,  and  then  turned  upon  the  recreant  Marquez, 
whom  he  defeated  in  a  pitched  battle,  and  followed  swiftly  to  the 
capital,  which  he  immediately  invested.  Here  the  imperialists  made 
what  was  practically  their  last  stand  against  the  Liberal  army,  and 
sustained  a  siege  of  two  months,  finally  succumbing  after  being 
brought  to  the  verge  of  starvation.  Puebla  was  retaken  by  Diaz 
in  April,  the  City  of  Mexico  fell  before  his  triumphant  advance  on 
June  20,  and  Vera  Cruz,  the  last  place  held  by  imperialist  troops, 
capitulated  on  July  4,  1867.  On  July  15  the  Liberal  armies  were 
united  in  the  capital,  when  President  Juarez  and  his  loyal  cabinet 
entered  the  city  from  which,  four  years  previously,  they  had  been 

398 


R  E  STORATION     O  F     11  E  P  U  B  L  I  C  399 

1867 

driven  by  the  invaders.  Four  months  later,  in  November,  an  Aus- 
trian frigate,  the  Novara,  the  same  ship  in  which  Maximilian  and 
Carlota  had  come  to  Mexico  but  a  little  more  than  three  years  pre- 
viously, bore  to  Trieste  the  remains  of  the  unfortunate  emperor. 
This  indeed  was  the  end  of  the  empire  which  Louis  Napoleon  had 
endeavored  to  set  up  in  America,  the  last  act  in  a  tragedy  prolonged 
during  more  than  four  years;  Maximilian  dead,  Carlota  a  maniac, 
Napoleon  a  prey  to  remorse,  soon  to  expiate  his  crime  by  the  loss 
of  his  throne.  The  war  of  the  intervention  had  cost  Mexico  many 
thousands  of  lives,  not  to  mention  the  additional  thousands  fallen 
from  the  ranks  of  the  invaders — a  vain  sacrifice  to  Napoleon's  am- 
bition. During  this  war,  or  from  April,  1863,  to  June  or  July, 
1867,  more  than  a  thousand  encounters  are  said  to  have  taken  place 
between  the  invaders  and  the  patriot  forces,  including  battles  and 
skirmishes,  and  more  than  80,000  soldiers  were  under  arms.  Mex- 
ico was  apparently  on  the  verge  of  exhaustion  at  the  outset  of  in- 
tervention, and  her  condition  at  its  ending  was  lamentable.  But 
this  country  of  fertile  soils  and  inexhaustible  mines  has  a  vast  re- 
cuperative capacity ;  its  sturdy  citizens  are  no  less  recuperative  than 
its  soil.  The  intervention  had  accomplished  results  which  ulti- 
mately benefited  the  country — it  had  eliminated  its  traitors,  stamp- 
ing them  with  the  mark  of  Cain ;  it  had  united  its  patriots  into  an 
invincible  phalanx,  for  the  time  being,  at  least,  and  it  had  shown 
the  world  of  what  Mexico  was  capable  when  united  by  a  common 
bond  of  sympathy  and  spurred  on  by  common  necessity. 

President  Juarez  lost  no  time  in  entering  upon  the  great  work 
of  reconstruction.  He  reduced  the  proportions  of  the  army,  caus- 
ing great  discontent  thereby  among  the  soldiers,  which  ultimately 
resulted  in  a  "revolution";  he  instituted  changes  in  the  public 
coinage ;  issued  decrees  for  the  payment  of  the  public  debt  and  for 
the  construction  of  much-needed  railroads ;  for  the  organization  of 
public  instruction,  and  for  the  resumption  of  external  as  well  as 
internal  commerce,  now  that  the  repossession  of  Vera  Cruz  and 
other  seaports  enabled  the  former  to  flow  on  in  unobstructed  chan- 
nels. It  seemed  at  first  as  if  the  Mexicans  had  learned  a  salutary 
lesson  from  their  bitter  experience  during  the  long  years  of  strife, 
and  for  a  few  months  the  country  was  pacific;  but  soon  the  old 
feeling  of  unrest  asserted  itself  and  pronunciamientos  became  rife 
in  all  parts  of  the  republic.  The  government  had  been  extremely 
lenient  with  its  recreant  citizen-imperialists,  following  the  example 


400  MEXICO 

1867 

set  by  General  Diaz  after  the  capture  of  Puebla  and  the  capital,  in 
releasing  all  prisoners  on  parole.  It  seems  incredible,  then,  that 
the  first  defections  were  among  the  Liberals  themselves,  especially 
in  the  brigades  of  General  Diaz  and  Riva  Palacio,  both  of  whom 
had  rendered  most  distinguished  services ;  but  both,  unfortunately, 
were  convinced  that  their  services  had  not  met  with  their  deserts, 
and  retired  to  their  homes  in  a  pet. 

While  the  defection  of  several  Liberal  chiefs  may  be  regarded 
as  inexplicable,  what  shall  be  said  of  the  first  of  the  pronuncia- 
mientos,  started  by  no  less  a  personage  than  the  redoubtable  Santa 
Anna?  In  himself,  in  fact,  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna  pre- 
sented a  living  epitome  of  his  country's  history  for  the  fifty  years 
then  past,  for  he  had  been  a  revolutionist,  a  pronunciador,  for  half 
a  century.  His  first  pronouncement,  in  fact,  was  against  the  short- 
lived empire  of  Iturbide,  in  place  of  which  he  actually  set  up  the 
Mexican  Republic. 

Taking  sides  with  Guerrero  in  1828,  he  turned  against  him 
later  on  in  favor  of  Bustamante,  whose  overthrow  he  eventually 
accomplished  in  favor  of  Pedraza,  whom  he  finally  succeeded  as 
president.  That  was  in  1833:  in  1836  he  was  defeated  and  made 
prisoner  by  the  Texans,  but  was  released  the  following  year  and 
returned  to  Mexico,  in  1838  losing  a  leg  in  defense  of  Vera  Cruz, 
when  that  city  was  attacked  by  the  French.  Between  this  period 
and  1846  Santa  Anna  slipped  in  and  out  the  presidential  chair  with 
great  facility;  but  at  last  was  banished  to  Havana,  from  which 
place  he  was  called  to  become  commander-in-chief  during  the  war 
with  the  United  States.  Defeated  in  every  encounter  with  the 
American  generals,  he  lost  prestige  for  a  time  and  went  to  Ja- 
maica in  1848,  from  which  island  he  was  recalled  in  1853,  and 
made  "  President  for  life,"  which,  owing  to  his  harsh  and  despotic 
rule,  meant  for  just  two  years,  when  he  was  sent  again  into  retire- 
ment, this  time  taking  refuge  in  Saint  Thomas,  West  Indies. 
Being  permitted  to  return  during  the  empire,  on  condition  of  re- 
fraining from  politics,  he  at  once  began  intriguing  against  the  gov- 
ernment, and  Bazaine  sent  him  back  into  exile.  Again  he  returned 
and  again  he  was  banished,  returning  in  1867  and  inciting  a  rebel- 
lion in  Yucatan,  where  he  was  captured,  tried  by  court-martial,  and 
sentenced  to  be  shot.  Taking  cognizance  of  his  services  to  Mex- 
ico in  the  past,  however,  Juarez  commuted  the  sentence  to  eight 
years'  exile,  and  after  spending  five  years  in  New  York,  the  now 


RESTORATION     OF     REPUBLIC  401 

1G67-1C70 

venerable  revolutionist  returned  to  Mexico,  under  shelter  of  the 
amnesty  proclamation  of  1874.  and  died  two  years  later,  friend- 
less and  obscure,  in  the  City  of  Mexico. 

Complications  arose  with  several  of  the  different  States  form- 
ing the  confederated  republic,  the  governor  and  legislature  of  Zaca- 
tecas,  for  instance,  declaring  against  the  Federal  authorities,  and 
grave  disturbances  took  place  in  Jalisco,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Hidalgo, 
Morelia,  Puebla,  Jalapa,  Orizaba,  and  other  sections  of  the  coun- 
try ;  but  eventually  the  government  defeated  all  the  different  bodies 
of  rebels,  shot  or  imprisoned  the  leaders,  and  dispersed  the  rank 
and  file.  Juarez  was  reelected  constitutional  president  in  1868 
without  opposition ;  but  more  than  a  year  before  the  expiry  of 
his  term  there  were  at  least  two  other  candidates  in  the  field  and 
party  rancor  was  strongly  developed.  His  strongest  opponent  was 
Serior  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  a  man  greatly  resembling  Juarez 
himself,  whose  fortunes  he  had  followed  all  through  the  imperial 
regime,  having  been  one  of  that  loyal  cabinet  that  was  banished 
from  the  capital  with  the  executive,  in  1863,  and  returned  with  him 
in  triumph  in  1867.  He  was  a  lawyer  by  profession  and  had  been 
a  magistrate  of  the  supreme  court  and  a  deputy  to  congress.  His 
sterling  qualities  endeared  him  to  the  patriots,  and  he  was  justly 
reckoned  as  one  of  the  pillars  of  the  Liberal  party.  The  third 
candidate  was  General  Porfirio  Diaz,  who,  on  account  of  his  prom- 
inence in  military  affairs,  was  looked  upon  by  his  admiring  ad- 
herents as  the  logical  successor  to  President  Juarez.  But  the  stern 
old  patriot  did  not  consider  the  necessity  for  a  successor  so  long  as 
he  lived  and  was  competent  to  administer  the  affairs  of  a  nation  of 
which  he  was  in  a  measure  sponsor  and  which  he  had  successfully 
directed  for  so  long  a  time.  The  services  of  Juarez  had  been  in- 
estimable— that  was  widely  and  generally  recognized ;  but  many  of 
the  people,  and  especially  the  Conservatives,  the  Clericals,  their 
properties  having  been  confiscated  and  rights  overlooked,  re- 
garded him  as  a  despot  whose  arbitrary  acts  were  intolerable. 
General  Diaz  combated  him  on  the  plea  that  his  continued  retention 
of  the  presidential  chair  was  "  unconstitutional  " ;  yet  at  a  later 
period  he  himself  clung  to  that  same  chair  for  a  much  longer  time 
than  Juarez,  and  with  no  clearer  title  apparently  than  his  former 
chief.  However,  in  1870  there  were  three  distinct  parties  in  the 
field :  the  "  Juaristas,"  or  adherents  of  the  president ;  the  "  Ler- 
distas,"  who  were  opposed  to  the  principle  of  reelection   (or  pre- 


402  MEXICO 

1870-1872 

tended  to  be)  as  non-democratic;  and  the  "  Porfiristas,"  followers 
of  Don  Porfirio  Diaz,  who  claimed  to  be  the  real  and  only  "  Con- 
stitutionalists." Upon  the  flimsiest  of  pretexts,  which  upon  close 
examination  might  have  been  resolved  into  questions  of  personal 
grievance,  the  various  adherents  of  the  parties  in  opposition  took 
the  field  against  the  government,  the  first  of  the  new  pronuncia- 
mientos  occurring  in  May,  1871,  at  Tampico,  where  the  Federal 
garrison  revolted.  Troops  being  sent  against  the  rebels,  the  re- 
sultant casualties  amounted  to  600  killed  or  wounded.  Eight 
hundred  dead  and  wounded  resulted  from  a  terrible  outbreak  in  the 
City  of  Mexico  when  the  rebels,  having  gained  possession  of  the 
citadel,  with  the  assistance  of  convicts  from  the  Belen  jail,  were 
only  dislodged  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

But  these  ante-election  riots  were  of  no  avail,  for  President 
Juarez  was  declared  elected  to  succeed  himself  on  October  12, 
1 87 1,  by  a  majority  of  votes,  the  Lerdistas  finally  throwing  their 
influence  in  favor  of  "  Don  Benito."  Then  ensued  a  battle  of  the 
Dons,  for  Don  Porfirio  Diaz,  considering  himself  misused,  at  once 
started  a  pronunciamiento  against  his  ancient  leader  and  friend, 
Don  Benito  Juarez,  while  Don  Sebastian  Lerdo  stood  aloof  and 
watched  the  proceedings  with  an  interest  enhanced  by  the  fact  that 
many  of  his  adherents  were  joining  on  one  side  or  the  other.  More 
than  a  thousand  men  had  lost  their  lives  in  the  year  previous  by- 
taking  part  in  the  political  strife,  and  this,  too,  when  Mexico  was 
supposed  to  be  at  peace  with  all  the  world.  Nearly  another  thou- 
sand perished  as  a  result  of  encounters  directly  traceable  to  the  Diaz 
manifesto,  issued  from  his  hacienda  in  November,  and  known  as 
the  "  Plan  of  Noria."  The  year  1872  is  noted  in  the  recent  annals 
of  Mexico  for  the  number  of  its  assassinations  and  abductions,  and 
though  the  rebels  were  met  by  the  government  troops  at  various 
points,  and  such  assassins  as  were  apprehended  promptly  shot,  the 
summer  of  1872  arrived  before  peace  was  in  a  measure  restored  to 
the  distracted  country.  What  would  have  been  the  outcome  of 
the  determined  opposition  of  the  "  Constitutionalists  "  had  Juarez 
lived  to  end  his  term  of  office  is  problematical,  but  his  death,  which 
occurred  from  natural  causes  on  July  18,  arrested  the  revolutionary 
uprisings  by  removing  their  ostensible  cause.  Then  it  was  seen 
and  admitted  by  all,  by  the  revolutionists  no  less  than  the  Juaristas, 
that  Don  Benito's  patriotism  was  of  the  incorruptible  kind. 

Don  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  president  of  the  Supreme 


R  E  S  T  O  R  A  T  I  0  N     0  F     R  E  P  U  li  L  I  C  403 

1872-1873 

Court,  became  the  successor  of  Juarez  as  provisional  president, 
and  the  following  December  he  was  declared  by  congress  elected  to 
fill  his  predecessor's  unexpired  term.  President  Lerdo  followed 
quietly  in  the  footsteps  of  Juarez,  and  being  intimately  cognizant 
of  the  plans  entertained  by  the  great  statesman,  instituted  no  radi- 
cal changes  in  the  government.  He  appealed  to  the  nation  for  sup- 
port in  the  great  cause  of  reform,  and  proved  himself  earnestly 
desirous  of  peace  by  proclaiming  a  general  amnesty,  under  the 
shelter  of  which  most  of  those  lately  in  opposition  to  the  govern- 
ment resigned  their  pretensions  and  retired  from  the  field.  The 
succeeding  three  years  were  mainly  peaceful  and  prosperous,  ex- 
cept for  the  desultory  operations  of  disunited  bands  of  guerrillas 
and  a  rebellion  in  Michoacan  and  Sinoloa,  which  dragged  itself 
through  a  period  of  eighteen  months,  when  it  was  extinguished 
without  having  involved  other  States. 

The  secularization  of  ecclesiastical  properties  had  gone  on 
during  the  period  of  reform,  and  was  forcibly  brought  to  the 
people's  notice  in  1873  and  1874,  first  by  the  expulsion  of  some 
Jesuits,  and  secondly  by  an  edict  of  expulsion  against  three  hundred 
Sisters  of  Charity,  who  were  accused  of  secretly  undermining  the 
lawful  government  of  Mexico.  Border  disturbances  on  the  north 
between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  :.nd  on  the  south  between 
the  former  and  Guatemala,  led  to  invasions  which  were  crushed  in 
their  incipiency,  and  raised  questions  which  were  ultimately  set- 
tled between  the  respective  governments  without  serious  trouble. 

A  peaceful  invasion  of  Mexico  about  this  time  was  that  of  the 
Protestant  churches,  led  by  the  Protestant  Episcopal  and  closely 
followed  by  other  sects.  Though  at  the  beginning  the  missionaries 
encountered  much  opposition  from  fanatical  Mexicans,  and  several 
of  them  fell  martyrs  to  their  faith,  the  government  has  protected 
them  to  the  best  of  its  ability.  Religion,  as  well  as  the  press,  is 
free,  and  great  good  has  resulted  from  the  enlightened  efforts  of  all 
lovers  of  liberty  and  righteousness. 

While  it  would  be  difficult  to  determine  exactly  the  date  at 
which  Mexico  emerged  from  her  condition  of  insularity  and  took 
her  place  among  the  nations  of  the  world,  it  would  not  come  amiss 
to  mention  that  under  the  wise  administration  of  Senor  Lerdo  she 
certainly  laid  the  foundations  for  her  coming  prosperity.  That 
marvel  of  engineering  skill,  the  Mexican  Railroad,  which  had  been 
in  progress  of  construction  sixteen  years,  was  formally  opened  in 


404  MEXICO 

1873-1874 

January,  1873,  and  the  coast  of  Mexico  at  Vera  Cruz  was  con- 
nected with  its  capital. 

By  a  decree  of  congress  in  1874  a  concession  was  granted  for 
another  line  northwardly  from  the  City  of  Mexico,  which  was  the 
initial  step  taken  in  the  great  movement  connecting  the  capital 
with  the  chief  cities  of  the  United  States.  Roads  and  telegraph 
lines  were  now  projected  in  all  directions;  commerce,  both  external 
and  internal,  developed  with  great  rapidity,  and  in  the  fiscal  year 
of  1878  the  exports  from  Vera  Cruz  alone  amounted  to  more  than 
sixteen  million  dollars. 

It  has  been  claimed,  and  with  reason,  that  to  Lerdo's  successor, 
General  Porfirio  Diaz,  is  due  the  immense  progress  of  Mexico  dur- 
ing the  last  thirty  years.  At  all  events  no  other  man  has  labored 
so  earnestly  and  continuously  for  her  advancement  and  no  other 
one  man  has  done  so  much  for  any  country  on  earth,  it  is  believed, 
as  President  Porfirio  Diaz  has  done  for  Mexico.  In  this  connec- 
tion, then,  it  will  be  well  to  pause  a  moment  and  pass  in  review  the 
salient  features  of  his  life. 

General  Porfirio  Diaz,  who  has  been  continuously  the  consti- 
tutional President  of  Mexico  for  twenty  years,  and  who  has  been 
prominently  identified  with  every  great  political  military  movement 
in  his  country  for  the  last  fifty  years,  was  born  in  Oaxaca,  on  Sep- 
tember 15,  1830,  the  twentieth  anniversary  of  Hidalgo's  war-cry, 
"  Independence."  While  his  ancestry  on  both  sides  is  Spanish, 
he  is  related  through  his  mother,  whose  grandmother  was  a  Mix- 
teca,  to  the  Mexican  aborigines  who  fought  Cortez  so  stoutly  that 
they  were  hardly  conquered.  The  only  other  Mexican  of  modern 
times  who  ranks  with  Diaz,  Don  Benito  Juarez,  the  "  Washington 
of  Mexico,"  was  also  a  native  of  Oaxaca,  of  Indian  ancestry,  but  a 
Zapotecan.  The  father  of  Diaz,  who  died  when  Porfirio  was  only 
three  years  of  age,  kept  a  small  tavern  in  Oaxaca ;  but  the  boy  early 
showed  his  predisposition  for  the  career  of  a  soldier  and  was 
always  a  leader  among  his  youthful  companions. 

His  widowed  mother  gave  him  the  best  educational  facilities 
Oaxaca  afforded,  and  intended  him  for  the  church;  but  he  turned 
to  the  law  and  entered  the  office  of  Juarez,  with  whom  he  was 
afterward  identified  in  the  cause  of  reform.  He  took  no  active 
part  in  the  war  with  the  United  States,  his  first  taste  of  fighting 
being  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  when,  proscribed  by  the  tyrant, 
Santa  Anna,  he  fled  to  the  mountains  and  joined  Herrera's  band  of 


RESTORATION     OF     REPUBLIC  405 

1873-1874 

guerrillas.  Then  began  the  adventures  which  distinguished  him 
as  one  who  knew  no  fear  and  "  would  rather  fight  than  eat."  Three 
years  later  he  was  desperately  wounded,  and  again  in  i860,  when 
fighting  against  the  Conservative  army,  near  his  home  city,  Oaxaca. 

He  won  the  position  of  general  of  brigade  by  a  victory  over 
Marquez  in  1861,  and  in  1862  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  the 
defeat  of  the  French  forces  of  invasion  at  Puebla  on  May  5.  The 
next  year  he  was  captured  at  Puebla,  but  soon  after  managed  to 
escape  and  took  the  field  again.  During  the  Maximilian  su- 
premacy Diaz  kept  up  a  determined  resistance  in  the  south,  and 
Bazaine  was  sent  against  him  with  a  large  army,  finally  effecting 
his  capture.  He  again  escaped,  and  within  a  few  days  had  as- 
sembled a  devoted  band  of  Indians  from  the  hill-towns  of  Oaxaca, 
and,  besides  capturing  a  garrison,  routed  a  force  of  imperialists. 
With  his  "  Serranos  "  as  the  nucleus  of  a  rapidly  gathering  army, 
he  recaptured  the  city  of  Oaxaca,  and,  ever  active  and  always 
indomitable,  inspiring  confidence  by  his  fearless  bearing  and  su- 
perior strategy,  he  marched  northward  upon  Puebla,  to  which  he 
laid  siege  in  March,  1867.  and  stormed  and  captured  it  on  April  2. 
He  set  an  example  of  clemency  to  all  contestants  by  pardoning  the 
prisoners  taken  at  Puebla,  not  even  excluding  the  man  who  had  set 
a  price  upon  his  head,  dead  or  alive.  Again,  after  he  had  followed 
Marquez  to  the  capital,  which  he  promptly  invested,  he  showed  his 
greatness  by  refusing  to  bombard  the  city,  finally  capturing  it  with- 
out injury  to  its  buildings  or  inhabitants,  or  its  inestimable  treas- 
ures, and  on  June  20,  1867,  became  its  master  and  second  only  to 
the  greatest  man  in  Mexico,  in  the  estimation  of  its  people.  Gen- 
eral Diaz  had  already  gained  the  reputation  of  being  Mexico's 
greatest  military  genius,  and  that  was  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century  ago.  Had  ambition  merely  been  his  spur,  he  should  have 
been  satisfied;  but  in  his  subsequent  actions  there  was  a  certain 
motive  that  is  only  explained  by  the  events  of  later  times.  Hith- 
erto he  and  Juarez  had  been  friends;  both  these  great  Oaxacanos 
had  been  patriotically  fighting  for  the  best  interests  of  their  native 
land;  both  shared  in  the  ovations  of  their  grateful  fellow-country- 
men after  the  capture  of  the  capital  and  the  downfall  of  the  im- 
perialists. 

But,  as  we  have  seen,  when  in  the  October  succeeding  these 
important  events  Juarez  was  elected  president  and  Diaz  defeated  at 
the  polls,  the  latter  did  not  hesitate  to  "  pronounce  "  against  his 


106  MEXICO 

1874-1876 

former  friend  and  chief,  nor  did  he  fail  to  combat  Senor  Lerdo,  his 
successor.  While  the  United  States  was  celebrating,  at  Philadel- 
phia, the  centennial  of  its  independence  by  an  exposition  at  which 
Mexico,  as  well  as  other  countries,  was  represented,  the  neighbor- 
ing republic  was  in  the  throes  of  civil  war.  When  it  was  seen  that 
Lerdo's  reelection  was  inevitable,  owing  to  the  fact  that  he  con- 
trolled the  governmental  machinery,  and  consequently  the  neces- 
sary "  votes,"  General  Diaz  led  a  revolt  and  issued  his  celebrated 
"  Plan  of  Tuxtepec."  with  "  Progress  "  for  its  motto.  He  attacked 
Matamoros  and  effected  a  large  capture  of  men  and  munitions,  but 
was  eventually  driven  across  the  Rio  Grande,  and,  after  making 
another  of  his  miraculous  escapes,  finally  reached  Oaxaca  by  a 
roundabout  journey  via  New  Orleans  and  Vera  Cruz.  On  the 
voyage  between  the  two  seaports  he  was  recognized  by  some  Ler- 
distas  on  board  the  American  steamer  in  which  he  had  engaged 
passage  as  a  "  Doctor  Torres,"  of  Cuba,  and  when  off  Tampico 
leaped  into  the  water  to  swim  ashore.  The  bay  was  infested  by 
sharks,  and  he  was  providentially  rescued  and  returned  to  the  ship, 
where  he  was  concealed  for  a  week  in  the  purser's  room,  which 
room  was  the  nightly  lounging  place  of  vengeful  Lerdistas,  who 
were  thoroughly  convinced  that  he  ought  to  be  shot  on  capture. 
Smuggled  ashore  at  Vera  Cruz,  disguised  as  a  stevedore,  Diaz 
succeeded  in  reaching  Oaxaca,  where  his  loyal  Indians  gathered 
about  him  in  constantly  increasing  numbers,  and  marched  with  him 
upon  the  capital. 

At  this  time  there  rose  to  prominence  another  military  leader, 
General  Manuel  Gonzalez,  who,  on  November  16,  1876,  being  in 
command  of  Porfirista  forces  at  Tecoac,  near  Puebla,  defeated 
General  Alatorre  of  the  Lerdista  army  and  caused  the  president  to 
evacuate  the  capital  and  eventually  the  country.  President  Lerdo 
left  the  Citv  of  Mexico  with  his  cabinet  on  November  20,  and  four 

•  - 

days  later  General  Diaz  entered  it  at  the  head  of  his  "  constitu- 
tional "  army,  the  bulk  of  which  was  composed  of  Indians  from 
the  hills  of  Oaxaca  and  Puebla,  poorly  clad  and  poorly  armed. 
General  Diaz  assumed  the  office  of  executive,  and  when  called 
upon  to  go  forth  to  quench  the  aspirations  of  another  presidential 
aspirant,  Iglesias,  at  Oueretaro,  he  named  Senor  Juan  Mendez 
second  general-in-chief  of  the  "  constitutional  "  army  and  provis- 
ional president  of  the  republic.  There  were  at  that  time,  indeed, 
three  nominal  presidents  of  Mexico :    Diaz,  Lerdo,  and  Iglesias. 


11  E  S  T  ()  It  A  TION     O  F     K  E  V  U  B  L  I  C  407 

1 £76 -1879 

besides  the  so-called  provisional  President  Mendez.  Senor  Lerdo 
had  been  "  elected "  in  the  usual  manner,  which  had  become 
well-established  by  long-  usage;  Diaz  had  seized  the  position  by 
force  of  arms;  and  the  former  president  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
Don  Jose  Iglesias,  claimed  to  have  succeeded  to  the  executive  office 
through  the  departure  of  his  chief  from  the  country — as  provided 
by  law.  But  the  might  of  General  Porfirio  Diaz  overcame  all 
opposition,  for  he  had  now  the  army  behind  him,  and  was,  of 
course,  invincible.  When  he  returned  from  his  punitive  expedi- 
tion northward  he  was  "  unanimously  declared "  constitutional 
president  by  the  convention  assembled  at  the  capital  on  call  of 
Senor  Mendez. 

Thus  General  Porfirio  Diaz  became  chief  executive  of  Mex- 
ico for  the  first  time.  As  merely  another  in  the  long  line  of  pro- 
nunciadors  who  had  vaulted  into  and  over  the  presidential  chair,  he 
was  not  at  first  recognized  by  the  United  States  and  foreign  gov- 
ernments at  large;  but  it  was  not  long  before  he  made  his  presence 
felt  as  a  factor,  and  an  important  one,  in  governmental  affairs. 
Through  the  efficient  service  of  Senor  Romero,  who  afterward  be- 
came minister  and  ambassador  at  Washington,  he  reduced  order 
from  chaos,  especially  in  the  hacienda,  or  public  treasury,  and  after 
much  difficulty    organized  his  cabinet. 

After  making  vehement  but  ineffectual  protests,  Senor  Lerdo 
finally  abandoned  the  field  and,  escaping  to  Acapulco,  made  his 
way  to  the  United  States.  The  Conservatives  took  no  part  in  the 
struggle,  having  been  effectually  crushed ;  but  the  Liberals  were 
for  a  while  divided  among  themselves'  into  three  parties.  There 
were  the  Porfiristas,  or  thick-and-thin  adherents  of  Diaz ;  the 
Tuxtepecanos,  composed  of  those  who  now  insisted  that  Diaz  should 
adhere  to  the  "  Plan  of  Tuxtepec,"  which,  having  served  as  a  pre- 
text, he  seemed  inclined  to  throw  overboard ;  and  the  Lerdistas, 
who  claimed  that  Don  Sebastian  was  the  only  legally  elected  execu- 
tive. This  claim  of  the  Lerdistas  was,  perhaps,  just,  but  as  Gen- 
eral Diaz  had  elevated  himself  to  the  supreme  command,  had  the 
army  at  his  back,  and  moreover  seemed  disposed  to  govern  accord- 
ing to  the  constitution  of  1857,  and  was  predisposed  to  progress,  it 
soon  came  about  that  Lerdistas  and  Tuztepecafios  were  trans- 
formed into  ardent  Porfiristas.  A  military  man,  first  of  all,  and 
above  everything  else,  "  Don  Porfirio  "  was  universally  beloved  of 
his  soldiers,  whose  love  and  respect  he  had  won  in  scores  of  bat- 


408  MEXICO 

1877-1880 

ties,  in  every  one  of  which  he  had  acted  the  hero.  He  had  the 
acuteness  and  ambition  of  his  ancient  foe,  Santa  Anna;  but  unlike 
Santa  Anna  he  had  rarely  led  his  soldiers  to  defeat.  And  he  had 
always  led  them,  himself  setting  an  example  that  any  brave  man 
would  be  glad  to  emulate.  There  is  no  doubting  his  magnificent 
courage,  his  integrity,  his  fine  fiber  of  honor;  his  personality  ap- 
peals, commands,  dominates.  In  Santa  Anna  the  Mexicans  had  a 
man  of  great  ambition,  but  unscrupulous,  swayed  by  selfish  and 
personal  aims;  in  Juarez  they  had  a  man  of  high  and  impersonal 
aims,  a  patriot;  but  a  statesman,  not  a  fighter;  in  "  Don  Porfirio  " 
the  Mexican  people  recognized  the  type  they  loved,  were  willing 
to  fight  for,  die  for :  the  Hombre  simpatico,  yet  the  dominant  demi- 
god of  battles. 

But  "  Don  Porfirio "  had  no  easy  task  before  him  at  the 
outset.  He  was  known  from  one  end  of  Mexico  to  the  other  for 
what  he  had  been — a  patriot,  yet  a  pronunciador,  indomitable,  and 
hitherto  invincible ;  but  his  capacity  for  governing  a  nation  had 
not  been  tested.  There  were  rebellions  and  uprisings  in  various 
parts,  and  in  June  of  1879  the  Mexicans  were  treated  to  a  novelty 
in  the  annals  of  pronunciamientos,  when  the  war  steamer  Liberty 
"  pronounced  "  against  the  administration  of  "  Tuxtepec."  In 
December  of  that  year  General  Manuel  Gonzalez,  who  for  a  while 
after  the  decisive  battle  of  Tecoac  had  resided  on  his  hacienda,  and 
who  during  a  ministerial  crisis  was  made  secretary  of  war,  was 
placed  in  command  of  a  large  army  for  the  suppression  of  the  re- 
bellion of  Tepic.  His  success,  not  only  in  pacificating  the  rebels, 
but  in  winning  the  good  will  of  his  soldiers,  added  to  his  military 
prestige  and  made  him  an  available  candidate  for  the  presidency. 
In  short,  on  November  30,  1880,  the  hero  of  Tecoac  succeeded  to 
the  chief  magistracy  by  the  grace  of  the  man  he  himself  had  as- 
sisted to  grasp  supreme  power  four  years  before. 

General  Manuel  Gonzalez,  to  whom  President  Diaz  relin- 
quished the  reins  of  government  in  1880,  was  born  near  Mata- 
moros,  Mexico,  in  1820,  of  humble  parentage.  At  first  a  guerrilla 
and  a  reactionist,  he  joined  with  Juarez  against  the  French  and 
imperialists,  from  1861  to  1865;  assisted  Diaz  to  overthrow  Lerdo 
in  1876;  became  secretary  of  war  in  1878,  and  President  of  Mex- 
ico in  1880.  Without  possessing  great  qualities,  he  was  a  man 
of  invincible  determination,  equally  a  fighter  and  equally  brave 
with   his   commander-in-chief.      He   had   been    twice    desperately 


RESTORATION     OF     REPUBLIC  409 

1880-1884 

wounded,  and  had  lost  an  arm  in  one  of  his  numerous  engagements. 
A  sturdy  follower  of  the  fortunes  of  General  Diaz,  he  at  last  se- 
cured his  reward.  President  Gonzalez  was  inaugurated  December 
i,  1881,  and  General  Diaz  returned  to  comparative  obscurity  as 
governor  of  Oaxaca,  though  his  hand  was  still  seen  in  the  various 
schemes  of  reform  and  enterprises  of  magnitude  to  which  the  ad- 
ministration was  committed.  The  term  of  President  Gonzalez  was 
in  the  main  uneventful,  but  toward  the  end  the  people  became  un- 
easy, and  it  was  evident  that  a  stronger  than  he  must  assume  com- 
mand of  the  ship  of  state.  That  stronger  one,  of  course,  was  none 
other  than  Porfirio  Diaz,  who  came  again  into  possession  of  his 
own  after  an  interim  of  four  years,  during  which  Gonzalez  served 
his  country  to  the  best  of  his  capacity.  At  the  time  of  his  re- 
accession  it  was  said  by  an  authority :  "  The  great  problem  of  the 
hour  for  Mexico  is  the  execution  of  her  numerous  railway  projects, 
due  for  the  most  part  to  American  enterprise,  but  eagerly  accepted 
by  the  Mexican  Government  as  the  means  for  developing  her  un- 
bounded natural  resources  and  elevating  her  to  the  place  which 
nature  designed  her  to  occupy  among  Western  nations."  The  total 
length  of  the  railways  in  Mexico,  in  1881,  was  about  1000  miles. 
The  population  was  about  10,000,000,  and  the  national  revenue 
had  reached  $22,000,000.  In  his  message  for  1883  President 
Gonzalez  said :  "  The  country  at  large  is  in  a  prosperous  condi- 
tion, and  the  financial  crises  which  at  times  have  hampered  busi- 
ness will  soon  leave  no  trace  behind  them."  The  total  revenue 
for  the  fiscal  year  was  $33,500,000;  the  national  debt  in  round 
numbers  was  then  $144,653,785.  Railway  lines  had  increased  to 
2800  miles  in  length,  and  the  telegraph  lines  aggregated  7000 
miles.  The  Gonzalez  administration  displayed  great  activity  in 
fostering  immigration,  an  impulse  was  given  to  manufacturing  and 
mining,  while  steps  w^ere  taken  toward  abolishing  the  arbitrary  and 
burdensome  interstate  duties,  besides  making  a  general  reduction 
on  all  other  duties  of  ten  per  cent. 

When  General  Diaz  succeeded  a  second  time  to  the  presidency, 
beginning  his  term  on  December  1,  1884,  the  national  revenue  had 
risen  to  $36,160,000,  and  the  expenditures  were  $36,325,000.  The* 
grand  total  of  railroads  built  and  in  process  of  construction  was 
3500  miles,  and  the  exports  for  the  fiscal  year  amounted  to 
$41,800,000. 

The  year  1884  was  also  memorable,  not  only  for  the  reacces- 


410  MEXICO 

1884-1893 

sion  of  Diaz  to  the  presidency,  but  on  account  of  the  opening  of 
uninterrupted  rail  communication  with  the  United  States.  And 
yet  signs  were  not  wanting  to  indicate  that  Mexico  had  proceeded 
at  too  rapid  a  pace  in  the  development  of  her  trade,  especially  of 
her  imports,  in  the  general  stagnation  of  business  and  the  financial 
straits  to  which  the  government  was  reduced.  At  one  time,  in  the 
summer  of  1884,  Mexico  seemed  on  the  brink  of  a  revolution;  but 
the  coming  "  Don  Porfirio  "  served  to  calm  the  public  mind,  and 
trouble  was  averted.  By  the  end  of  1885  the  public  debt  had  been 
reduced  to  $125,000,000;  but  the  financial  embarrassment  was  such 
that  most  drastic  measures  were  taken  to  tide  over  the  crisis,  all 
government  salaries  being  reduced,  on  a  scale  of  ten  per  cent,  on 
salaries  over  $500  per  annum  to  fifty  per  cent,  on  those  of  $15,000 
and  over,  not  even  the  executive  being  exempt. 

After  retiring  from  the  presidency  General  Gonzalez  was  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Guanajuato;  but  he  was  no  longer  a  prominent 
figure  in  public  life.  He  had  served  Diaz  to  tide  over  a  certain 
period  when  the  latter,  according  to  a  clause  in  the  constitution, 
could  not  be  eligible  for  reelection.  This  objectionable  clause, 
liberally  translated,  is  as  follows :  "  The  President  will  enter  upon 
his  duties  on  the  first  of  Decembef  and  will  remain  in  office  four 
years.  He  will  not  be  eligible  for  reelection  for  the  period  imme- 
diately succeeding,  neither  shall  he  occupy  the  presidency  for  any 
reason  until  four  years  have  passed  without  his  having  exercised 
executive  functions." 

The  four  years  had  passed,  Gonzalez  had  retired  in  favor  of 
his  chief,  and  Diaz  was  now  secure  in  his  supremacy,  having  had 
the  constitution  changed  again  to  suit  his  views  as  to  perennial, 
or  perpetual,  presidency,  so  that  for  a  score  of  years  he  has  been 
able  to  hold  the  executive  office  in  a  strictly  "  constitutional  " 
manner.  Gonzalez  died  in  1893,  but  his  great  chief  has  lived  to 
carry  on  vast  schemes  of  reform  and  development,  until  Mexico 
now  occupies  a  place  among  nations  of  which  any  ruler  should  be 
proud.  Having  held  to  the  presidency  during  twenty-five  years, 
and  six  consecutive  terms,  it  would  seem  to  require  a  stretch  of  the 
imagination  to  present  as  a  "  constitutional  "  president  one  who 
has  so  often  "  amended  "  the  constitution  with  a  view  to  the  con- 
tinual retention  of  power. 

"  You  have  had  peace  and  tranquillity  under  Diaz,"  said  an 
agent  of  the  Rothschilds  to  the  Mexican  minister  of  finance,  when 


RESTORATION     OF     REPUBLIC  411 

1884-1893 

the  latter  approached  him  with  reference  to  a  loan  for  the 
reorganization  of  the  country's  finances  on  a  gold  basis ;  "  but  what 
may  happen  if  Diaz  should  die?  Your  government,  in  spite  of  the 
calm  security  of  Diaz's  rule,  is  nothing  but  a  military  dictatorship! 
Diaz  has  been  able  to  keep  himself  in  power  longer  than  any  other 
dictator  of  our  time;  but  he  is  growing  old,  and  who  knows  what 
plot  may  now  be  hatching  to  overthrow  him?  On  his  death,  to 
judge  by  the  history  of  all  Latin-American  republics,  a  man  of 
war  will  surely  rise  to  overthrow  whatever  government  may  suc- 
ceed him  under  the  provisions  of  the  constitution.  How  many 
'  men  on  horseback  '  do  you  suppose  arc  already  planning  to  take 
the  field  as  soon  as  a  path  opens  to  their  ambitions  ?  " 

This  was  the  hard  logic  of  a  banker's  reasoning,  and  nobody 
can  deny  that  it  was  sound.  But,  while  it  is  admitted  that  no  guar- 
antee exists  that  Mexico  will  not  again  pursue  the  thorny  path  of 
domestic  revolution,  there  is  unbounded  faith  in  "  Don  Porfirio  " 
and  his  methods.  He  has  guided  Mexico  through  the  devious 
route  of  reconstruction,  financial  and  almost  physical,  has  encour- 
aged the  building  of  railroads  and  telegraphs,  the  improvement  of 
harbors,  installation  of  electric  lights,  telephones,  and  indeed  every 
adjunct  of  modern  civilization ;  has  renovated  the  public  school 
system  of  the  country  and  introduced  the  study  of  English ;  extin- 
guished brigandage,  uplifted  the  middle  classes  of  the  population. 
All  the  great  things,  in  fact,  which  have  made  for  the  regeneration 
and  rehabilitation  of  Mexico  are  accredited  to  Diaz  by  his  millions 
of  admirers.  And  yet,  in  the  matter  of  popular  elections,  in  the 
use  of  the  franchise  by  the  great  masses  of  the  people,  Mexico  is 
just  where  she  was  twenty — yes,  a  hundred — years  ago.  President 
Diaz  has  been  "  elected  "  to  succeed  himself  at  his  own  behest  as 
many  times  as  he  chose ;  he  can  probably  be  elected  as  many  times 
more,  should  he  live,  on  the  same  plan,  the  antiquated  Mexican  one 
of  having  behind  one  a  stronger  force  than  all  one's  opponents 
combined.1 

However,  call   President  Diaz  a   despot  or  a   demigod    (as 

some  enthusiasts  have  styled  him),  it  cannot  but  be  admitted  that 

through  his  unvarying  insistence  upon  holding  hard  the  helm  of 

1  Reelection  of  the  President,-  1884. — "  The  Constitutional  amendment,  per- 
mitting election  to  the  Presidency  for  two  consecutive  terms,  after  receiving  the 
approval  of  both  houses  of  Congress,  was  officially  promulgated  on  October  23. 
Diaz  clubs  were  organized,  and  a  large  number  of  newspapers  proposed  the 
President's  candidacy  for  a  second  (third)   term." — Annual  Cyclopaedia,  1881. 


412  MEXICO 

1884-1910 

state,  the  ship  has  sailed  on  a  true  course.  It  matters  not,  perhaps, 
what  we  call  the  compass  by  which  he  steered,  whether  "  constitu- 
tional "  or  oligarchical ;  the  fact  is  patent  that  he  has  steered  aright. 
With  the  assistance  of  such  consummate  financiers  as  Limantour, 
and  such  statesmen  as  Mariscal  and  the  late  Matias  Romero,  and, 
above  all,  aided  by  the  many  millions  of  American  capital  which 
built  his  railroads  for  him  and  thus  made  the  system  of  pronun- 
ciamientos  a  thing  of  the  past,  he  has  advanced  Mexico  to  a 
notable  position — as  already  stated — among  the  nations  of  the 
world.2 

He  has  displayed  constructive  statesmanship  of  the  highest 
order  since  he  became  the  head  of  his  nation,  and  so  far  as  his 
personal  character  is  concerned  is  well-nigh  peerless.  At  the 
Pan-American  Conference  held  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  1901-1902, 
the  declaration  was  adopted  that  "  the  international  law  of  America 
is  founded  on  peace,  which  in  turn  depends  on  respect  for  the 
sovereignty,  independence,  and  territorial  integrity  of  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  continent."  That  President  Diaz  strictly  abides  by 
the  protocol  adopted  at  that  conference,  his  acceptance  of  the  de- 
cision at  the  permanent  court  of  The  Hague,  adverse  to  Mexico,  in 
the  "  Pious  Fund  "  arbitration,  by  which  his  government  is  com- 
pelled to  pay  a  large  sum  to  the  United  States  annually  forever,  in- 
dubitably proves.  The  relations  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico,  under  him,  have  developed  into  cordial  ones,  an  evidence 
of  which  was  shown  when  on  August  26,  1906,  strict  orders  were 
issued  by  the  government  against  the  use  of  the  gulf  ports  by 
Cuban  insurrectionists,  and  while  the  war  department  has  had  to 
take  measures  at  times  to  prevent  any  violation  of  the  neutrality 
laws,  the  two  countries  maintain  very  friendly  intercourse.  This 
was  emphasized  when,  on  October  16,  1909,  President  Taft  and 
President  Diaz  met  at  El  Paso,  Texas,  and  Ciudad  Juarez,  Mexico. 
An  approximate  idea  of  the  present  prosperity  of  Mexico  can  be 
gained  from  the  fact  that  with  a  population  of  13,605,919,  the  ex- 
ports of  the  country  are  $242,738,906,  and  the  imports  are  $221,- 
535.993-  The  revenue  for  1908  was  $103,385,000,  while  the  total 
expenditures  were  $103,203,830. 

2  Reelection  of  1888. — "  The  Constitution  was  amended  to  enable  him 
(Diaz)  to  succeed  himself,  and  he  was  reelected  in  1888.  In  July,  1892,  he  was 
returned  for  a  third  term  by  a  large  majority,  receiving  the  electoral  votes 
of  23  of  the  States  and  the  2  Territories." — Annual  Cyclopadia,  1892. 


Chapter   XXXV 

COMMERCE   AND    INDUSTRY— INTERNAL 
DEVELOPMENT.     1520-1910 

THE  foundations  for  Mexico's  commercial  and  industrial 
expansion  were  laid  early  in  its  history,  soon  after  its 
conquest  by  the  Spaniards ;  but  its  real  progress  is  a  mat- 
ter of  modern  times,  coinciding  very  nearly  with  what  the  statisti- 
cians term  the  last  great  period  of  commercial  history.  The  first 
ship  sailed  from  New  to  Old  Spain  in  1520,  bearing  gifts  from 
Montezuma  to  Charles  V.,  and  after  Cortez  had  accomplished  the 
pacification  of  the  country  a  line  of  communication  was  established 
between  Mexico  and  the  Peninsula,  consisting  first  of  an  annual, 
and  then  of  a  semi-annual  fleet  of  great  galleons.  Fifteen  galleons 
were  commissioned  to  sail  from  Seville  to  Vera  Cruz  and  return, 
every  six  months,  which,  under  the  immediate  successor  of  Charles 
V.,  were  increased  in  number  to  fifty  or  sixty.  After  the  Philip- 
pines had  begun  to  be  exploited,  another  annual  galleon  sailed 
between  those  islands  in  the  orient  and  Acapulco  on  the  west 
coast  of  Mexico,  their  cargoes  being  transported  overland  to  Vera 
Cruz,  and  there  reshipped  to  Spain.  Annual  fairs  were  held  on 
the  west  coast  at  Acapulco,  and  near  the  east  coast  at  Jalapa,  last- 
ing for  forty  days  or  more,  at  which  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of 
merchandise  changed  hands  and  to  which  traders  flocked  from  all 
parts  of  the  country.  The  same  sort  of  transactions  were  also 
established  for  South  America,  the  galleons  discharging  and  re- 
ceiving cargoes  at  Porto  Bello  on  the  Spanish  Main. 

A  chamber  of  commerce  was  created  in  Spain  as  early  as  1503, 
and  some  eight  years  later  the  Council  of  the  Indies  was  organized 
at  Madrid,  which  had  supervision  over  commercial  as  well  as  mili- 
tary, and  in  fact,  all  colonial,  affairs,  and  was  represented  in  Mexico 
and  Peru  by  a  viceroy  in  each  country.  But  it  became  the  policy 
of  Spain  to  hinder  rather  than  develop  commerce  and  industry  in 
her  colonies,  encouraging  only  the  exploitation  of  the  mineral 
products,   to  the  total   neglect   of  agriculture  and   manufactures. 

413 


414.  MEXICO 

1520-1537 

Not  only  was  the  entire  administration  of  commercial  affairs  kept 
in  the  hands  of  Spaniards,  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  foreigners 
and  colonials,  but  almost  prohibitive  customs  duties  were  collected 
on  all  exports  and  imports.  Manufactures  being  prohibited  in  the 
American  colonies,  these  industries  were  greatly  stimulated  in 
Spain,  altogether  at  the  cost  of  the  unfortunate  colonial.  This  mo- 
nopoly Spain  retained  for  a  century  and  a  half,  although  she  ex- 
perienced interference  with  her  trade  before  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century  through  the  pirates  and  privateers  fitted  out  in  foreign  ports 
and  which  swarmed  in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  pouncing  upon  the 
clumsy  galleons  richly  freighted  with  oriental  silks,  gold  and  silver 
ore,  and  carrying  them  off  as  prizes.  It  was  partly  the  fault  of 
Spain  that  her  commerce  with  the  colonies  was  so  swiftly  destroyed, 
for  she  had  sacrificed  both  them  and  herself  by  concentrating  her 
treasures  aboard  a  few  great  ships  which,  when  taken,  yielded  to 
their  captors  vast  fortunes  at  a  single  haul. 

But  the  colonial  policy  of  Spain  has  already  been  outlined  in 
the  chapters  devoted  to  the  viceroyal  period,  where  it  has  been 
shown  that  it  was  everything  for  Spain  and  nothing  for  the 
colonies.  During  the  long  period  of  pronunciamientos,  wars  with 
the  United  States  and  France,  and  to  a  great  extent  through  the 
period  of  reconstruction,  Mexican  foreign  commerce  became  para- 
lyzed. Her  natural  resources,  however,  were  so  vast  and  varied, 
comprising  within  her  confines,  as  she  does,  practically  three  cli- 
matic zones,  and  with  mountains  of  iron,  copper,  and  silver  ex- 
tending from  northern  to  southern  frontier,  Mexico  soon  became 
full  to  repletion  of  crude  products  for  which  the  world  outside  was 
waiting. 

Abounding  in  minerals  beyond  ordinary  comprehension,  espe- 
cially in  silver  and  gold,  with  glittering  threads  ramifying  the 
Cordilleras  in  every  direction,  Mexico  is  to-day  one  of  the  richest 
regions  of  the  world.  The  first  silver  was  found  by  Europeans  in 
the  mines  of  Tasco  in  1522,  which  had  been  worked  by  the  Aztecs 
centuries  previously.  In  1803  Humboldt  estimated  the  amount  of 
precious  metals  sent  from  Mexico  to  Spain  since  1521  at  more  than 
$2,000,000,000.  The  records  of  the  Mexican  mint,  which  date 
from  1537,  show  a  coinage  of  $3,500,000,000,  nearly  all  of  which 
is  silver.  Gold,  however,  is  continually  increasing,  as  new  mines 
are  being  worked  and  localities  developed.  According  to  Humboldt 
there  were  three  thousand  mines  in  operation  a   hundred  years 


as      O 


INTERNAL     DEVELOPMENTS  415 

1537-1875 

ago,  and  the  latest  statistics  give  the  number  of  mineral  districts 
as  noo. 

The  silver  region  containing  the  most  famous  mines  is  prac- 
tically that  of  the  tableland ;  but  most  of  the  gold  is  found  on  the 
slopes  toward  the  ticrra  caliente.  The  wonderful  stories  of  the 
yield  of  Mexican  mines  are  not  fabulous,  for  they  can  all  be  veri- 
fied by  statistics.  Everybody  has  heard  of  the  mountain  of  iron 
in  Durango,  Cerro  del  Mercado,  a  mass  of  pure  ore  estimated 
at  50,000,000  cubic  yards.  Precious  stones  have  been  found  to 
some  extent,  some  diamonds,  emeralds,  chalchuitls,  opals  by  mil- 
lions; and  the  pearl  fisheries  of  Lower  California  yield  more  than 
a  million  and  a  half  per  annum. 

But  it  is  not  the  writer's  intention  to  pursue  this  subject 
(for  it  demands  a  volume  by  itself)  further  than  to  indicate  the 
great  and  original  sources  of  Mexico's  wealth.  A  glance  at  the 
statements  which  follow  will  convey  valuable  information  respect- 
ing the  natural  resources  of  the  country  and  its  wants  as  well  as  its 
products.  In  the  sixteenth  century,  as  has  been  indicated,  Mexico 
was  "  the  greatest  commercial  center  of  the  then  known  world. 
During  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  domestic  trade 
began  to  be  developed,  and  foreign  commerce  fell  off,  owing  to  the 
constant  wars  between  Spain  and  the  various  European  states. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  foreign  trade  of  the 
republic  revived,  reaching,  it  is  claimed,  the  sum  of  25,000,000 
pesos  for  imports  and  over  16,000,000  for  exports.  .  .  .  The 
domestic  trade  of  the  country  is  made  up  of  the  interchange  of 
natural  products  and  the  products  of  native  industry  for  such  as 
are  not  indigenous  to  the  country,  or,  if  so,  are  produced  on  too 
small  a  scale  to  meet  the  requirements  of  native  consumption; 
hence  the  necessity  for  importing  such  goods  as  are  required  to 
make  up  the  balance  of  trade."  1 

The  principal  articles  imported  into  Mexico  are  as  follows,  in 
their  order  of  importance:  Machinery,  cotton  textiles,  iron  and 
steel,  wines  and  liquors,  wood  textiles,  paper,  and  manufactures. 
The  exports,  in  the  same  order,  are  silver,  henequen,  or  sisal  hemp; 
gold,  coffee,  cattle,  lead,  copper,  hides,  precious  woods,  broom 
root,  etc. 

During  the  last  quarter-century,  under  the  pacific  administra- 
tion of  President  Diaz,  the  "  increase  of  public  wealth  and  the 
general  development  of  the  country  have  been  made  possible," 
1  From  "  Mexico,''  by  the  Bureau  of  the  American  Republics. 


416  MEXICO 

1875-1910 

so  that  the  exports  and  imports  have  wonderfully  augmented. 
The  exports  and  imports  for  the  year  1875  (Just  before  the  begin- 
ning of  the  prosperous  period)  amounted  to  a  total  of  little  more 
than  $46,000,000  in  Mexican  coin.  Twenty-five  years  later  they 
amounted  to,  respectively,  imports,  $106,285,307;  exports,  $138,- 
478,137.  The  latest  statistics  available  show  an  increase  in  im- 
ports over  those  of  1 890-1 891,  which  are  given  as  approximately, 
$130,000,000,  of  about  ten  per  cent.;  and  exports,  which  in  the 
fiscal  year  1 890-1 891  were  $148,656,000,  nearly  the  same. 

During  the  year  ending  June  30,  1908,  the  value  of  goods 
imported  from  Mexico  into  the  United  States  amounted  to  $175, 
809,123,  while  on  the  other  hand  she  purchased  from  its  mer- 
chants $146,392,884  worth.  According  to  the  latest  available  Mex- 
ican statistics,  about  sixty  per  cent,  of  the  total  value  of  goods  im- 
ported by  that  country  in  the  fiscal  year  1908  came  from  the  United 
States,  as  compared  with  a  little  over  fifty-five  per  cent,  in  1890. 
Of  the  goods  exported  from  Mexico,  the  United  States  took  about 
seventy  per  cent,  in  1908,  and  about  sixty-eight  per  cent,  in  1890. 

Copper  and  vegetable  fibers  form  the  largest  individual  items 
of  the  exports  from  Mexico,  and  iron  and  steel  products  constitute 
the  largest  imports  to  that  country. 

Of  unmanufactured  vegetable  fibers  (mainly  sisal  grass)  our 
imports  increased  from  $5,500,000  to  over  $12,000,000,  while  of 
the  manufactures  of  these  materials  our  imports  increased  from 
$6,000  to  nearly  $650,000,  and  our  exports  from  $58,000  to  $228,- 
000.  Hides  and  skins  were  imported  to  the  value  of  nearly 
$3,500,000,  while  of  leather  and  its  manufactures  the  value 
of  exports  increased  from  $61,000  to  $818,000.  Our  imports  of 
coffee  fell  off  during  the  decade  from  over  $4,000,000  to  less  than 
$3,000,000. 

Exports  of  iron  and  steel  not  only  constitute  the  largest  item 
of  United  States  trade  with  Mexico,  but  show  the  largest  growth 
in  the  last  ten  years,  exports  of  machinery  alone  increasing  from 
about  $1,500,000  to  over  $7,000,000.  Other  items  which  show  large 
gains  are  breadstuffs,  vehicles,  chemicals,  coal,  and  coke,  copper 
ore,  vegetable  oils,  and  lumber. 

In  the  fiscal  year  1908  Mexico's  total  imports  were  $221,535,- 
993,  of  which  the  United  States  furnished  more  than  half,  or 
$146,392,887.  Mexico's  total  exports  in  the  same  year  amounted 
to   $242,738,000,    of   which   $175,809,123    worth    were    sold    to    the 


1  N  T  E  It  N  A  L     DEVELOP  M  E  N  T  S  41T 

1875-1910 

United  States.  Moreover,  Mexico's  trade  with  the  United  States 
is  growing  much  faster  than  with  any  other  country.2 

The  most  remarkable  development  in  Mexico  has  been  in 
railway  construction  and  telegraph  extension,  about  15,000  miles  of 
railway  being  now  in  operation,  and  45,000  miles  of  telegraph  lines, 
besides  an  extensive  system  of  telephones.  When  it  is  considered 
that  the  first  mile  of  Mexican  railway  was  completed  so  late  as 
1 85 1,  and  that  the  first  energetic  work  began  in  1857,  the  present 
status  of  transit  by  steam  cannot  but  be  regarded  as  eminently  satis- 
factory. The  first  concession  was  granted  as  far  back  as  1837, 
but  it  was  not  until  twenty  years  later  that  actual  construction 
began,  and  sixteen  years  later,  or  in  1873,  that  the  first  Mexican 
railway  was  opened  to  the  public.  This  was  the  line  running  from 
Vera  Cruz  to  the  City  of  Mexico — only  263  miles  in  length,  but 
presenting  engineering  difficulties  almost  insuperable.  Completed 
on  January  1,  1873,  it  was  solemnly  inaugurated  by  Senor  Lerdo, 
then  president  of  the  republic,  and  ever  since  has  been  an  important 
factor  in  the  upbuilding  of  Mexico.  Three  hundred  and  fifty  years 
had  elapsed  from  the  time  Cortez  and  his  companions  toilfully 
marched  from  the  coast  to  the  Aztec  capital  before  the  latter  was 
placed  in  steam  communication  with  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the 
Atlantic. 

The  "  railway  backbone  "  of  Mexico  is  the  great  "  Central  " 
system,  more  than  a  thousand  miles  in  length,  and  the  first  of  the 
international  routes  to  be  completed.  By  its  concessions  it  has 
branches  east  and  west  to  'the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Pacific,  and 
its  main  line  northwardly  from  the  City  of  Mexico  to  El  Paso  on 
the  Rio  Grande,  more  than  a  thousand  miles  in  length,  runs  through 
the  largest  centers  of  population  and  penetrates  the  richest  mineral 
region  of  the  country.  The  population  of  the  great  plateau  over 
which  it  is  mainly  built  is  estimated  at  four  millions,  and  it  passes 
through  many  large  cities,  nine  of  them  being  State  capitals,  with 
an  aggregate  population  of  more  than  a  million  inhabitants.  The 
trunk  line  of  the  Central,  completed  fourteen  years  ago,  was 
swiftly  followed  by  its  rival,  the  Mexican  National,  which  obtains 
ingress  to  Mexico  from  Laredo  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  passes 
southward  via  Monterey  and  San  Luis  Potosi.  Originally  pro- 
jected as  a  narrow-gauge  line,  it  adopted  the  standard  gauge  later 
on,  and,  having  secured  what  is  practically  an  alliance  with  the 
2Cf.  accounts  of  Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor,  Bureau  of  Statistics. 


418  MEXICO 

1902   1910 

Mexican  Government,  in  1903,  has  taken  its  place  as  a  great  trunk 
line  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States. 

The  northwestern  State  of  Mexico,  Sonora,  is  crossed  by  a 
railroad,  from  Benson  in  Arizona  to  Guyanas  on  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia, about  350  miles  in  length;  in  the  extreme  south  the  Isth- 
mus of  Tehuantepec  is  spanned  by  a  hundred-mile  belt  connecting 
the  Pacific  with  the  Gulf  of  Mexico;  southward  from  the  City  of 
Mexico  runs  a  line  to  and  through  Oaxaca,  which  forms  an  ex- 
tension of  the  northern  lines  which  center  at  the  capital;  so  that 
it  will  be  seen  that  Mexico  has  contributed  her  share  of  railway 
construction  toward  the  great  Two-Americas,  or  Inter-Continental, 
system  that  has  been  projected  to  eventually  connect  the  Arctic 
regions  with  Patagonia.  Rail  communication,  in  fact,  is  afforded 
southward  from  the  United  States  systems  as  far  as  the  Mexico- 
Guatemala  border;  important  gaps  are  yet  to  be  filled  in  Central 
America  and  along  the  Andean  tableland  in  South  America,  but 
so  much  has  already  been  accomplished  that  the  project  of  con- 
necting the  Land  of  Snow  with  the  Region  of  Fire  is  no  longer 
regarded  as  chimerical. 

Nearly  all  the  railway  concessions  in  Mexico  carried  "  sub- 
ventions "  ranging  from  $5000  to  $9500  per  kilometer,  and  years 
ago  it  was  seen  that  the  government  had  incurred  obligations  of 
this  sort  that  it  would  never  be  able  to  fulfill.  All  but  three  of  the 
great  railway  lines  in  Mexico  are  owned  by  capitalists  of  the  United 
States,  or  owe  their  existence  to  American  capital  which  has  been 
invested  in  that  country  to  the  extent  of  $500,000,000  in  gold, 
seventy  per  cent,  of  which  sum  is  in  railroads.  The  extent  to 
which  Mexico  has  been  aided  by  capital  from  across  the  border 
may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  in  1903  there  were  1 1 17  American 
companies,  firms,  or  individuals  engaged  in  various  enterprises 
there  which  include  gas  and  waterworks,  electric  light  and  power 
plants,  telephone  systems,  manufactures,  agriculture,  and  mining. 
In  mines  and  mining  American  capital  is  interested  to  the  extent 
of  $80,000,000,  and  in  agriculture  to  the  amount  of  $28,000,000. 

"  Since  the  first  subsidy  was  granted  to  railroads  Mexico  has 
paid  out  more  than  $100,000,000  for  that  purpose. 

"  For  public  improvements,  as  harbors,  more  than  $190,- 
000,000;  for  the  drainage  of  the  valley  of  Mexico,  improvement 
of  streets,  sewerage,  public  buildings,  etc.,  in  the  capital,  less  than 
ten  years  subsequent  to  1903,  more  than  $40,000,000. 


INTERNAL     DEVELOPMENT  419 

1902   1910 

"  The  rehabilitation  of  Mexico's  finances,  debts,  and  revenues, 
is  mainly  due  to  Minister  Jose  Yves  Limantour,  one  of  the  ablest 
financiers  the  world  has  produced,  who,  though  still  a  compara- 
tively young  man,  has  made  a  great  name  for  himself  and  firmly 
established  the  reputation  of  Mexico.  He  has  already  served  as 
provisional  president  of  the  republic,  during  an  illness  of  General 
Diaz,  and  has  been  prominently  mentioned  as  his  probable  suc- 
cessor, dividing  this  doubtful  honor  with  General  Bernardo  Reyes, 
next  to  Diaz  the  strongest  military  man  of  Mexico. 

"  Minister  Limantour  has  displayed  the  highest  qualities  as 
a  statesman  and  financier  and  in  a  large  and  growing  field.  He 
enjoys  the  greatest  confidence  of  the  world's  leading  financiers,  and 
the  man  who  can  command  money  to  meet  the  public  obligations 
and  for  investment  is  the  best  fitted  to  govern  Mexico."  3 

In  the  enumeration  of  railroads  mention  should  certainly  be 
made  of  those  of  Yucatan,  Mexico's  southern  peninsula,  which, 
beginning  at  Progreso  on  the  coast,  have  penetrated  far  into  the 
country  in  various  directions,  opening  up  regions  almost  unknown 
to  the  tourist,  reaching  the  ruins  of  magnificent  cities  long  since 
abandoned  by  their  builders,  and  giving  access  to  other  points  of 
interest.  The  original  purpose  of  their  builders  was  to  afford  trans- 
portation facilities  for  Y'ucatan's  staple  product,  the  henequen,  or 
native  hemp,  a  vast  acreage  of  which  exists  there,  and  the  cultiva- 
tion of  which,  together  with  the  operation  of  the  roads,  has  been 
the  means  of  amassing  great  fortunes  for  the  Yucateiios. 

It  is  only  in  times  comparatively  recent  that  Mexico  has  en- 
gaged in  manufacturing  articles  of  any  description  on  an  extensive 
scale.  In  olden  times  her  Spanish  masters  forbade  manufactures 
of  any  kind  whatever,  and  when  silk  and  woolen  weaving  were  at- 
tempted their  promoters  were  peremptorily  stopped.  But  to-day, 
under  the  stimulus  of  foreign  capital  and  owing  to  the  example 
of  her  nearest  neighbors  in  the  north,  Mexico  has  become  to  some 
extent  a  manufacturer  of  her  own  special  products,  and  factories 
and  mills,  especially  for  the  weaving  of  cotton  and  woolens,  have 
sprung  up  all  over  the  country.  The  making  of  cotton  cloth, 
mostly  a  coarse,  unbleached  fabric  known  as  "  manta,"  is  now  carried 
on  extensively,  the  mills  consuming,  it  is  estimated,  about  from 
25,000,000  to  30,000,000  pounds  of  crude  cotton  annually.  Mexico 
has  soil  and  climate  perfectly  adaped  to  the  raising  of  cotton,  yet 
at  least  two  million  dollars'  worth  is  annually  imported. 

3  Dr.  G.  A.  Bcnham,  ex-agent  of  the  United  States  Treasury. 


420  MEXICO 

1902   1910 

This  industry  affords  employment,  direct  and  indirect,  it  is 
said,  to  more  than  fifty  thousand  families,  and  is  steadily  growing. 
The  mills  are  mostly  provided  with  machinery  of  ancient  make 
and  pattern,  but  of  late  some  have  been  set  up  with  the  best  Ameri- 
can machinery  that  could  be  obtained.  There  are  now  more  than  one 
hundred  cotton  mills  in  the  country,  the  largest  and  oldest  being 
found  at  Oueretaro,  with  fourteen  in  Puebla  and  thirteen  in  the 
Federal  District. 

The  woolen  industry  ranks  next  in  importance,  the  principal 
mills  being  situated  in  Aguas  Calientes,  Durango,  Guanajuato, 
Hidalgo,  Puebla,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Mexico,  Nuevo  Leon,  and 
Zacatecas.  Wool-spinning  as  well  as  silk-weaving  are  ancient  in- 
dustries in  Mexico,  although  for  centuries  they  were  conducted 
on  a  small  scale.  In  the  making  of  the  gorgeous  and  unique 
sarapes  and  rebozos  the  weavers  of  Mexico  are  unexcelled,  some 
of  their  hand-loom  products  bringing  more  than  a  hundred  dollars 
each.  The  hats,  or  sombreros,  worn  by  the  Mexicans  are  of  native 
manufacture,  and  their  quality  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that 
some  of  them  sell  at  as  high  prices  as  the  sarapes.  The  raising  of 
tobacco  and  the  manufacture  of  cigars  and  cigarettes  are  on  a 
large  scale;  the  sugar  industry  is  backward,  but  has  great  possi- 
bilities ;  there  are  not  flour  mills  enough  to  supply  the  home  de- 
mand, though  the  same  cannot  be  said  of  the  iron  foundries,  nor 
of  the  potteries,  which  latter  produce  unique  and  beautiful  examples 
of  the  ceramic  art. 

Observant  writers  have  called  attention  to  what  they  call  the 
"  Americanizing  "  of  Mexico,  through  the  investment  "in  that  coun- 
try of  so  many  million  dollars  in  various  enterprises.  "  American 
influence  and  money  have  caused  the  sanitary  regeneration  of  the 
capital  and  other  Mexican  cities,"  says  one.  "  The  financial  inva- 
sion from  the  United  States  is  in  full  swing  and  is  sweeping  over 
the  country  in  a  tidal-wave  of  seemingly  irresistible  power,"  writes 
another. 

But  it  has  remained  for  a  distinguished  native  of  Mexico, 
Sefior  Manuel  M.  Alegre,  to  call  upon  the  Mexicans  to  "  Ameri- 
canize "  themselves  and  abandon  their  "  Latin  ideals  "  in  order  to 
escape  the  threatened  perils  of  "  Anglo-Saxon  absorption."  Alegre 
is  the  Spanish  synonym  for  being  glad  or  joyful,  and  Seiior  Alegre 
is  fortunately  named,  for  he  seems  to  be  an  optimist,  at  least  as 
regards    the    threatened    "  absorption."     In    a    pamphlet    entitled 


INTERNAL     DEVELOPMENT  421 

19021910 

"  How  to  Escape  the  Saxon  Peril:  By  Saxonizing  Ourselves,"  he 
describes  "  this  phantasm  which  has  became  an  obsession  of  the 
national  intellect."  ..."  While  the  peoples  of  Europe,"  he 
says,  "  are  held  in  continual  alarm  by  the  growing-  industrial  de- 
velopment of  the  United  States,  in  us  it  produces  a  kind  of  patriotic 
nightmare,  in  which  we  see  involved  the  irremediable  loss  of  our 
nationality.  Nobody  sets  date  or  occasion  for  the  disaster;  but 
the  danger  is  there,  imminent  and  terrifying,  threatening  us  with 
its  dragon-claws,  and  at  any  moment  it  may  swoop  down  upon  us 
and  destroy  forever  our  national  existence.  This,  at  any  rate,  is 
the  belief." 

He  does  not,  however,  fear  those  "  dragon-claws  " ;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  he  respects  and  admires  the  "  dragon,"  or,  in  other 
words  the  great  American  eagle,  which  he  regards  as,  on  the 
whole,  a  beneficent  bird.  He  reminds  his  countrymen  that  they 
have  always  followed  after  "  the  Latin  ideal,  which  is  a  worn  and 
withered  ideal. 

"  It  is  the  Roman  ideal,  modified  by  the  theoretical  ideal,  which 
is  also  worn  out.  Its  elements  were  religion  as  a  temporal,  ab- 
sorbent power;  absolute  monarchy  as  a  system  of  government; 
the  preponderance  of  the  state  over  the  masses  as  a  civil  condi- 
tion ;  the  hierarchy  of  classes  as  a  social  condition ;  the  submission 
and  incapacity  of  woman  as  a  private  condition,  and  the  aspiration 
for  art  and  war  as  instruments  of  glory  and  power. 

"  But  religion  is  now  dethroned,  separated  from  the  state ; 
absolute  monarchy  is  a  fossil,  overwhelmed  by  the  hurricane  of 
revolutions.  The  preponderance  of  the  state  has  yielded  to  the 
spirit  of  individual  liberty.  Privileges  have  disappeared,  and  the 
plain  people  have  reached  a  state  of  legal  equality.  Modern  socie- 
ties are  busy  with  the  elevation  of  woman.  War  is  no  longer  the 
chronic  condition  of  nations,  and  art  is  the  aspiration  of  all  culti- 
vated societies. 

"  What  remains,  then,  of  the  old  Latin  ideal  which  has  not 
been  destroyed,  altered,  or  accepted  by  our  civilization?  " 

The  much-vaunted  "  Latin  solidarity "  he  calls  another  ex- 
ploded phantasm,  what  there  is  of  it  remaining  being  "  a  vague 
aspiration,  an  hysterical  aspiration  to  reorganize  the  past,  to  en- 
gross the  future ;  an  aspiration  that  lives  in  the  brain  and  heart  of 
some  Latin  peoples  and  which  produces  explosions  of  eloquence." 

But  "  Saxonization  "  or  "  Americanization  "  is  the  "  stimula- 


422  MEXICO 

19021910 

tion  of  the  national  energies  by  imitating  the  salient  traits  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  character  which  have  won  for  it  universal  primacy. 
.  .  .  The  Mexican  people  ought,  consequently,  to  assimilate 
itself  to  the  American  people.  Assimilate  its  character,  ideals,  and 
general  tendencies.  It  should  not  entertain  ideals  antagonistic  to 
the  American  people.  Rather,  let  it  identify  itself  with  American 
institutions,  with  the  habit  of  work  of  the  Americans,  with  their 
love  of  order  and  liberty,  with  their  generous  and  ample  mentality." 
To  have  produced  one  such  thinker  as  Senor  Alegre — a  man 
capable  of  rising  above  the  environment  of  national  prejudice  and 
formulating  his  convictions  into  a  presentment  which  cannot  but 
be  unpalatable  to  his  fellow-countrymen — shows  that  Mexico  has 
indeed  progressed  along  the  path  of  enlightment. 


Chapter  XXXVI 

YUCATAN.     1 502- 1 9 10 

WHILE  politically  a  province  of  Mexico,  comprising  two 
States  of  that  republic,  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan  per- 
tains geographically  to  Central  America,  its  southern 
boundary  being  conterminous  with  that  of  Guatemala,  and  falls 
naturally  into  a  grouping  with  the  last-named  republic  and  its 
neighbors.  The  mass  of  the  peninsula  is  isolated,  while  in  climate 
and  physical  features  it  is  radically  different  from  either  Mexico 
or  Guatemala,  being  hot  and  dry,  low-lying  and  level  in  the 
main. 

Yucatan  was  discovered  before  Mexico  became  known  to 
the  Spaniards,  Columbus  sighting  its  coast  in  1502,  and  Pinzon  in 
1506,  while  Hernandez  Cordova  landed  at  or  near  Campeche  in 
1 5 17,  and  Grijalva  (who  actually  opened  the  way  to  Mexico  in 
1 5 18)  was  followed  by  Cortez  in  15 19.  The  conquistadores  were 
diverted  to  the  more  northern  Aztec  country,  fortunately  for  Yuca- 
tan, and  not  alone  Mexico  was  conquered  before  the  Yucatan 
peninsula  was  subjugated,  but  Central  America,  and  even  far- 
distant  Peru. 

We  have  seen,  as  we  followed  after  Cortez  and  his  army,  that 
Yucatan  was  very  populous  and  with  evidences  of  a  high  state  of 
civilization;  but  as  it  gave  no  promise  of  gold  or  mines  it  was 
neglected  by  the  Spaniards.  According  to  native  tradition,  Yuca- 
tan was  originally  populated  by  the  dispersed  inhabitants  of 
Xibalba,  a  powerful  theocratic  empire  of  Central  America,  the  cap- 
ital of  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  Palenque,  whose  ruins  may 
now  be  found  in  Tabasco. 

Driven  from  Xibalba  by  Nahuatl  tribes  from  north  of  the 
River  Panuco,  the  survivors  of  the  empire  sought  refuge  in  Yuca- 
tan, Guatemala,  and  in  Central  America  generally.  Their  direct 
descendants  in  Yucatan  and  Guatemala  were  the  Itzaes ;  and  while 
there  are  linguistic   traces  of  three  different  peoples  there,   the 

423 


424  MEXICO 

1527-1535 

Itzaes,  Mayas,  and  the  Caribs,  at  the  period  of  the  conquest 
the  natives  of  Yucatan  all  spoke  one  dialect,  the  Maya,  which  is  the 
prevalent  speech  of  the  aborigines  to-day. 

The  Mayas  are  said  to  have  come  into  the  country  about  the 
sixth  century;  and  while  they  readily  allied  themselves  with  the 
Spaniards  after  the  conquest,  the  Itzaes,  on  the  contrary,  retired 
to  Lake  Peten,  buried  deep  in  great  forests  within  the  limits  of 
Guatemala.  Their  last  place  of  occupation  in  Yucatan  was  Chi- 
chen,  the  city  of  their  ancestors,  and  it  may  be  remarked  in  pass- 
ing that  in  general  features  the  ruins  of  Palenque,  of  Uxmal, 
Chichen,  and  other  groups  in  Yucatan,  are  similar  to  those  of 
Guatemala  and  Honduras,  or  of  Central-American  type,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  Toltec  or  Nahuatl. 

It  was  not  until  1527  that  the  conquest  of  Yucatan  by  the 
Spaniards  was  actually  undertaken.  The  previous  year  Don  Fran- 
cisco Montejo,  a  cavalier  who  had  voyaged  with  Grijalva  and 
Cortez,  obtained  a  royal  grant  for  the  conquest  and  pacification  of 
Cozumel  and  Yucatan.  He  was  one  of  the  commissioners  who 
sailed  from  Mexico  to  Spain  in  the  first  vessel  that  ever  performed 
that  voyage,  when  the  Aztec  treasures  were  sent  to  the  king. 

With  four  vessels  well  equipped  Montejo  sailed  for  Cozumel, 
and  landed  on  the  main  coast  opposite  that  island  four  hundred 
men,  who  raised  the  royal  standard  with  loud  cries  of  "  Espana, 
espaha,  vive  espana! " 

They  marched  inland  and  first  encountered  the  natives  near 
the  aboriginal  city  of  Ake,  the  site  of  which  is  indicated  to-day  by 
cyclopean  piles  of  rocks  known  as  "  Katunes."  Here  they  fought 
a  terrible  battle,  for  the  natives  were  as  fierce  as  the  Aztecs,  and 
by  this  time  had  become  familiar  with  the  sight  and  sound  of 
firearms. 

After  great  slaughter  on  both  sides  the  Yucatacans  gave  way, 
but  not  until  the  second  day  of  fighting,  when  the  Spaniards 
were  so  fatigued  that  they  could  not  pursue  them.  Twelve  hun- 
dred Indians  lost  their  lives,  and  as  many  more  at  another  battle 
the  next  year  near  Chichen-Itza,  the  ancient  Itzae  capital,  where 
150  Spaniards  were  killed  and  many  wounded.  One  of  the  caciques 
of  the  peninsula  sent  word  that  if  the  Spaniards  wanted  tribute  he 
would  send  them  fowls  on  spears  and  golden  grains  on  arrow- 
points.  In  short,  the  Indians  of  Yucatan  were  so  numerous  and 
implacable  that  after  eight  years  of  warfare    Montejo  abandoned 


YUCATAN  425 

1535-1861 

for  a  while  the  attempt  at  subjugation  and  left  the  peninsula,  the 
last  to  depart  being"  a  cavalier  named  Nieto,  who  had  first  planted 
the  royal  banner  on  the  coast  amid  the  vivas  of  the  soldiers,  most 
of  whom  were  long-  since  dead. 

In  1537,  however,  the  indomitable  Montejo  returned  with 
another  army  and  landed  at  Champoton,  where,  twenty  years  be- 
fore, the  Indians  had  beaten  off  Hernandez  Cordova  and  killed 
or  wounded  half  his  men.  A  desperate  battle  was  fought  here, 
during  which  the  Spaniards  were  at  one  time  driven  to  their  boats, 
but  remained  and  were  finally  victorious. 

In  1540  the  city  of  Campeche  was  founded,  and  the  next  year 
it  was  resolved  to  march  upon  the  Indian  capital,  Tihoo,  upon  the 
site  of  which  the  present  city  of  Merida  was  built,  in  1542.  At 
Tihoo,  according  to  the  historians,  the  Spaniards  encountered  an 
army  of  40,000  Indians,  and  after  an  all-day's  fight  found  their 
march  obstructed  by  the  heaps  of  the  slain.  This  battle  at  Tihoo, 
with  its  thousands  of  victims,  was  decisive,  and  after  that  all  the 
different  caciques  dispersed  or  tendered  their  allegiance.  After 
fifteen  years  of  fighting  Adelantado  Montejo  found  he  had  won  a 
barren  victory,  for  there  was  no  gold  to  reward  him,  and  in  fact 
little  spoil  of  any  sort.  But  the  peninsula  remained  peaceful  for 
years  after,  and  was  governed  as  a  captain-generalcy,  distinct  from 
Mexico  and  Guatemala.  The  Indians,  however,  were  never  en- 
tirely subjugated,  and  even  to-day  there  are  many  on  the  verge  of 
revolt,  mainly  on  the  east  coast.  They  are  known  as  "  sublevados," 
and  in  the  past  have  desolated  a  vast  extent  of  territory. 

There  have  been  revolts  in  every  century  since  the  conquest 
of  the  native  Indians,  those  of  1761  and  1847  being  especially  note- 
worthy. Yucatan  joined  the  Mexican  confederacy  in  1824,  but  in 
1840  an  independent  republic  was  set  up,  only  to  be  suppressed 
in  1843.  At  the  time  of  the  great  uprising  of  the  natives,  in  1847, 
Mexican  aid  was  invoked,  and  Yucatan  finally  lost  her  autonomy, 
in  1 86 1  being  divided  into  the  two  Federal  States  of  Yucatan  and 
Campeche,  as  we  find  her  to-day. 

It  has  often  been  asserted  that  there  is  now  less  land  under 
cultivation  in  Yucatan  than  shortly  after  the  Spanish  conquest; 
but  at  the  same  time,  though  most  of  the  vast  plantations  devoted 
to  the  cultivation  of  the  henequen  or  native  hemp  are  in  com- 
paratively few  hands,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  money  in  circula- 
tion in  the  country.     The  natives,  who  still  speak  the  Maya  tongue 


426  MEXICO 

1861-1906 

of  their  ancestors,  get  little  for  their  labor,  but  they  are  easily 
satisfied.  While  their  culture  is  in  general  superior  to  that  of  the 
Aztecs  and  most  other  Mexican  Indians,  the  Mayas  are  devoid  of 
ambition  and  seemingly  content  to  exist  in  a  state  of  peonage.  They 
are  collectively  a  fine-looking  people,  mild  of  manners,  cleanly,  and 
intelligent  up  to  a  certain  point ;  while  the  half  and  quarter-breeds, 
the  mestizas  and  mestizos,  are  particularly  attractive. 


HISTORY  OF  CENTRAL 
AMERICA 


HISTORY  OF  CENTRAL 
AMERICA 

THE   FIVE   REPUBLICS.     1522-1910 


AMONG  the  expeditions  sent  out  by  Cortez  from  the  City 
of  Mexico  after  its  downfall  those  for  the  conquest  of 
k.  Guatemala  and  Honduras  were  the  largest  and  best 
equipped.  The  conqueror  had  been  feeling  his  way  toward  either 
coast  of  Mexico  and  also  to  the  southward,  in  1522  sending  Pedro 
de  Alvarado  to  accomplish  the  subjugation  of  the  fierce  Zapotecs. 
Alvarado  was  so  successful  in  bringing  the  Zapotecs  to  terms  that 
he  was  later  dispatched  to  conquer  the  country  lying  to  the  south- 
ward, known  as  Guatemala.  He  departed  on  this  mission  in  De- 
cember, 1523,  with  300  infantry,  135  cavalry,  4  cannon,  and  300 
Indian  allies.  Passing  beyond  Oaxaca,  Tehuantepec,  and  Soco- 
nusco,  Alvarado  encountered  desperate  resistance  from  the  Indians 
at  or  near  Quetzaltenango,  where  he  fought  three  battles  in  as 
many  days,  and  met  and  defeated  15,000  of  the  enemy.  At  another 
native  settlement  called  Utatlan  he  seized  a  cacique  who  had 
planned  an  ambuscade  of  the  Spanish  army,  and  whom,  after  his 
chaplain  had  converted  him  by  preaching  an  entire  day  in  his 
presence,  he  hanged  to  a  tree.  His  summary  treatment  of  the 
cacique  had  such  an  effect  that  a  considerable  body  of  Guate- 
malans, estimated  at  more  than  two  thousand,  offered  their  alle- 
giance and  assistance,  and  with  them  as  allies  he  marched  forward 
toward  the  city  of  Guatemala,  which  he  captured  without  delay. 
With  the  assistance  of  his  Indian  allies  he  soon  after  defeated  the 
warriors  of  Altitan,  who  lived  on  a  lake  not  far  distant  from  the 
capital  of  Guatemala,  and  who  wore  thick  coats  of  mail  and  were 
well  armed  in  the  aboriginal  fashion.  After  taking  their  fortress 
and  garrisoning  it  with  Spanish  soldiers,  Alvarado  next  marched 
against  the  Ixcuintepecs,  almost  entirely  destroying  these  barbarous 

429 


4<30  CENTRAL     AMERICA 

1523-1524 

people,  and  in  this  manner  subjugating  Guatemala  in  a  compara- 
tively brief  campaign. 

Information  had  come  to  Cortez  through  some  sailors  that 
the  province  of  Honduras,  which  lay  beyond  Yucatan  and  Guate- 
mala, was  rich  in  minerals,  particularly  gold;  and,  moreover,  as 
he  imagined  that  a  strait  or  passage  might  exist  in  that  direction 
leading  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  he  dispatched  another 
of  his  captains,  Cristoval  de  Olid,  in  search  of  both  mines  and 
strait.  On  January  n,  1524,  while  Alvarado  was  engaged  in 
Guatemala,  six  ships  set  sail  for  Honduras,  commanded  by  Olid, 
with  a  force  of  370  soldiers.  The  expedition  reached  its  destina- 
tion after  touching  at  Havana  for  horses  and  provisions,  and 
Olid  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  King  of 
Spain,  and  began  a  settlement,  which  he  named  Triumpho  de  la 
Cruz.  But  when  he  touched  at  Cuba  he  had  made  a  compact  with 
the  arch-enemy  of  Cortez,  Velasquez,  to  cast  off  his  allegiance  to 
Cortez,  and  set  up  an  independent  government.  Eight  months 
passed  before  intelligence  of  this  defection  reached  Cortez  in  Mex- 
ico, who  promptly  dispatched  another  fleet  to  Honduras,  under 
command  of  his  cousin,  Francisco  de  las  Casas.  The  fleet  consisted 
of  five  ships  and  carried  100  men,  some  of  whom  were  the  original 
conquerors  of  Mexico.  Arrived  at  Olid's  settlement,  Las  Casas 
hoisted  the  pennant  of  peace,  but  the  recreant  soldier,  one  of  the 
bravest  and  most  fearless  of  the  conquerors  who  had  fought  with 
Cortez,  attacked  the  first  landing  party  with  such  vigor  that  he 
sank  one  of  the  ships  and  killed  several  sailors,  wounding  many 
more.  A  gale  springing  up,  all  the  ships  were  driven  ashore  and 
lost,  and  Las  Casas  and  his  men  made  prisoners  by  Olid,  who  re- 
leased them  upon  their  swearing  fealty  to  him  and  enmity  to  Cortez. 
He  wrote  Velasquez  of  his  success,  and  was  so  openly  vainglorious 
and  confident  that  he  allowed  his  prisoners  to  be  at  large,  which 
circumstances  Las  Casas  took  advantage  of  to  conspire  with  others 
for  his  death.  The  gallant  Olid  had  said  he  was  only  too  happy 
to  have  such  a  gentleman  as  Las  Casas  for  a  companion,  and  the 
other  had  retorted :  "  Take  care  that  one  of  these  days  I  do  not 
kill  thee."  One  night,  as  they  were  seated  at  supper,  Las  Casas 
suddenly  leaped  upon  his  host  and,  seizing  him  by  the  beard,  cut 
his  throat  with  a  penknife,  inflicting  such  wounds  that  the  other 
conspirators  finally  overcame  the  victim  of  their  baseness  and  cut 
off  his  head. 


THE     FIVE     REPUBLICS  431 

1524-1525 

Finding  that  Las  Casas  was  supported  by  Cortez,  with  the 
authority  of  the  king  behind  him,  all  the  garrison  joined  the  new- 
commander  and  assisted  him  to  form  a  settlement,  which  he  called 
Truxillo,  and  which  exists  to-day.  He  then  returned  to  Mexico 
to  acquaint  Cortez  with  what  he  had  done  and  to  obtain  rein- 
forcements. 

Cortez  received  tidings  of  the  wreck  of  his  ships,  but  as  the 
months  passed  away  and  no  other  news  came,  he  supposed  Las 
Casas  and  his  command  all  drowned,  and  with  his  accustomed 
energy  at  once  organized  another  expedition.  There  was  a  lull 
in  his  activities  in  Mexico,  and  he  longed  for  new  fields  to  conquer, 
so  he  resolved  to  go  himself  in  search  of  Olid,  and,  instead  of 
proceeding  by  sea,  to  march  overland.  By  the  nearest  route,  as 
yet  unmarked  and  lying  through  untracked  forests  and  across  deep 
rivers,  the  distance  to  Olid's  settlement  was  all  of  fifteen  hundred 
miles;  but  the  prospective  difficulties  did  not  daunt  the  intrepid 
captor  of  Montezuma.  He  started  out  on  October  12,  1524,  after 
leaving  a  strong  garrison  in  the  City  of  Mexico  and  confidential 
deputies  to  act  for  him  in  his  absence,  with  a  force  of  about  200 
Spaniards  and  3000  Mexican  warriors.  In  order  to  deprive  the 
Aztecs  of  their  leaders,  in  case  they  should  meditate  insurrection, 
Cortez  also  took  with  him  as  hostages  King  Guatemozin  and  the 
cacique  of  Tacuba,  besides  several  other  sub-chiefs  of  importance. 
He  tried  to  make  his  retinue  impressive,  but  only  succeeded  in 
making  it  cumbersome  by  taking  along  a  large  number  of  super- 
numeraries, such  as  pages,  equerries,  grooms,  falconers,  friars,  and 
priests,  and  even  jugglers,  musicians,  and  puppet-players,  besides 
a  chamberlain,  surgeon,  a  majordomo,  and  a  butler. 

This  march  to  Honduras  was  the  turning-point  in  the  career 
of  Cortez,  and  the  beginning  of  the  misfortunes  that  overtook  him 
after  his  great  work  of  subjugating  Mexico  had  been  accomplished. 
That  his  head  was  turned  by  his  successes  seems  manifest  by  the 
absurdity  of  his  equipment  for  a  march  through  an  unknown  coun- 
try— even  in  the  undertaking  itself.  Besides  maintaining  an  ap- 
pearance of  state  by  the  assemblage  already  noted,  he  took  with 
him  his  valuable  service  of  plate,  and  behind  the  heterogeneous 
multitude  of  retainers  followed  a  herd  of  swine  in  charge  of  his 
chief  steward.  This  grotesque  company  moved  but  slowly,  as  may 
be  imagined,  and  was  a  long  time  in  crossing  Mexican  territory. 
In  the  province  of  Guacacualco  (Coatzacoalcos)  a  number  of  the 


432  CENTRAL     AMERICA 

1524-1525 

old  soldiers  were  settled,  as  they  had  hoped,  for  life,  having  large 
estates  and  encomiendas  of  Indians,  and  these  veterans,  who  had 
already  fought  and  won  many  battles  for  Cortez,  were  ordered  to 
join  him  in  his  wild-goose  chase  after  Olid.  One  of  these  old 
soldiers  afterward  wrote :  "  I  have  already  mentioned  how  this 
colony  was  formed  out  of  the  most  respectable  hidalgos  and  an- 
cient conquerors  of  the  country;  and  now  that  we  had  reason  to 
expect  to  be  left  in  quiet  possession  of  our  hard-earned  properties, 
our  houses,  and  our  farms,  we  were  obliged  to  undertake  a  hostile 
expedition  to  the  distance  of  fifteen  hundred  miles,  and  which  took 
up  the  time  of  two  and  a  half  years;  but  we  dared  not  say  no, 
neither  would  it  avail  us.  We  therefore  armed  ourselves,  and  mount- 
ing our  horses,  joined  the  expedition,  making  in  the  whole  above 
250  veterans,  of  whom  130  were  cavalry,  besides  many  Spaniards 
newly  arrived  from  Europe." 

In  Coatzacoalcos  Cortez  finally  rid  himself  of  Mariana,  his  in- 
terpreter, who  had  served  him  so  faithfully  in  several  capacities 
during  the  protracted  Mexican  campaign,  by  marrying  her  to  a 
Spaniard  of  his  party,  Don  Juan  Xamarillo,  and  settling  the  pair 
on  an  estate  in  this,  her  native,  province.  That  he  would  have  done 
better  to  have  kept  her  by  him,  at  least  until  the  Guatemalan  march 
was  over,  was  soon  made  manifest  by  the  difficulties  he  encountered 
of  communicating  with  the  Indians  of  the  southern  provinces,  and 
with  whose  language  Mariana  was  acquainted.  Up  to  this 
point  the  conqueror  of  Mexico  had  been  saluted  with  bonfires  and 
triumphal  arches  and  many  flattering  tributes  of  homage;  but 
beyond  the  great  River  Coatzacoalcos  he  entered  a  country  that 
knew  not  Cortez  save  by  vague  report.  In  place  of  abundance  of 
provisions  and  the  willing  service  of  burden-bearing  Indians  ready 
to  transport  his  luggage  and  ferry  his  little  army  across  the  numer- 
ous streams,  he  found  naught  but  savages  of  the  wildest  kind,  who 
fled  at  his  approach,  and  who  had  no  provisions  to  spare  or  who 
hid  them  at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  Days  and  even  weeks 
were  spent  in  wading  marches  saddle-girth  deep  in  quaking  mud, 
and  in  constructing  rude  bridges  across  the  swift  and  alligator- 
infested  rivers.  At  the  fording  of  the  River  Tabasco  the  Spaniards 
found  fifty  canoes  awaiting  them  laden  with  provisions  pro- 
vided by  the  foresight  of  Cortez,  who  had  sent  messengers  ahead 
to  the  colony  at  the  river's  mouth ;  but  a  few  days  farther  on  they 
came  to  a  river  so  wide  and  deep  that  they  could  not  bridge  it.  but 


THE     FIVE     REPUBLICS  4JM 

1524-1525 

were  detained  four  days  while  making  canoes  in  which  to  cross. 
Three  days  more  were  passed  floundering  in  an  immense  morass 
through  which  there  was  no  trail.  Impeded  by  tropical  vines  that 
entangled  both  men  and  horses,  and  stung  by  innumerable  in- 
sects, the  army  was  entirely  exhausted  when  it  finally  emerged 
upon  solid  land.  The  provisions  were  gone,  so  foraging  parties 
sought  out  food  in  the  Indian  villages,  an  abundance  of  maize 
being  found,  which  sufficed  for  several  days.  Another  river,  how- 
ever, which  took  three  days  to  cross,  depleted  the  supply  so  that 
the  company  was  brought  to  the  verge  of  starvation.  Another 
Indian  settlement  was  fortunately  discovered  just  in  time,  from  the 
granaries  of  which  all  received  sufficient  for  their  needs;  but 
during  the  halt  for  rest  and  refreshment  here  Cortez  learned  that 
some  of  the  Mexicans  had  perished  of  hunger  and  fatigue;  more 
than  this,  that  his  caciques  had  seized  several  natives  whom  they 
had  encountered  by  the  way  and  had  eaten  their  flesh  after  baking 
their  bodies  over  coals  and  heated  stones.  By  way  of  example, 
Cortez  caused  one  of  the  caciques  to  be  burned  alive,  and  about  ten 
days  after  he  committed  another  crime  of  the  sort  by  hanging 
Guatemozin  and  the  Prince  of  Tacuba  to  a  tree  in  the  forest.  They 
were  accused  of  plotting  the  destruction  of  the  Spaniards,  who, 
now  reduced  in  strength  and  numbers,  would  have  fallen  an  easy 
prey  to  the  Mexicans  had  they  really  intended  to  destroy  them. 

In  the  gloom  of  the  trackless  forest  the  now  morose  Mexicans 
and  indignant  Spaniards  stumbled  on,  guided  only  by  a  compass 
that  Cortez  had  with  him  and  a  rude  map  made  by  an  Indian. 
One  night,  close  following  upon  the  execution  of  Guatemozin  and 
his  cousin,  Cortez  received  several  injuries  by  falling  amid  the 
ruins  of  an  Indian  temple,  in  which  he  was  wandering,  weak  from 
hunger  and  tortured,  perchance,  by  the  upbraidings  of  his  con- 
science. He  concealed  his  injuries  as  well  as  he  could,  but  a  des- 
perate wound  in  his  head  was  visible  to  all. 

Emerging  finally  from  the  vast  forest,  in  which  they  had 
wandered  for  weeks,  the  miserable  adventurers  came  to  a  plain, 
wmere  the  sun  shone  with  tropical  intensity  and  waited  them  with 
its  heat.  But  plenty  again  greeted  them  in  the  shape  of  numerous 
deer,  which  the  cavaliers  ran  down  on  their  horses;  and  again 
they  came  to  a  lake  in  which  were  small  fish,  which  they  netted  by 
the  thousand.  Thus  abundance  alternated  with  famine,  but  dread 
hunger  threatened  soon  after  the  lake  was  left  behind,  when,  the 


434  CENTRAL     AMERICA 

1524-1525 

rainy  season  having-  commenced  and  the  rivers  being  in  flood,  it 
became  necessary  to  delay  the  march  for  days  in  order  to  throw 
bridges  across  the  raging  torrents.  It  was  after  they  had  penetrated 
finally  to  within  the  confines  of  Guatemala  that  the  most  toilsome 
work  was  encountered,  in  crossing  a  rocky  region  were  the  flint- 
stones  were  so  sharp  that  all  the  horses  and  most  of  the  men  were 
lamed,  eight  of  the  former  perishing  by  the  way. 

But  at  last,  after  enduring  incredible  privations,  after  losing 
hundreds  of  his  men  from  famine  and  fatigue,  after  his  own  in- 
trepid spirit  had  been  brought  to  the  verge  of  despair,  Cortez  ar- 
rived upon  the  banks  of  a  river  which  led  to  the  sea,  and  at  the 
mouth  of  which,  he  learned,  Olid  had  established  his  settlement. 
Four  days  later  the  famished  and  exhausted  army  reached  the  sea 
— only  to  discover  (what  the  reader  already  knows)  that  Olid  had 
been  assassinated,  that  the  colony  was  in  perfect  accord  with  and 
subjected  to  Cortez ;  that,  in  fact,  his  terrible  journey,  of  more 
than  fifteen  hundred  miles,  with  its  consequent  dangers,  deaths, 
and  toils,  had  been  altogether  needless,  and  far  worse  than  useless. 

The  colony  was  already  at  starvation's  point,  and  the  advent 
of  this  famishing  company  necessitated  foraging  parties  for  the 
plunder  of  the  natives.  Confronted  with  this  new  danger,  Cortez 
acted  with  his  wonted  energy,  and  himself  went  on  an  exploring 
tour  of  nearly  a  month,  in  which  he  was  severely  wounded  in  the 
face  by  hostile  Indians.  Leaving  Naco,  where  the  unfortunate 
Olid  had  been  executed,  Cortez  sailed  for  Truxillo,  the  colony 
established  by  Las  Casas,  from  which  place  he  sent  a  long  dispatch 
to  the  King  of  Spain  and  a  valuable  present  of  gold,  which,  accord- 
ing to  Bernal  Diaz,  was  taken  from  what  remained  of  his  valu- 
able service  of  plate.  In  point  of  fact,  little  gold  was  discovered 
at  that  time  on  this  coast,  and  no  news  arriving  from  Mexico, 
Cortez  was  in  deep  dejection.  When  it  did  arrive,  however,  his 
friends,  assembled  outside  the  apartment  to  which  he  had  retired, 
heard  him  groan  in  anguish,  for  the  tidings  were  to  the  effect  that 
not  only  had  his  whole  party  been  given  up  as  lost,  but  his  own 
funeral  services  had  been  celebrated  and  his  property  sold  to  de- 
fray the  expense  of  masses  for  his  soul's  salvation.  The  deputies 
whom  he  had  left  to  act  in  his  absence  had  arrested  his  own  friends, 
the  natives  were  encouraged  to  revolt,  and  the  colony,  in  fact,  was 
on  the  verge  of  civil  war. 

Little  wonder  that  Cortez  was  reduced  to  despair,  and  that 


THE     FIVE     REPUBLICS  435 

1525-1526 

he  "  had  gotten  a  Franciscan  habit  to  be  buried  in."  As  soon  as 
he  had  read  the  letters  he  "  was  overwhelmed  with  sorrow  and 
distress,"  says  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  in  his  history.  lie  "  retired 
to  his  private  apartment,  where  we  could  hear  that  he  was  suffer- 
ing under  the  greatest  agitation.  He  did  not  stir  out  for  the  entire 
day;  at  night  he  confessed,  and  ordered  a  mass  for  the  ensuing 
morning,  after  which  he  called  us  together  and  read  to  us  the 
intelligence  he  had  received,  and  whereby  we  learned  that  it  had 
been  universally  reported  and  believed  in  New  Spain  that  we  were 
all  dead,  and  our  properties  had  in  consequence  been  sold  by  public 
auction." 

Overwhelmed  by  the  appalling  tidings,  Cortez  at  first  resolved 
to  remain  in  Central  America  and  apply  himself  to  the  colonization 
of  the  country;  but  at  last,  after  he  had  listened  to  the  arguments 
of  his  companions,  he  consented  to  return  to  Mexico.  A  vessel 
was  made  ready,  and  after  several  false  starts  he  finally  made  the 
voyage  without  further  mishap,  though  sick  nigh  unto  death, 
landing  near  Vera  Cruz  on  May  16,  and  making  his  triumphal 
entry  into  the  City  of  Mexico  on  June  19,  1526. 

The  survivors  of  the  expedition  to  Honduras,  who  had  many 
a  time  cursed  Cortez  as  the  author  of  their  misfortunes,  returned  to 
Mexico  overland  and  by  the  way  of  Guatemala.  "  I  recollect," 
says  blunt  and  faithful  Bernal  Diaz,  "  that  we  threw  stones  at  the 
country  we  left  behind  us."  They  were  met  by  one  of  Alvarado's 
captains,  who  conducted  them  to  Old  Guatemala,  and  thence  to 
Olintepeque,  where  Alvarado's  main  force  was  quartered.  By 
this  time  Alvarado  had  nearly  accomplished  the  subjugation  of  the 
Guatemalan  Indians,  and  after  a  few  fights,  in  which  the  former 
companions  of  Cortez  joined  very  cheerfully,  they  all  arrived  at 
the  frontiers  of  Mexico  and  Guatemala,  whence  they  made  their 
way  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  arriving  there  after  an  absence  of  two 
years  and  three  months.  Cortez  received  them  with  tears  of  joy, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  went  forth  to  meet  them;  but 
after  the  novelty  of  their  appearance  was  over,  these  faithful  fol- 
lowers of  the  great  captain  were  allowed  to  fall  into  neglect. 

Alvarado  "  went  to  his  residence  in  the  fortress,  of  which  he 
had  been  appointed  alcalde,"  and  later  to  Spain,  where  he  was 
received  with  great  favor  by  the  emperor,  and  appointed  governor 
of  Guatemala.  Returning  to  the  scene  of  his  conquest,  he  there 
ruled  as  might  be  expected  of  the  man  who  had  massacred  the 


436  CENTRAL     AMERICA 

1526-1541 

Mexican  nobles  in  1520.  His  reign  was  a  cruel  and  oppressive  one; 
he  devoted  himself  to  gaining  the  gold  of  the  country  rather  than 
to  its  advancement,  and  as  many  adventurers  had  followed  him  to 
Guatemala  and  Honduras,  he  had  no  difficulty  in  organizing  vari- 
ous expeditions  to  Peru,  where  he  came  in  conflict  with  Pizarro 
and  obtained  some  of  the  Inca's  treasure ;  and  to  northern  Mex- 
ico, later  on,  where  he  received  a  wound  that  caused  his  death, 
in  1 541,  six  years  before  the  demise  of  his  great  commander, 
Cortez. 

In  the  preceding  narrative  of  events  that  led  up  to  the  con- 
quest and  colonization  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras  it  is  clearly 
shown  that  the  impulse  came  from  Mexico,  to  the  northward.  But 
that  country  itself  had  been  brought  to  the  attention  of  Europe 
through  explorations  sent  out  from  Cuba,  which  was  colonized  by 
settlers  from  San  Domingo.  There  were,  then,  several  centers 
of  conquest  and  colonization :  first,  San  Domingo,  from  which  had 
resulted  Cuba ;  then  Mexico,  then  Guatemala-Honduras ;  second, 
Darien,  crossing  which  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  had  discovered 
the  Pacific  Ocean  in  15 13;  and,  following  after  him,  Pizarro  ac- 
complished the  conquest  of  Peru  in  1 531-1532, 

Balboa,  it  will  hardly  be  necessary  to  remind  the  reader,  was 
beheaded  by  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila  in  15 17.  After  his  death  Avila 
continued  his  explorations  along  the  Caribbean  coast  of  Central 
America,  attempting  settlements  at  various  points,  and  one  of  his 
agents,  "  whom  he  had  sent  to  make  conquests  in  Nicaragua  and 
Leon."  came  in  contact  with  Las  Casas  and  Cortez,  Thus  the 
explorers  from  two  different  centers  of  colonization  met,  the  one 
party  coming  down  from  the  north  and  the  other  from  the  south. 
Avila's  agent,  Captain  Francisco  Hernandez,  had  reduced  the  na- 
tives to  obedience  and  established  a  colony.  Having  been  warned 
that  Avila  would  do  to  him  as  he  had  done  to  Balboa — whom  he 
had  decapitated,  notwithstanding  he  was  then  married  to  his  daugh- 
ter— Hernandez  desired  to  sever  connection  with  that  monster  and 
establish  relations  with  his  sovereign  in  Spain  through  Cortez. 
Called  back  to  Mexico,  Cortez  could  not  assist  him,  and  Hernan- 
dez was  soon  after  arrested  by  Avila's  emissaries  and  beheaded. 
His  fate  is  aside  from  the  main  current  of  this  narrative ;  but  these 
facts  are  related  in  order  to  show  the  trend  of  exploration,  and  to 
outline  the  chain  of  discoveries  by  which  the  country  now  known 
as  Central  America,  and  comprising  the  republics  of  Guatemala, 


T  II  E     FIVE     11  E  PUBLICS  437 

1526-1821 

Honduras,  Nicaragua,  Salvador,  and  Costa  Rica,  was  made  known 
to  the  world. 

On  his  fourth  voyage,  in  1502,  Columbus  first  sighted  the 
north  coast  of  Honduras,  sailing  along  which  he  finally  doubled  its 
eastern  cape,  which  he  called  Gracias  a  Dios,  or  "  Thanks  to  God," 
and  thence  coasted  the  Caribbean  shores  of  Nicaragua,  as  well  as 
of  Costa  Rica,  which  last  he  named  the  "  Rich  Coast,"  from  the 
abundance  of  gold  he  found  in  possession  of  the  natives.  He  was 
so  impressed,  in  fact,  that  he  attempted  a  settlement  on  the  River 
Belen,  which  he  was  obliged  to  abandon  the  following  year  on  ac- 
count of  the  hostility  of  the  Indians. 

Twenty  years  later,  as  already  related,  Avila  established  settle- 
ments on  this  coast,  and  after  the  two  groups  of  conquistadores  had 
finally  met  and  divided  the  territory  between  them  the  coloniza- 
tion of  the  central  continent  went  on  apace.  It  was  from  the  first, 
and  remained  for  three  hundred  years,  a  Spanish  possession.  The 
natives  were  allied  to  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan,  with  an  Aztec  intrusion 
in  Nicaragua,  and  the  remains  of  a  remote  civilization  are  found  in 
every  republic,  the  monuments  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras  being 
especially  noteworthy.  The  Indians  found  in  possession  by  the 
Spaniards  fought  fiercely  and  obstinately  in  defense  of  their  native 
land,  but  in  vain.  They  were  finally  overwhelmed  by  the  invading 
Spaniards,  but  their  valor  and  their  virility  are  shown  by  their 
preponderance  in  the  population  of  to-day.  Like  the  Aztecs,  and 
unlike  the  more  effeminate  natives  of  the  West  Indies,  the  aborig- 
ines of  Central  America  survived  the  cruelties  of  the  conquest,  and 
their  descendants  occupy  the  greater  portion  of  the  land  at  the 
present  time. 

When,  after  three  hundred  years  of  occupation,  the  Spaniards 
were  driven  from  the  country,  no  such  sanguinary  scenes  were 
enacted  as  attended  the  birth  of  freedom  in  Mexico.  The  Spanish 
yoke  was  thrown  off  easily,  in  some  cases  reluctantly,  and  the 
fighting  began  after  1821,  in  which  year  independence  was  declared. 
During  Spanish  supremacy  Guatemala  was  governed  as  a  captain- 
generalcy,  which  included  fifteen  provinces  of  Chiapas,  Suchi- 
tepeque,  Escuintla,  Sonsonate,  Salvador,  Vera  Paz,  Petten,  Chi- 
quimula,  Honduras,  Costa  Rica,  Tontonicapan,  Quesaltenango, 
Solola,  Chimaltenango,  and  Sacatepeque,  covering  the  entire  terri- 
tory now  known  as  Central  America,  and  since  split  up  into  five 
republics. 


438  CENTRAL     AMERICA 

1821   1908 

The  reign  of  the  viceroys  in  Guatemala,  which  during  the 
Spanish  regime  included  all  of  what  is  now  known  as  Central 
America,  was  like  that  of  the  viceroyal  period  in  Mexico,  and 
presents  few  salient  points  of  interest  for  the  reader  of  to-day.  It 
was  cruel  and  extortionate,  yet  the  common  people,  through  long 
endurance  of  political  ills,  had  become  so  accustomed  to  it  that 
they  were  apathetic  as  to  a  change.  When,  however,  they  had 
a  taste  of  freedom,  all  their  warlike  energies  were  aroused  and  the 
land  was  vexed  with  innumerable  uprisings  similar  to  those  which 
disturbed  Mexico  during  its  period  of  discontent. 

Shortly  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards  a  Central  Ameri- 
can federation  was  formed,  which  maintained  a  precarious  exist- 
ence until  1839,  when  it  was  overthrown  by  an  ignorant  Indian, 
Rafael  Carrera,  who  practically  founded  the  present  Republic  of 
Guatemala,  over  which  he  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron  until  his  death 
in  1865.  Soon  after  his  demise  rose  to  eminence  Justo  Rufino 
Barrios,  who  in  1867  led  a  band  of  revolutionary  volunteers  against 
the  government  and  gained  a  final  triumph  in  1871.  Two  years 
later  he  became  president  and  issued  decrees  proclaiming  the 
freedom  of  the  press  and  suppression  of  the  religious  orders.  In 
1876  he  combated  the  reactionary  party,  which  was  assisted  by 
Salvador  and  Honduras ;  a  liberal  constitution  was  proclaimed  in 
1879  and  the  next  year  Barrios  was  reelected  president  for  a  term 
of  six  years.  In  February,  1885,  he  published  a  proclamation  "  in- 
tended to  effect  the  union  of  all  the  Central  American  republics 
under  one  central  government ;  but  cabals  on  the  part  of  the  presi- 
dents of  Honduras  and  Salvador  frustrated  this  purpose  and  led 
to  renewed  warfare."  Barrios  was  fatally  wounded  in  an  attack 
upon  the  forces  of  Salvador,  when  he  had  a  son  killed  at  his  side, 
and  died  in  Chalchuapa,  April  2,  1885. 

In  1887  a  treaty  was  concluded  at  Guatemala  between  the  five 
republics  of  Central  America  for  "  establishing  an  intimate  relation- 
ship between  them,  and,  by  making  the  continuance  of  peace  certain, 
to  provide  for  their  future  fusion  into  one  country."  This  desirable 
consummation  has  not  yet  been  attained,  but  the  mere  fact  of  a 
convention  with  this  aim  in  view  was  a  long  step  in  the  direction 
of  political  union  and  permanent  peace. 

A  further  violation  of  the  general  peace  conditions  in  Central 
America  occurred  when,  on  June  22,  1906,  Guatemalan  troops  in- 
vaded Salvador,  and  on  July  14,  war  was  declared  between  Guate- 


THE     FIVE     REPUBLICS  439 

1525-1910 

mala  and  Honduras.  Three  days  later,  however,  the  three  countries 
thus  interested,  Guatemala,  Honduras  and  Salvador  agreed  upon 
an  armistice.  This  resulted  in  the  signing  of  a  treaty  on  July  20, 
on  board  the  United  States  cruiser  Marblehcad.  The  present  con- 
ditions of  the  country  are  excellent,  the  population  being,  in  1908, 
1,882,992,  with  exports  of  $10,174,486,  and  imports  of  $7,316,574. 

The  political  development  and  governmental  status  of  all  the 
Central  American  republics  partook  of  the  same  general  character. 
Honduras,  as  we  have  seen,  was  discovered  by  Columbus  in  1502, 
settled  by  Cortez  and  Avila  twenty  to  thirty  years  later,  and,  like 
Guatemala,  was  held  by  Spain  three  hundred  years,  when,  in  1823, 
it  revolted  and  joined  the  Central  American  Union  the  same  year, 
becoming  independent  in  1839.  Nearly  thirty  years  of  strife  fol- 
lowed the  declaration  of  independence,  and  it  is  only  within  the 
last  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  that  the  country  has  enjoyed 
anything  like  a  settled  condition  of  affairs. 

In  spite  of  this,  however,  troubles  arose  with  the  other  Cen- 
tral American  States,  and  Honduras  has  been  at  war  with  Guate- 
mala and  Salvador  within  the  past  couple  of  years.  As  yet  a  gen- 
eral peace  has  not  been  secured,  through  which  these  five  States 
can  work  together  in  harmony,  to  the  advancement  of  all.  It  is 
the  hope  of  the  diplomatists  of  them  all,  as  well  as  the  policy  of 
the  United  States,  to  secure  such  a  treaty  that  will  be  equally 
binding.  Honduras  is  one  of  the  smallest  numerically,  containing 
only  500,136  population.  Its  exports  during  1908  were  $1,834,060, 
while  its  imports  during  the  same  time  were  $2,829,979. 

Salvador,  the  smallest,  but  the  most  thickly  populated,  of  the 
five  republics,  was  originally  known  as  Cuscatlan,  and  was  con- 
quered by  Pedro  de  Alvarado  after  a  prolonged  contest  in  the  year 
1525-1526.  Throwing  off  the  Spanish  fetters  in  1821,  and  joining 
the  confederacy  in  1823,  since  1839  it  has  been  practically  independ- 
ent, maintaining  itself  as  a  republic  since  1853.  It  has  taken  an 
active  part  in  the  internecine  strife  which  for  so  long  a  period 
prevented  progress  in  the  central  continent,  seeming  to  desire  a 
"finger  in  every  pie,"  and  in  1890  resenting  with  arms  the  pro- 
posed union  between  the  different  states  by  a  brief  war  with  Guate- 
mala. The  republic  has  participated  in  the  various  disturbances  of 
Central  America,  but  in  spite  of  this,  with  a  population  of  1,116,253, 
it  has  a  revenue  of  $18,131,400,  and  its  expenditures  for  1908  were 


440  CENTRAL     AMERICA 

1902-1910 

$18,308,564.    The  exports  for  1908  were  $15,163,460,  while  the  im- 
ports for  that  same  year  were  $3,440,721. 

Nicaragua  early  felt  the  impulse  of  Spanish  exploration  north- 
ward from  the  Isthmus,  its  city  of  Granada  having  been  founded 
in  1524,  and  various  settlements  made  on  both  its  coasts.  Occupy- 
ing a  commanding  position,  with  its  territory  extending  from  the 
Caribbean  to  the  Pacific,  Nicaragua  had  a  peculiar  value  in  the  eyes 


of  the  Spaniards;  but  they  were  finally  expelled  in  1821,  after  three 
centuries  of  dominance,  and  from  1823  to  1839  the  country  was 
a  member  of  the  federation  of  States.  Revolutions  convulsed  the 
republic  for  a  long  time  after  its  assertion  of  independence,  and 
war  was  carried  on,  not  only  with  Guatemala  and  Costa  Rica,  but 
with  Great  Britain ;  with  the  last  named  on  account  of  its  protec- 
torate over  the  Mosquito  Coast,  which  it  held  during  two  centuries 
and  then  relinquished  to  Nicaragua  in   i860.     Between   1855  and 


T II  E     FIVE     REP  U  B  L  I  C  S  441 

1902-1910 

i860  Walker,  the  American  filibuster,  took  part  in  the  contest  in 
Nicaragua  between  two  parties  in  dissension,  and  created  a  strange 
role  which  he  played  to  the  end. 

Nicaragua  was  of  special  interest  to  the  United  States  in  con- 
nection with  the  construction  of  an  inter-oceanic  canal,  presenting 
as  it  did  an  alternative  project  to  that  of  Panama.  Several  cuts 
across  the  continent  were  proposed  when  the  United  States  began 
its  surveys,  as  at  Tehuantepec,  Nicaragua,  Panama,  and  Darien; 
but  it  was  at  last  brought  down  to  a  question  of  feasibility  between 
Nicaragua  and  Panama,  the  many  advantages  in  favor  of  the  latter 
resulting  in  its  selection  in  1902. 

Nicaragua,  like  all  its  sister  republics  in  the  central  continent, 
possesses  a  mountainous  country,  but  with  a  deeper  depression  be- 
tween the  Caribbean  and  Pacific  than  any  of  the  others.  It  also 
has  every  variety  of  climate,  with  consequent  abundance  of  vege- 
table productions,  its  climatic  changes  ranging  from  the  heat  of 
the  coast  country  or  tierra  caliente,  through  the  templada,  to  the 
fria,  or  cold  region  of  the  mountains. 

It  is  in  the  main  a  healthful  country;  but,  being  the  home  of 
volcanoes  (as  indeed  all  Central  America  may  be  called),  there 
is  always  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  terrestrial  disturbances ; 
aside  from  the  possibility  of  which,  however,  the  Nicaragua  project 
had  many  indisputable  advantages.  These  advantages  may  be 
summed  up  as  climatic,  hydrographic,  topographic ;  the  large  and 
deep  lake  of  Nicaragua,  at  an  elevation  of  over  one  hundred  feet 
above  sea-level,  affords  a  perpetual  supply  of  water,  easily  con- 
trolled. 

During  the  past  few  )^ears  Nicaragua  has  been  before  the  pub- 
lic on  more  than  one  occasion.  During  the  latter  part  of  1906  it 
had  trouble  with  Honduras,  but  the  Powers  insisted  upon  a  settle- 
ment by  arbitration,  and  matters  continued  in  abeyance  until 
February  19,  1907,  when  Honduras  sent  troops  against  the  Nicar- 
aguan  forces  on  the  frontier,  and  was  defeated.  Nicaragua  pressed 
the  vantage  gained,  taking  the  Honduras  capital  on  March  26. 
The  United  States  then  intervened,  pursuing  its  policy  of  urging 
peace  between  the  Central  American  countries,  and  on  September 
17  a  protocol  was  finally  signed  at  Washington  to  prepare  a  peace 
treaty.  This  brought  about  such  amicable  relations  between  Ni- 
caragua and  Honduras  that  on  July  8,  1908,  troops  were  ordered 
from  the  former  country  to  aid  Honduras  in  putting  down  a  rebel- 


442  CENTRAL     AMERICA 

1909-1910 

lion.  In  the  meanwhile,  affairs  between  Nicaragua  and  Salvador 
had  reached  such  a  pitch  that  April  16,  1909,  preparations  were 
begun  for  war  against  Salvador.  Nicaragua  also  became  involved 
in  other  directions,  finally  having  trouble  within  its  own  borders 
with  insurrectionists.  It  was  in  connection  with  the  later  that 
Nicaragua  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  United  States.  Two 
Americans,  Leroy  Cannon  and  Leonard  Groce  were  executed  by  the 
Nicaraguan  government  November  18.  The  United  States  govern- 
ment immediately  demanded  an  explantion,  ordering  two  warships 
to  Nicaraguan  ports.  On  December  1  Secretary  Knox  dismissed 
the  representative  of  Nicaragua  from  Washington,  notifying  that 
government  it  would  be  held  responsible  for  the  death  of  the  two 
American  citizens.  The  Nicaraguan  government  claimed  that 
these  two  men  were  numbered  among  the  insurgents,  were  cap- 
tured and  executed  according  to  the  rules  of  warfare.  The  feeling 
against  President  Zalaya,  however,  was  so  great  that  he  resigned, 
and  on  December  20,  Jose  Madirz  was  elected  president  by  the 
Nicaraguan  Congress.  This  was  not  accepted  by  General  Estrada, 
and  the  United  States  did  not  favor  the  selection.  Former  Presi- 
dent Zelaya  left  Nicaragua  on  Christmas  day,  and  after  going  to 
Mexico,  made  his  way  to  Paris,  where  he  is  now  engaged  in  trying 
to  formulate  a  defense  for  his  actions,  particularly  those  in  con- 
nection with  the  execution  of  the  two  Americans.  In  the  mean- 
while the  new  government  of  Nicaragua  exonerated  the  members 
of  the  court  martial  that  executed  Cannon  and  Groce,  upon 
the  grounds  that  they  acted  according  to  Zelaya's  orders.  Mat- 
ters are  still,  in  the  spring  of  1910,  in  an  unsettled  state.  The 
claims  of  the  United  States  have  not  been  satisfied.  Civil  War 
is  raging  in  Nicaragua,  and  until  that  is  settled,  little  satisfaction 
can  be  obtained.  While  all  this  internal  trouble  is  convulsing 
the  country,  the  Central  American  Peace  Conference  has  been  in 
session  at  San  Salvador.  Among  other  measures,  it  has  adopted 
the  gold  standard,  a  system  of  tariff  reciprocity  for  all  five  of  the 
countries,  the  unification  of  the  consular  services  abroad,  and  the 
compulsory  use  of  the  metric  system. 

Costa  Rica,  the  southernmost  of  the  five  republics,  like  Nicar- 
agua, occupies  the  entire  breadth  of  the  continent  between  sea  and 
ocean.  Its  history  is  practically  that  of  the  others,  with  only  local 
variations  on  the  word  "pronunciamiento,"  and  its  struggles  with 
itself  are  indicated  by  the  fact  that  during  its  brief  existence  it  has 


THE     FIVE     REPUBLICS  442a 

1902-1910 

enjoyed  nearly  a  dozen  different  "constitutions."  On  May  26,  1908, 
the  Central  American  Court  of  Justice  was  opened  at  Cartago, 
which  was  considered  a  big  step  forward  for  the  people  of  this 
country. 

It  was  named  the  "Rich  Coast"  by  Columbus,  but  it  was  not 
until  three  hundred  years  later  that  its  mines  were  really  developed 
and  revealed  their  wonderful  riches.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
all  the  republics,  which  are  similar  in  their  natural  resources,  with 
a  tropical  vegetation  in  the  main,  with  vast  mineral  wealth  being 
increasingly  exploited,  with  a  vigorous  population  chiefly  devoted  to 
agriculture  (when  not  in  revolution)  and  comprising  more  Indians 
and  mixed  peoples  than  whites.  This  population,  in  1908,  was  311,176; 
the  revenue  for  that  year  was  $7,916,475,  but  the  expenditures  were 
$9,191,450.  The  exports  for  1908  were  $1,870,820,  while  the  imports 
were  $1,511,627. 

Following  the  pace  set  by  Mexico,  the  more  southern  republics 
have  aligned  themselves  with  progress;  commerce  is  wonderfully 
increasing,  railroads  are  being  built  to  all  important  points,  and  the 
country  covered  with  a  network  of  telegraph  and  telephone  lines, 
so  that  even  the  most  remote  regions  are  being  placed  in  communi- 
cation with  civilization.  With  a  republican  system  of  government 
copied  after  that  of  the  United  States  as  a  model — a  representative 
government  in  theory,  at  least,  all  citizens  equal  before  the  law, 
and  education  promoted  in  every  respect  by  large  appropriations — 
the  five  republics  of  Central  America  are  fitting  themselves  ulti- 
mately to  fill  the  commanding  position  they  hold  between  two  great 
continents  and  two  vast  contiguous  seas. 


HISTORY  OF 
THE  WEST  INDIES 


HISTORY  OF 
THE  WEST  INDIES 

Chapter   I 

EXPLORATION  AND  SETTLEMENT.      1492-1793 

IN  that  vast  territory  comprising  the  West  Indies,  Mexico,  and 
Central  America,  the  United  States  should  be  particularly  in- 
terested, if  merely  on  account  of  relative  contiguity  and  possible 
commercial  supremacy.  In  all  those  countries  combined  there  is 
an  approximate  total  population  of  sixty  million,  with  exports  and 
imports  aggregating  more  than  a  billion  dollars  annually. 

W'ith  but  few  exceptions,  throughout  the  whole  extent  of  that 
vast  area  covered  by  the  two  continents  and  the  Caribbean  islands 
the  language  generally  spoken  is  Spanish,  or  structurally  Latin,  like 
the  French  of  Haiti  and  the  Portuguese  of  Brazil.  Hence  this 
region  has  well  been  termed  "  Latin  America,"  the  Latin-Ameri- 
cans and  their  numerous  relations  of  mixed  bloods  being  every- 
where predominant.  And  yet,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  there  is 
now  little  sympathy  with  Spain  among  these  peoples  having  racial 
and  linguistic  affinities  with  her.  She  is  regarded  as  the  mother 
country  of  the  greater  portion,  it  is  true,  but  the  prevailing  in- 
difference may  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  anciently  she  treated 
her  American  colonials  more  as  if  she  stood  to  them  in  the  relation 
of  the  proverbial  step-mother.  At  all  events  history  shows  that 
she  was  a  most  unnatural  parent,  treating  her  children  with  great 
inhumanity,  and  carrying  on,  through  three  hundred  years  and 
more,  a  policy  of  oppression  that  resulted  in  nearly  all  Spaniards 
becoming  objects  of  aversion,  even  of  detestation. 

The  "  Gachupines,"  or  peninsular  Spanish,  left  behind  them  a 
legacy  of  hatred  that  has  survived  to  the  present  time,  and  no  at- 
tempt on  the  part  of  Spain  to  rehabilitate  herself  or  to  establish 
an  entente  cordiale  with  the  peoples  of  her  long-lost  territories  can 
ever  succeed. 

The  nineteenth  century  was  a  sad  one  for  Spain.    At  its  open- 

445 


446  WEST     INDIES 

1492-1511 

ing  her  sway  practically  extended  over  nearly  all  the  territory  (ex- 
cept that  occupied  by  Brazil)  lying  beyond  the  southern  boundary 
line  of  the  United  States.  As  its  ending  she  found  herself  reduced 
to  the  ownership  of  but  a  beggarly  portion  of  her  colonial  empire, 
having  lost  by  the  war  of  1898  alone  possessions  in  America  and 
Asia  of  an  aggregate  area  of  165,000  miles  and  a  population  of 
more  than  10,000,000. 

The  first  quarter  of  that  century  witnessed  the  severance  from 
Spain  of  all  her  Mexican,  Central  American,  and  South  American 
colonies,  besides  Florida  and  the  Louisiana  Territory.  During 
the  reign  of  weak  and  vicious  Ferdinand  VII.  she  lost  all  that  re- 
mained of  the  Americas  save  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico.  Mexico 
raised  the  standard  of  revolt  in  1808,  Venezuela  in  18 10,  Chile, 
Peru,  and  the  rest  following  swiftly  after,  until  nothing  remained 
except  the  islands  from  which  she  was  expelled  by  the  Americans 
in  1898. 

Of  the  nine  independent  republics  and  twenty  dependencies 
comprised  in  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  the  West  Indies,  with 
aggregate  areas  of  a  million  square  miles  and  a  population  approx- 
imating twenty-four  million,  there  is  no  more  interesting  country 
than  Cuba,  the  largest  and  most  populous  island  in  the  West 
Indies. 

Discovered  in  October,  1492.  on  the  28th  of  that  month,  by 
the  renowned  navigator  Christopher  Columbus,  while  pursuing  his 
first  voyage  to  the  New  World,  it  was  first  named  by  him  after 
Princess  Juana.  It  was  also  called  Feraandina ;  but  its  aboriginal 
name  has  persisted,  and  finally  survives,  most  fortunately,  for  as 
Cuba  the  island  is  universally  known  to-day. 

Generously  endowed  by  nature,  this  "  Pearl  of  the  Antilles  " 
early  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards;  but  it  was  not  until 
1508  that  Cuba  was  circumnavigated  (by  Sebastian  de  Ocampo), 
Columbus  having  died  in  the  belief  that  it  was  a  continent. 

Through  the  discovery  of  gold  in  Hispaniola  (now  known  as 
Haiti — San  Domingo)  the  settlements  in  that  island  took  prece- 
dence of  those  in  Cuba  by  nearly  twenty  years.  But  as  soon  as 
the  colonists  settled  in  the  latter  island  they  took  a  firm  hold  on  the 
soil  and  in  a  few  years  were  far  more  prosperous  than  those  in  the 
sister  isle  (where  the  quality  of  permanency  was  lacking),  and 
which  soon  went  into  decadence. 

The  first  expeditions  for  the  exploration  and  colonization  of 


KXl'LOHATION     AND     SETTLEMENT      447 

1511-1539 

Mexico  started  from  Cuba,  and  when  the  great  natural  advantages 
of  this  island  became  known,  and  especially  its  fine  port  of  Havana, 
the  upbuilding  of  the  colony  went  on  rapidly  and  uninterruptedly. 
It  was  actually  colonized  by  Diego  Velasquez,  who  was  sent  from 
Hispaniola  for  that  purpose  by  Don  Diego  Columbus,  son  of  the 
great  admiral  and  then  viceroy  of  the  Indies.  I  lis  expedition 
landed  on  the  south  coast  of  Cuba  in  151 1,  not  far  from  the  en- 
trance to  Guantanamo  Bay;  but  his  first  actual  settlement  was  at 
Baracoa,  the  next  year,  15 12,  where  an  old  castle  is  still  pointed 
out  as  one  of  his  forts. 

Santiago  and  Trinidad  were  founded  respectively  in  15 14  and 
1515,  and  a  settlement  was  begun,  also  on  the  south  coast,  at  or 
near  the  present  site  of  Batabano,  which  was  called  San  Cristobal 
de  la  Habana.  The  present  city  Havana,  however  (the  since 
famous  and  yet  flourishing  capital  of  Cuba),  had  no  existence 
previous  to  the  year  (1519)  in  which  Cortez  set  sail  from  its  har- 
bor for  Mexico,  though  that  harbor  had  been  discovered  by  Ocampo 
in  1508. 

With  Diego  Velasquez  sailed  Hernando  Cortez  and  Bartolome 
de  las  Casas,  both  of  whom  afterward  loomed  largely  in  the  his- 
tory of  America,  the  former  as  the  conqueror  of  Mexico,  or 
New  Spain,  and  the  latter  as  the  first  "  defender  "  of  the  Indians. 
Not  far  from  Santiago  (from  whose  port  Cortez  first  set  forth 
Mexicoward)  Las  Casas  at  one  time  held  possession  of  an  en- 
comienda  of  Indians,  and  there  had  his  eyes  opened  to  the  atrocities 
perpetrated  by  his  countrymen  upon  the  innocent  natives. 

Thus  Cuba  had  much  to  do  with  the  conquest  of  the  continent, 
after  the  decline  of  Hispaniola,  for  not  only  were  all  the  Mexican 
expeditions  sent  from  that  island — under  Grijalva,  Cordova,  Cor- 
tez, Narvaez — but  also  those  for  the  conquest  of  Florida,  most 
noteworthy  among  which  was  the  expedition  commanded  by  Her- 
nando de  Soto  in  1539. 

The  aborigines  suffered  the  fate  of  those  in  Hispaniola  and  the 
Bahamas — that  is,  they  were  soon  exterminated.  In  Mexico  and 
Central  America,  as  well  as  in  Florida  and  some  of  the  smaller 
isles  of  the  West  Indies,  the  Indians  were  either  too  virile  or  too 
numerous  to  succumb  altogether  to  Spanish  cruelties,  barbarous 
and  long-continued  as  they  were;  but  in  Cuba,  also  in  Jamaica, 
Hispaniola,  and  Puerto  Rico,  they  became  practically  extinct  with 
the  centurv. 


448  WEST     INDIES 

1511-1592 

The  Siboneys,  as  the  Cuban  aborigines  were  called,  were  a 
remarkably  fine  people,  with  few  faults  and  many  virtues.  They 
occupied  the  greater  portion  of  the  island,  dwelling  particularly 
along  the  coasts,  and  subsisted  by  means  of  fishing  and  agriculture 
of  a  rude  sort.  Columbus  found  them  on  the  north  coast,  near  the 
port  of  Gibara,  the  hills  back  of  which  are  supposed  to  have  been 
his  first  Cuban  landfall.  He  first  obtained  from  them  tobacco, 
hammocks,  and  yucca,  or  cassava,  it  is  believed,  and  in  Cuba  first 
looked  upon  vast  fields  of  maize  or  Indian  corn.  Sailing  around 
the  east  end  of  Cuba,  departing  from  Cape  Maisi  for  Hispaniola 
or  Haiti,  he  returned  to  Spain  from  the  Bay  of  Samana  in  San 
Domingo. 

Some  of  his  crew  subsequently  came  over  with  Velasquez 
in  151 1,  and  were  among  the  first  colonists;  though  the  attempt 
at  colonization  was  made  long  after  the  island  was  discovered. 
Their  pursuits  (after  having  harried  the  natives  out  of  existence) 
were  at  first  chiefly  pastoral,  nearly  or  quite  seventy  years  elapsing 
before  the  cultivation  was  undertaken  of  those  since  great  staples 
of  Cuba,  sugar-cane  and  tobacco.  In  place  of  the  natives  (who 
were  entirely  extinct  in  Cuba  before  the  sixteenth  century  had 
ended)  negro  slaves  imported  from  Africa  proved  more  enduring 
and  tenacious  of  life.  They  thrived  under  Spanish  cruelties,  in  fact, 
and  to-day  their  descendants  comprise  a  large  proportion  of  the 
Cuban  population. 

Cuba's  history  after  its  conquest  by  the  Spaniards  may  be 
found,  as  it  were,  in  epitome,  in  that  of  Havana  and  Santiago, 
which  have  been  thriving  cities  from  the  first,  each  possessing  a 
magnificent  harbor.  Each  city,  also,  was  a  favorite  object  of 
attack  by  the  buccaneers  who  infested  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  Gulf 
of  Mexico.  Thrice  during  the  sixteenth  century  Havana  was  at 
the  mercy  of  foreign  invaders,  French  and  Dutch,  and  was  threat- 
ened by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  whose  favorite  coasting-ground  was 
between  Cuba  and  the  Spanish  Main.  In  1624  Havana  was  at- 
tacked by  the  Dutch,  and  in  1762  was  taken  by  the  English,  assisted 
by  colonials  from  New  York  and  New  England. 

The  depredations  of  the  buccaneers,  who  made  their  rendez- 
vous at  Tortuga,  on  the  north  coast  of  Haiti,  and  later  in  Jamaica, 
during  the  seventeenth  century,  were  exceeded  only  by  the  devas- 
tations by  hurricanes  and  fires.  But,  possessing  the  finest  har- 
bor opening  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  Havana  easily  acquired  and 


EXPLORATION     AND     SETTLEMENT     449 

1592-1793 

maintained  supremacy  as  the  "  Key  of  the  New  World."  It  took 
the  title  of  "  city  "  in  1592,  and  steadily  gained  in  wealth  and  pop- 
ulation, until  to-day  it  is  the  largest  and  most  flourishing  place  in 
the  West  Indies.  It  was  a  walled  city  for  more  than  two  hundred 
years,  or  from  1655  to  1880,  but  has  long  since  overleaped  its 
restrictive  bounds  of  stone  and  mortar  and  spread  out  into  the  open 
country. 

Its  chief  fortification,  Moro  Castle,  whose  construction  was 
begun  more  than  three  hundred  years  ago,  was  first  reduced  by 
the  British  in  1762,  just  one  hundred  years  after  the  Moro  of  San- 
tiago had  been  blown  up  by  Lord  Winsor,  who  took  and  sacked 
the  latter  city  in  1662,  carrying  off  its  church  bells  and  vast 
treasure. 

Santiago,  like  Havana,  was  the  object  of  frequent  attacks  by 
buccaneers  and  pirates,  and  as  early  as  1537  its  land-locked  harbor 
was  the  scene  of  a  desperate  but  chivalrous  battle  between  a  French 
and  a  Spanish  privateer.  Beneath  the  waters  of  that  harbor,  ac- 
cording to  tradition,  lie  the  ribs  of  a  galleon  which  once  sailed  with 
the  ill-fated  Spanish  armada ;  and,  as  already  stated,  a  great 
captain  who  assisted  at  the  defeat  of  the  armada,  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  was  often  seen  in  Caribbean  waters. 

Sufficient  has  been  noted  to  bring  to  mind  the  fact  that  the 
history  of  Cuba  was  for  centuries  a  troublous  one,  even  before  the 
Cubans  themselves  found  voice  and  proclaimed  to  the  world  their 
long-endured  and  terrible  wrongs.  During  those  centuries,  and 
until  within  a  comparatively  recent  period,  Cuban  soil  was  culti- 
vated by  the  labor  of  slaves,  and  Cuban  revenues  were  plundered 
by  rapacious  Spanish  officials.  All  that  time,  and  under  the  most 
outrageous  oppressions,  even,  a  native  population  (the  "  Creoles  ") 
was  growing  up  that  eventually  became  entirely  distinct  from  the 
ruling  people. 

These  "  Creoles  "  spoke  the  same  language  as  their  masters, 
the  "  Peninsular  Spaniards  " ;  they  possessed  the  same  characteris- 
tics, but  most  of  them  were  of  mixed  blood,  in  their  veins  that  of 
the  negro,  in  some  instances  of  the  Indian,  mingling  with  the 
Spanish.  By  the  "  Peninsulars  "  they  were  looked  down  upon  and 
treated  as  inferiors,  and  for  more  than  three  centuries  they  sub- 
mitted, as  a  people,  to  oppression  and  extortion  in  every  shape. 
They  were  patient,  long-suffering,  and  even  during  the  period  of 
political  disquietude  in  Spain,  when  Charles  IV.,  Ferdinand,  and 


450  WEST     INDIES 

1793 

Godoy  were  squabbling  among  themselves,  the  islanders  remained 
loyal  to  the  mother-land. 

Though  Spain  lost  Mexico,  Venezuela,  Chile,  Peru — all  Cen- 
tral and  South  America,  in  fact — Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico  kept  faith 
with  the  Spaniards  and  remained  true  to  the  Peninsula.  The 
"  ever-faithful  isles/'  they  were  called  by  the  Spaniards,  who  also 
regarded  them  fondly  as  the  ever-prolific  and  ever-to-be-oppressed 
as  well! 


Chapter    II 


CONSPIRACIES   AND    REVOLUTIONS   IN    CUBA 

i 793-1896 

THE  first  disturbances  may  have  had  their  incitement  in 
the  great  immigration  from  Haiti,  when  the  settlers  of 
that  island,  mainly  French — such  as  were  not  massacred 
by  the  Haitians — sought  refuge  in  Cuba,  to  the  number  of  30,000. 
This  was  in  1 793-1 804,  when,  in  the  latter  year,  the  total  immigra- 
tion was  swelled,  it  is  estimated,  to  nearly  or  quite  200,000  by 
French  and  Spanish  settlers  from  Louisiana  and  San  Domingo. 
Through  these  accessions  the  island  received  a  great  impetus  by 
the  introduction  of  expert  coffee  and  sugar-cane  planters,  most  of 
the  latter  coming  from  Louisiana. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  were 
occasional  sporadic  uprisings  in  Cuba,  the  number  increasing  after 
the  opening  of  the  nineteenth,  induced  by  the  severity  of  the  gov- 
ernment, as  administered  by  Captains-General  Someruelos  and 
Apodaca.  One  of  these  outbursts,  that  instigated  by  Jose  Antonio 
Aponte  in  1812,  and  directly  traceable  to  the  example  and  influ- 
ence of  Haiti,  was  repressed  with  relentless  severity,  the  leader 
and  eight  accomplices  meeting  death  by  hanging. 

The  very  first  Cubans  "  sacrificed  in  the  sacred  cause  of  inde- 
pendence," as  the  native  historian  relates,1  were  Francisco 
Aguero  y  Velasco  and  Andres  Manuel  Sanchez,  who,  while  foment- 
ing an  agitation  in  the  country  districts,  were  captured  and 
hanged,  in  1826.  That  same  year  one  of  the  principal  questions 
before  the  famous  Panama  Congress  initiated  by  the  great  liber- 
ator, Simon  Bolivar,  related  to  the  emancipation  of  Cuba  and 
Puerto  Rico  from  Spanish  bondage,  but  owing  to  the  tacit  opposi- 
tion of  the  United  States  (as  understood  by  the  representatives  of 
such  Latin- American  States  as  were  gathered  there)  nothing  was 
done. 

In  1830  occurred  the  insurrection  of  the  "  Black  Eagle " 
(Aquila  negra),  but  there  was  no  greater  disturbance  of  a  revolu- 

x"  Nocioncs  dc  Historia  dc  Cuba,"  Havana,  1904. 
4-51 


45S  WEST     INDIES 

1830-1873 

tionary  character  until  1844,  when  a  conspiracy  was  unearthed  in 
which  hundreds  of  natives,  both  white  and  colored,  were  involved. 
Many  were  imprisoned,  others  were  banished,  and  the  list  of  Cuban 
martyrs  was  augmented  by  the  shooting-  of  the  poet,  "  Placido," 
Santiago  Pimienta,  Andres  Dodge,  and  several  less  prominent 
insurrectionists  at  Matanzas. 

Having  submitted  for  centuries  to  Spanish  oppression,  the 
natives  of  Cuba  were  long  in  making  up  their  minds  to  fight  for 
freedom,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  first  great  aggressive 
movements  looking  to  that  end  were  initiated  by  strangers,  who 
entered  the  island,  or  made  attempts  to  do  so,  and  took  up  arms 
for  a  people  too  supine  to  battle  for  themselves.  The  first  of  the 
great  "  filibusteros  "  who  landed  an  insurrectionary  expedition  on 
the  Cuban  coast  was  a  naturalized  American  named  Narciso 
Lopez  a  Venezuelan  who  had  risen  to  high  rank  in  the  Spanish 
army,  having  fought  the  colonists  in  South  America  and  the 
Carlists  in  Spain.  His  first  expedition  was  a  failure,  for,  after 
landing  at  Cardenas  on  May  19,  1850,  he  was  compelled  to  retreat, 
was  arrested,  and  tried  on  his  return  to  the  United  States;  but, 
being  acquitted,  he  organized  another  expedition,  which  had  a 
measure  of  success.  On  August  12,  1851,  Lopez  landed  this  second 
expedition,  consisting  of  nearly  500  men,  at  Playitas,  near  Bahia 
Honda,  where  he  committed  the  error  of  dividing  his  forces,  and 
was  defeated  in  the  battle  that  ensued  with  the  Spaniards,  captured, 
taken  to  Havana,  and  publicly  garroted  on  September  1. 

There  were  only  five  Cubans  in  the  first  Lopez  expedition,  not 
twice  as  many  in  the  second,  and  the  latter  was  blotted  out  by  the 
Spaniards  without  a  native  hand  having  been  raised  in  behalf  of 
the  gallant  Americans  who  had  come  to  free  the  Cubanos  from 
oppression.  In  the  castle  of  Atares,  which  still  guards  Havana's 
inner  harbor,  fifty  "filibusteros"  (including  brave  young  Critten- 
den, son  of  an  American  senator)  were  summarily  shot  on 
August  16,  1 85 1.  Twelve  at  a  time,  two  ranks  deep,  the  foremost 
kneeling  to  receive  the  bullets  sped  by  Spanish  soldiers,  they  were 
foully  murdered  and  then  mutilated. 

Twenty-two  years  later,  in  1873,  a  similar  fate  befell  the  cap- 
tain of  the  Virginius,  who  was  shot,  together  with  fifty  of  his  men, 
at  the  slaughter-house  in  Santiago.  And  the  United  States  bore 
with  insult  and  Spanish  contumely  almost  without  a  protest. 
Verbal  protests  were  uttered,  it  is  true,  but  the  Spaniards  cared  no 


CONSPIRACIES     AND     REVOLUTIONS     453 

1873-1895 

whit  for  these.  The  only  protests  they  could  understand,  and  the 
only  ones  they  were  capable  of  heeding-,  were  such  as  came  from 
the  cannon's  mouth  in  the  summer  of  1898.  They  were  then 
compelled,  though  much  against  their  wills,  and  they  have  ever 
since  understood,  for  they  were  thoroughly  whipped  and  cowed. 
Since  then,  indeed,  has  Spain  changed  for  the  better. 

The  Cubans  began  to  think  for  themselves,  and  to  think  about 
fighting  for  themselves,  about  forty  years  ago,  and  the  protracted 
conflict  known  as  the  "  Ten  Years'  War,"  beginning  in  1868,  was 
the  result.  A  truce  was  concluded  in  1878,  and  for  the  next  seven- 
teen years  the  Cubans  were  comparatively  quiet,  but  by  no  means 
content,  for  they  had  been  basely  betrayed  by  the  Spaniards.  They 
were  in  a  continually  increasing  state  of  ferment,  and  their  disaf- 
fection culminated  in  February,  1895,  in  the  proclamation  of  the 
republic. 

When  in  1878  the  Cuban  congress  had  signed  the  treaty  of 
peace  with  Spain,  there  were  several  active  leaders  who  would  not 
accept  the  situation  and  who  entered  their  most  energetic  protests, 
among  them  being  those  intrepid  fighters,  the  Maceos.  Of  the 
Maceo  brothers  (survivors  of  eleven  sons  of  a  patriot-father) 
two  won  imperishable  fame  in  Cuba ;  and  the  same  may  be  said 
of  that  courageous,  humane,  and  discreet  old  fighter,  Maximo 
Gomez,  who  received  the  acclaim  of  all  patriotic  Cubans  at  the  end 
of  the  war.  Gomez,  however,  is  not  a  Cuban,  though  the  greatest 
man  in  the  island  for  whose  liberties  he  fought  during  so  many 
years. 

What  the  outcome  of  the  rebellion  of  1895  would  have  been 
had  not  the  United  States  intervened  no  one  may  say  with  cer- 
tainty; but  while  such  "bush  fighting"  as  the  patriots  carried  on 
served  to  keep  the  Spaniards  in  a  state  of  constant  irritation,  and 
might  have  been  maintained  indefinitely,  still  it  never  could  have 
been  efficacious  in  ridding  the  island  of  the  tyrants,  for  the  forts 
and  coast  cities  were  impregnable  to  Cuban  attacks. 

Proclaimed  in  September,  1895,  the  Cuban  constitution, 
modeled  mainly  after  that  of  the  United  States,  was  maintained 
in  the  interior  of  Puerto  Principe  province.  At  first  the  rebellion 
was  confined  to  the  eastern  end  of  Cuba  and  certain  isolated  sec- 
tions of  the  interior,  where  the  patriots  found  secure  hiding-places 
among  the  hills  and  mountains ;  but  at  two  or  three  different  times 
Gomez  and  Maceo  made  wonderful  marches  between  the  hills  of 


454  WEST     INDIES 

1895-1896 

Puerto  Principe  and  those  of  Pinar  del  Rio,  the  western  province 
of  the  island. 

Up  to  the  time  of  their  first  grand  sweep  over  two-thirds  the 
length  of  the  island,  performed  by  Gomez  and  his  men  (when  they 
traversed  five  of  Cuba's  six  provinces  and  covered  about  six 
hundred  miles,  all  the  way  burning  and  plundering,  not  only  sugar 
plantations  but  towns  and  villages)  the  Spaniards  claimed  that  the 
insurgent  outbreak  was  only  "  local " ;  but  after  that  this  claim  was 
no  longer  advanced. 

It  is  true  that  in  the  main  the  insurgents  hid  themselves  in  the 
forests  and  mountains,  emerging  only  to  plunder  and  destroy,  and 
precipitately  retreating  to  their  strongholds  at  the  first  appearance 
of  the  enemy;  but  in  January,  1896,  the  half-clad,  imperfectly 
armed  commands  of  Gomez  and  Maceo  performed  their  astound- 
ing feat  of  sweeping  the  island  almost  from  end  to  end  and  driving 
the  surprised  Spaniards  to  their  retreats  in  the  fortified  cities. 

Expectation  was  then  all  agog,  and  almost  anything  might 
have  been  believed  of  the  insurgent  Cubans.  On  the  one  hand,  it 
was  asserted  that  they  would  compel  the  surrender  of  the  capital 
itself ;  on  the  other,  that  when  the  Spaniards  got  them  in  the  right 
place  they  would  sally  forth  and  drive  them  into  the  sea.  Neither 
calamity  eventuated,  however,  for  cautious  old  Gomez  knew  better 
than  to  attack  impregnable  Havana,  and  he  also  avoided  all  other 
strong  Spanish  places,  confining  his  attentions  to  the  vast  fields 
of  sugar-cane,  which  he  set  on  fire,  with  a  view  to  removing  a 
profitable  source  of  Spanish  revenue.  His  real  object  was  only 
disclosed  when,  having  gained  possession  of  a  small  but  deep 
harbor  in  Pinar  del  Rio  province,  he  held  it  long  enough  to  receive 
expected  supplies  from  the  United  States  by  the  famous  Bermuda 
expedition. 

By  this  means,  capturing  and  holding  for  a  time  a  weakly 
defended  or  unfrequented  harbor  until  supplies  could  reach  them 
from  the  north,  the  insurgents  received  greatly  needed  arms,  medi- 
cines, and  ammunition,  and  then  effected  their  retreat  without 
seeming  to  have  been  in  the  least  impeded  by  the  Spaniards.  The 
latter  had  tried  to  pen  their  foes  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  island 
by  constructing  trochas  across  the  island  from  north  to  south,  at 
one  place,  between  Jucaro  and  San  Fernando,  a  distance  of  more 
than  fifty  miles,  having  built  a  line  of  block-houses,  two  hundred 
in  number,  connected  by  means  of  barbed  wire  entanglements  and 


CONSPIRACIES     AND     REVOLUTIONS     455 

1895-1896 

furnished  not  only  with  garrisons,  but  with  electric  search-lights 
and  telephones,  besides  a  parallel  railway.  Notwithstanding  this 
"invincible  barrier" — as  the  Spaniards  considered  it — the  in- 
surgents "  made  no  bones  "  of  crossing  from  one  side  of  the  island 
to  the  other  whenever  they  felt  disposed  to  do  so. 

It  was  from  the  clamor  that  ensued  from  this  achievement, 
and  from  an  engagement  in  which  the  then  Captain-General  Campos 
was  worsted,  that  the  latter  was  recalled,  and  in  his  place  the 
ineffable  Weyler  sent  to  Cuba,  arriving  at  Havana  in  February, 
1896.  This  bloodthirsty  Spaniard  with  a  German  name.  General 
Valeriano  Weyler,  had  already  achieved  unenviable  fame  in  Cuba 
by  his  atrocities,  and  it  was  a  most  unfortunate  move  on  the  part 
of  the  Spanish  Government,  this  sending  out  to  govern  the  Cubans 
one  whom  they  cordially  detested.  The  insurgents  thereby  gained 
the  accession  of  many  extremists,  who  would  otherwise  have  been 
only  lukewarm  in  their  adhesion  to  the  patriotic  cause. 

The  immediate  acts  of  "  Butcher  "  Weyler,  the  new  captain- 
general  and  practically  the  viceroy  in  Cuba,  did  not  belie  his  record, 
for  his  edicts  partook  of  that  barbarous  character  which  his  worst 
enemies  had  ascribed  to  him.  He  was  a  braggart  as  well  as  a 
butcher,  for  he  boasted  that  the  rebels  would  be  swept  from  the 
island  forthwith,  and  that  the  grinding  of  cane  would  commence 
within  a  month  after  he  landed  at  Havana ;  but  neither  was  the 
grinding  of  cane  permitted  by  the  insurgents,  nor  were  they  deci- 
mated to  any  appreciable  extent. 

All  the  world  now  knows  what  Weyler  did:  that  he  waged 
war  upon  defenseless  youth  and  woman,  that  he  starved  to  death 
the  non-combatants,  tortured  the  reconcentrados,  desolated  the 
fairest  spots  in  Cuba.  His  atrocities  roused  the  people,  and 
swiftly  after  his  arrival  followed  the  concurrent  resolution  of  the 
United  States  Senate  and  House,  recognizing  the  belligerency  of 
the  Cuban  insurgents.  This  resolution  was  promptly  transmitted 
to  President  Cleveland ;  but  by  his  non-action  was  made  of  value 
only  as  an  expression  of  popular  feeling  in  the  United  States  at 
that  time,  which  was  that  the  sympathies  of  the  American  people 
were  with  the  insurgent  Cubans. 


Chapter    III 

THE  AMERICAN  INTERVENTION  IN  CUBA.     1896-1898 

THE  Spaniards  made  their  most  important  capture,  which 
was  in  fact  the  first  of  the  kind,  when  they  took  the 
American  schooner  Competitor  in  the  act  of  landing 
arms  and  reinforcements  for  the  insurgents  on  the  coast  of  Pinar 
del  Rio.  The  harbor  in  which  she  was  taken  is  one  of  the  numer- 
ous indentations  on  the  north  coast  of  that  province,  and  very  near 
to  that  in  which  the  Bermuda  made  her  successful  landing.  This 
incident  threatened  to  lead  to  international  complications,  owing  to 
the  fact  that  two  American  citizens  aboard  the  vessel  were  con- 
demned to  death  by  the  court-martial  convened  by  Weyler  immedi- 
ately on  the  arrival  of  the  prize  in  Havana  harbor.  The  decision 
of  the  court  was  sent  to  Madrid  for  revision,  however,  and  all 
difficulties  for  the  time  averted. 

The  same  month  of  April,  1896,  Antonio  Maceo  gained  a 
brilliant  victory  over  the  Spanish  battalion  "  Alfonso  XIII.,"  which 
had  been  sent  out  from  Havana  for  the  express  purpose  of  punish- 
ing the  bold  insurgent.  But  for  the  opportune  arrival  of  a  Spanish 
war  vessel  off  the  point  on  the  coast  where  the  insurgents  had  com- 
pelled the  battalion  to  take  refuge,  the  Spanish  force  would  have 
been  annihilated.  Maceo  had  been  left  in  command  of  Pinar  del 
Rio,  while  Gomez  had  broken  through  the  much-vaunted  trocha  a 
second  time,  and  countermarched  to  his  favorite  stronghold  in 
Puerto  Principe  province.  Thus  early  in  the  campaign  these  skilled 
commanders,  Gomez  and  Maceo,  showed  that  they  had  determined 
to  play  the  "  waiting  game,"  by  much  marching  and  little  fighting 
wearing  out  the  enemy,  and  saving  their  precious  ammunition, 
which  was  difficult  to  obtain. 

In  this  summary  of  the  first  actions  of  the  war  but  scant 
justice  can  be  done  to  individual  acts  of  heroism,  though  they  were 
relatively  numerous.  What  was  rather  unusual  among  the  Latin 
peoples,  some  women  were  occasionally  actively  engaged  in  the 
field,  while  many  of  the  patriots  played  the  part  of  heroes. 

456 


1896 


AMERICAN     INTERVENTION  457 


Though  the  Spaniards  rarely  succeeded  in  bringing  the 
Cubans  to  an  engagement,  they  cannot  be  accused  of  cowardice  or 
an  inclination  to  shirk  their  arduous  duties.  Spain  sent  thither  the 
flower  of  her  troops ;  but  most  of  the  soldiers  were  very  young  and 
even  immature.  At  the  opening  of  the  war  Spain's  military  force 
in  the  West  Indies,  including  6000  men  in  Puerto  Rico,  was  esti- 
mated at  more  than  100,000  strong.  The  Spanish  soldiers  fought 
well,  but  with  an  intuitive  perception  that  they  were  opposing  a 
righteous  cause,  which  would  in  the  end  prevail.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  insurgents  had  staked  their  all  for  hearth  and  home, 
autonomy,  liberty! 

In  a  swift  review  of  the  relative  performances  of  the  con- 
testants, many  anomalies  present  themselves,  the  greatest  anomaly, 
perhaps,  being  the  Spaniard  himself,  who,  though  personally  the 
"  pink  of  courtesy,"  had  been  for  years  aiding  and  abetting  gov- 
ernmental practices  which  were  the  outcome  and  expression  of 
tyrannical  bureaucracy,  like  an  "  Old  Man  of  the  Sea  "  fastened 
upon  a  naturally  high-minded  and  generous  people.  It  was  to  this 
governmental  Moloch  that  the  common  people  of  Spain  offered  the 
best  blood  of  their  youth  and  manhood. 

What  were  the  real  feelings  and  animating  sentiments  of  the 
Spanish  soldiers  appear  in  the  testimonial  they  addressed  to  their 
American  opponents  after  the  surrender  of  Santiago :  "  You  have 
fought  us  as  men,  face  to  face,  and  with  great  courage — a  quality 
which  we  had  not  met  with  during  the  three  years  we  have  carried 
on  this  war  against  a  people  without  religion,  without  morals, 
without  conscience,  and  of  doubtful  origin,  who  could  not  confront 
an  enemy,  but,  in  concealment,  shot  their  noble  victims  from 
ambush  and  then  immediately  fled ! " 

One  of  the  inexplicable  things  of  this  war  was  that,  though 
the  Spaniards  had,  long  before  its  commencement,  announced  a 
complete  system  of  blockade,  to  be  enforced  by  ninety  gunboats 
and  steam  launches,  they  could  not  effectually  prevent  the  fili- 
busters from  landing  reinforcements  and  supplies  almost  at  will. 

Another  was  that,  while  the  insurgents  ranged  throughout  the 
interior  of  the  island,  reaching  out  to  the  coast  on  either  side  when- 
ever they  considered  it  necessary  to  establish  communication  with 
the  outside  world,  the  Spaniards  confined  their  efforts  to  the  guard- 
ing of  the  trochas  and  fortified  cities  of  the  coast,  such  as  Havana, 
Matanzas,  and  Santiago. 


458  WEST     INDIES 

1896-1898 

The  time  had  come  when  the  cause  of  Cuba  attracted  world- 
wide attention,  and  when  the  oppressions  of  Spain  bore  so  hard 
upon  the  unfortunate  islanders  that  armed  intervention  seemed  im- 
perative. Still,  Spain  might  yet  have  escaped  the  immediate  pen- 
alty of  her  many  sins  (having  recalled  Weyler  and  substituted 
Blanco,  and  endeavored  to  placate  the  United  States  with  specious 
promises)  had  not  that  crowning  horror,  the  treacherous  destruc- 
tion of  the  battle-ship  Maine  in  Havana  harbor,  swept  away  all 
thought  of  compromise. 

It  was  on  February  15,  1898,  that  the  Maine  was  blown  up, 
while  lying  at  the  buoy  in  Havana  harbor  to  which  she  was  as- 
signed by  the  Spanish  captain  of  the  port.  Although  Spanish 
authorities  declared  the  disaster  due  to  the  negligence  of  her 
sailors,  subsequent  investigation  conclusively  proved  that  the  bat- 
tle-ship was  blown  up  from  the  outside,  and  few  Americans  ever 
believed  that  Spain  was  not,  at  least  indirectly,  culpable  for  the 
terrible  catastrophe  which  caused  the  death  of  260  American 
sailors.  More  than  two  months  elapsed,  however,  before  President 
McKinley,  after  "  exhausting  every  effort  to  relieve  the  intolerable 
condition  of  affairs  at  our  doors,"  finally  sent  the  ultimatum  to 
Spain.  War  was  virtually  declared  on  April  21,  but  nearly  every 
day  between  the  date  of  the  sinking  of  the  Maine  and  the  demand- 
ing by  the  Spanish  minister  at  Washington  of  his  passports  was 
fraught  with  important  events. 

During  the  month  of  March  naval  preparations  had  been 
pushed  with  energy ;  the  "  national  defense  bill  "  appropriating 
$50,000,000  was  passed  by  the  House  on  the  7th ;  on  the  28th 
the  official  Maine  inquiry  report  was  sent  to  Congress ;  on  April  9 
Consul  General  Lee  was  recalled  from  Havana:  on  the  21st  Min- 
ister Woodford  at  Madrid  was  given  his  passports,  and  Admiral 
Sampson's  fleet  was  ordered  to  blockade  the  Cuban  ports.  On  the 
23d  President  McKinley  issued  his  first  call  for  volunteers  (125,- 
000),  and  on  the  24th  England  declared  her  neutrality,  followed 
four  days  later  by  the  chief  governments  of  Europe  and  America. 
On  the  25th  Commodore  Dewey  sailed  from  Hong  Kong  to  his 
glorious  victory  seven  days  later  in  Manila  Bay,  May  1. 

The  first  shot  of  the  war  is  said  to  have  been  fired  from  the 
U.  S.  gunboat  Nashville,  while  effecting  the  capture  of  a  Spanish 
merchantman,  near  Key  West,  on  April  22 ;  but  the  first  action  was 
off  Matanzas,  on  the  27th.    The  first  Americans  killed  were  Ensign 


AMERICAN     I  N  T  E  H  V  E  N  T  I  ()  \  459 

1898 

Bagley  and  four  companions,  in  an  engagement  off  Cardenas, 
May  n  ;  while  the  first  land  engagement  occurred  the  next  day. 
when  the  Gussic  expedition,  commanded  by  Captain  J.  II.  Dorst,  of 
the  Fourth  Cavalry,  landed  the  first  detachment  of  United  States 
troops  on  Cuban  soil.  This  landing  was  effected  near  Cabanas, 
about  forty  miles  west  of  Havana,  and  "within  fifteen  minutes 
after  disembarkation  our  force  met  and  repulsed  a  Spanish  regi- 
ment (1200  strong)  and  killed  the  colonel  and  several  of  his 
men."  1  This  expedition,  however,  failed  in  its  purpose  and  re- 
turned to  Key  West.  On  the  18th  the  transport  Florida  sailed 
from  Tampa  with  soldiers  to  aid  the  Cubans,  and  a  million  dollars' 
worth  of  ammunition  and  supplies;  from  this  time  forth  munitions 
of  war  being  supplied  to  the  insurgents  in  accordance  with  the 
Senate  bill  of  May  5. 

It  was  on  May  19  that  Admiral  Cervera's  squadron  was  defi- 
nitely located  at  Santiago,  after  its  will-of-the-wisp  wanderings 
across  the  Atlantic,  and  henceforth,  until  near  the  end  of  the  war, 
the  port  and  city  of  Santiago  figured  most  prominently  as  the 
theater  of  great  events. 

On  May  31  the  steamer  Florida  arrived  at  Key  West,  after 
having  delivered  to  the  insurgents  310  men,  33.000  rifles,  and  a 
large  quantity  of  ammunition.  On  June  I  Admiral  Sampson  took 
command  of  the  fleet  blockading  Santiago,  and  on  the  3d  Lieu- 
tenant Hobson  and  seven  companions  sank  the  collier  Mcrrimac  at 
the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  themselves  being  taken  prisoners  immedi- 
ately afterward.  The  bombardment  of  Santiago's  outer  fortifica- 
tions began  the  first  week  in  June,  and  was  continued  intermittently 
during  the  siege,  but  without  any  appreciable  result.  On  June  8 
over  16,000  men  left  Tampa  under  General  Shatter,  with  Santiago 
as  the  objective,  and  on  the  10th  600  American  marines  landed 
near  the  entrance  to  Guantanamo  Bay,  where,  two  days  later,  they 
repelled  an  attack  by  Spaniards,  with  some  loss. 

The  landing  of  troops  under  General  Shatter  began  on  June 
21,  at  Daiquiri,  about  seventeen  miles  eastward  from  Santiago 
harbor,  and  was  completed  on  the  23d,  an  engagement  between  the 
cavalry  and  Spanish  troops  taking  place  on  the  24th,  at  Las 
Guasimas,  or  Siboney. 

The  heights  of  San  Juan  and  the  fort  at  El  Caney  were 
stormed  and  taken  one  week  later,  on  July  1,  and  attempts  of  the 
Spaniards    to    retake    these   positions    were    repulsed.      Shatter* s 

1  R.  A.  Alger,  '*  Spanish-American  War." 


460  WEST     INDIES 

1898 

army  landed  in  Cuba  June  22-24.  The  surrender  of  the  Spanish 
garrison  at  Santiago  was  procured  July  16  (the  formal  capitula- 
tion next  day).  From  June  24  to  July  16  represents  the  length  of 
time  covered  by  the  siege  and  actual  hostilities.  The  losses  in 
battle  during  the  entire  period,  including  the  engagements  of  Las 
Guasimas,  El  Caney,  and  San  Juan  Ridge,  amounted  to  a  total  of 
but  243  killed,  officers  and  men,  and  1445  wounded.2 

July  3  was  made  memorable  by  the  attempted  escape  of 
Cervera's  squadron  from  Santiago  harbor,  and  its  total  destruction 
by  Admiral  Sampson's  blockading  fleet.  On  this  occasion  the 
Spaniards  lost  all  their  ships,  more  than  600  men  were  killed,  and 
1700  taken  prisoners  by  the  victors,  whose  loss  was  only  one  man 
killed  and  a  few  wounded.  The  total  American  losses  in  the  vari- 
ous naval  engagements  amounted  to  but  17  killed,  with  less  than 
100  wounded;  while  the  Spanish  losses  (in  Cuba  and  the  Philip- 
pines) reached  2000  killed  and  quite  as  many  wounded. 

On  July  9  General  Toral,  in  command  at  Santiago,  offered  a 
conditional  surrender  of  that  city,  and,  being  refused  by  General 
Shafter,  finally  and  formally  surrendered  on  the  17th.  Generous 
terms  were  accorded  by  the  Americans,  and  eventually  all  Spanish 
prisoners,  including  those  from  Cervera's  squadron,  were  repatri- 
ated at  the  expense  of  the  United  States.  It  is  a  noteworthy  fact 
that  there  were  no  American  prisoners  (save  the  gallant  Hobson 
and  his  comrades)  for  the  Spaniards  to  offer  in  exchange.  It  is 
also  noteworthy  that  while  the  Spaniards  professed  great  admira- 
tion for  the  invading  Americans  (whom  they  had  fought  bravely, 
though  vainly,  in  defense  of  Santiago)  they  had  nothing  but  con- 
tempt for  the  Cubans. 

In  point  of  fact,  all  the  evidence  goes  to  show  that  while  the 
Cubans  are  entitled  to  great  credit  for  protracting  the  war  to  the 
extent  of  gaining  the  cooperation  of  the  United  States,  after 
armed  intervention  was  assured  active  cooperation  on  their  part 
failed  to  materialize. 

"  The  only  Cuban  who  took  part,  and  fearlessly  exposed  him- 
self, in  the  assault  of  San  Juan  Hill,  was  killed  on  its  crest.  He 
bravely  hewed  down  a  portion  of  a  barbed-wire  entanglement  with 
his  machete  in  the  face  of  a  severe  Spanish  fire."  The  same  au- 
thority for  this  statement  (former  Secretary  of  War  R.  A.  Alger), 
in  defending  the  Americans  from  the  aspersions  of  their  enemies 
(that  they  owed  their  hardships  at  San  Juan  Hill  and  later  while 
2  R.   A.   Alger,   "  Spanish-American   War." 


AMERICAN     INTERVENTION 


461 


1898 

in  the  trenches  to  their  own  folly,  in  throwing  away  their  haver- 
sacks and  surplus  provisions),  remarks:  "The  usual  way  is  to 
stack  everything  but  guns  and  ammunition,  and  the  least  clothing 
possible.  Americans,  however,  had  never  before  campaigned 
where  everything  left  behind  was  stolen !  " 

Contemporary  letters  indicate  the  ill-feeling  existing  between 
the  Cubans  and  the  American  soldiers,  owing  to  the  reluctance  of 

the  former  to  perform  any  duty  whatever  of  a  military  character 

except  that  of  foraging  for  themselves — at  which  they  were  active 
and  expert.     General  Garcia's  ragged  "patriots,"  who  were  wel- 


%. 


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corned  effusively  by  the  Americans  as  they  burst  out  of  the  woods 
at  Guantanamo,  Las  Guasimas,  and  around  Santiago,  who  were 
clothed  and  fed  from  the  scant  stores  that  General  Shafter  was 
struggling  to  get  to  the  front,  before  and  after  the  surrender  of 
Santiago — these  ungrateful  Cubans  would  not  turn  a  hand  to  help 
the  invaders,  though  the  latter  had  shed  their  blood  and  poured 
forth  their  treasure  in  freeing  Cuba  from  oppression. 

The  Cubans  would  not  fight,  neither  would  they  work,  even 
refusing  to  assist  at  bearing  the  wounded  Americans  from  the 
field,  though  the  latter  were  fighting  their  battles  and  braving 
death  in  defense  of  Cuban  liberty,  in  behalf  of  Cuban  autonomy. 


462  WEST     INDIES 

1898 

The  ingratitude  of  Cuba  is  now  notorious;  at  that  time  it  came  as 
a  surprise  and  shock  to  those  who  had  so  enthusiastically  offered 
their  lives  in  defense  of  a  principle  which  in  the  abstract  its  benefi- 
ciaries hardly  understood! 

With  the  surrender  of  Santiago  Spanish  dominion  also  ceased 
over  the  entire  eastern  end  of  Cuba ;  but  the  island  was  by  no  means 
in  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  Its  coast  was  invested,  its  chief 
ports  blockaded ;  but  there  still  remained  the  rich  and  populous  city 
of  Havana,  with  its  defensive  forts  and  castles,  and  their  swarming 
garrisons.  Twenty-four  thousand  Spanish  prisoners  went  with 
Santiago  province;  but  still  there  were  many  thousand  Spaniards 
remaining  in  the  central  and  western  portions  of  the  island.  Ad- 
miral Cervera  had  been  forced  from  Santiago  by  imperative  or- 
ders from  Governor-General  Blanco,  whose  headquarters  were  at 
Havana.  General  Toral  also  was  directed  from  that  point,  five 
hundred  miles  distant,  as  well  as  from  Spain,  and  at  first  had 
refused  to  surrender  Santiago  until  so  ordered.  It  was  a  crushing, 
humiliating  defeat  for  Toral,  who  never  recovered  from  its  effects, 
but  brooded  over  it  until  his  reason  gave  way,  and  he  died,  insane, 
in  1904. 

Although  the  Americans  had  been  victorious  from  the  first,  a 
few  more  victories  of  the  sort  achieved  at  Santiago  would  so  deci- 
mate the  army  that  it  would  soon  become  incapacitated  by  disease. 
For  Santiago  was  invested,  captured  at  the  height  of  the  sickly 
season  of  rains,  and  American  soldiers  suffered  far  more  from 
fevers  than  from  the  bullets  of  the  enemy.  Hence,  though  the 
United  States  had  hardly  begun  to  draw  upon  its  vast  military 
resources,  and  though  American  arms  had  been  everywhere  tri- 
umphant, the  government  cordially  welcomed  overtures  from  Spain 
looking  toward  the  establishment  of  peace. 

Spain  formally  sued  for  peace  on  July  26,  virtually  accepted 
the  terms  offered  by  the  United  States  on  August  2,  and  a  protocol 
suspending  hostilities  was  signed  at  Washington  on  the  12th. 
Meantime,  until  the  signing  of  the  protocol,  active  operations  had 
been  going  forward  in  Puerto  Rico  (the  main  military  expedition 
for  the  invasion  of  which  had  sailed  from  Guantanamo  Bay  under 
General  Miles),  though  for  a  time  suspended  in  Cuba.  On  August 
14  Generals  Blanco  and  Macias  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  orders 
from  Madrid  for  the  suspension  of  hostilities,  and  on  the  16th  the 
former   resigned  his   office   as   governor-general.    On   August    17 


1898 


AMERICAN     INTERVENTION  463 


President  McKinley  named  a  commission  consisting  of  Major 
General  James  F.  Wade,  Major  General  M.  C.  Butler,  and  Rear 
Admiral  William  T.  Sampson,  to  arrange  with  a  similar  Spanish 
commission  for  the  evacuation  of  the  island.  Spain  had  practically 
relinquished  all  claims  of  sovereignty  over  Cuba,  with  a  provision 
for  its  occupation  by  the  United  States,  pending  its  complete 
pacification,  the  details  to  be  arranged  by  the  commission. 

Two  months  later,  or  on  October  18,  Puerto  Rico  was  in  ex- 
clusive possession  of  the  United  States ;  but  on  account  of  the  vast 
army  of  Spanish  troops  still  remaining  in  Cuba  (estimated  at  more 
than  100,000)  at  the  time  of  the  surrender,  a  longer  period  was 
necessary  for  its  complete  evacuation.  This  was  not  actually 
accomplished  until  January  1,  1899,  when,  for  the  first  time  in 
nearly  four  hundred  years,  the  Spanish  flag  ceased  to  float  above 
the  harbor  of  Havana,  and  the  Stars  and  Stripes  took  its  place. 

Thus,  by  the  evacuation  of  Havana  and  the  eastern  part  of 
the  island  Cuba  came  under  the  military  control  of  the  United 
States,  and  by  its  provisional  occupation  the  government  became 
responsible  for  the  preservation  of  order  and  the  protection  of  life 
and  property.  Notwithstanding  the  friction  at  first  existing  be- 
tween the  "  patriot "  armies  of  Cubans  and  the  American  troops, 
the  change  from  Spanish  to  American  control  was  accomplished 
with  little  disturbance. 

The  island  was  divided  into  military  districts,  each  one  in 
charge  of  a  military  governor,  with  a  governor-general  at  Havana. 
The  first  American  governor-general,  or  military  governor,  of 
Cuba  was  Major  General  John  R.  Brooke,  who  was  appointed  by 
President  McKinley  in  December,  1898.  and  held  office  a  little 
more  than  a  year.  He  had  at  this  time  about  34,000  troops  in  the 
island,  or  only  about  one-third  the  number  of  Spanish  soldiers  that 
had  been  repatriated  during  the  three  months  previously:  yet  he 
grasped  the  government  with  a  firm  hand  and  maintained  perfect 
order  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  his  domain. 


Chapter    IV 

MILITARY  GOVERNMENT  IN  CUBA.     1898-1902 

ONE-THIRD  the  native  population  of  Cuba  had  been 
exterminated  by  war  and  famine ;  the  pacificos,  the  recon- 
centrados,  were  still  huddled  together  in  the  filthy  camps 
so  vividly  described  by  Senators  Proctor,  Gallinger,  and  Thurston 
after  their  visit  to  Cuba  in  1897,  or  roaming  disconsolately  around 
the  towns  and  cities.  On  every  side  appeared  the  effects  of  disease, 
desolation,  and  crimes  committed  in  the  name  of  war's  necessities. 

It  was  General  Brooke's  mission — in  which  he  eminently  suc- 
ceeded— to  render  the  military  character  of  the  new  government  as 
inconspicuous  as  possible,  while  at  the  same  time  maintaining  a 
firm  grasp  on  the  people  and  their  affairs,  regarding  them  as  being 
under  the  tutelage  of  the  United  States  until  "  such  time  as  they 
should  be  declared  capable  of  organizing  a  stable  government, 
maintaining  internal  order,  and  fulfilling  international  oblige 
tions." 

"  This  temporary  government  under  the  authority  of  and 
representing  the  United  States  assisted  the  Cubans  in  constructing 
their  constitution,  in  organizing  their  own  government  in  all  its 
branches,  and  in  arranging  their  new  tariff  and  customs  regula- 
tions; it  took  early  and  decisive  measures  for  stamping  out  the 
yellow  fever  and  improving  the  sanitary  conditions  of  the  island 
generally ;  it  reformed  the  system  of  public  education  and  corrected 
the  abuses  which  had  become  connected  with  the  administration  of 
the  schools,  hospitals,  prisons,  and  railroads ;  it  initiated  measures 
for  the  proper  sewering,  paving,  lighting,  policing,  and  adornment 
of  the  cities,  and  for  the  improvement  of  the  roads  and  lands  in  the 
rural  districts;  it  settled  strikes,  improved  harbors,  railways,  tele- 
graph and  telephone  systems,  and  introduced  accuracy  and  effi- 
ciency into  all  ramifications  of  the  public  service." 

After  remaining  a  year  in  office  General  Brooke  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Brigadier  General  Leonard  Wood,  formerly  colonel  of 
the  famed  "  Rough  Riders,"  whose  rapid  rise  in  rank  has  had  no 
parallel  in  American  military  annals.     As  a  result  of  his  brief  but 

464 


MILITARY     GOV  E  11  N  M  E  N  T  465 

1898-1899 

brilliant  campaign  before  Santiago  he  was  promoted  to  be  briga- 
dier general  of  volunteers,  and  shortly  after  was  appointed  military 
governor  of  Santiago  province.  In  his  gubernatorial  capacity  he 
displayed  superb  executive  ability  as  an  organizer,  and  made  his 
medical  knowledge  efficacious  in  the  cleansing  of  Santiago  and  the 
virtual  stamping  out  of  smallpox  and  yellow  fever. 

He  suppressed  the  mountain  bandits,  he  created  work  for  such 
Cubans  as  were  given  to  industry  by  opening  country  roads,  sewers, 
aqueducts,  city  streets,  building  hospitals;  in  fact,  renovating  and 
actually  regenerating  that  picturesque  and  ancient  city  which, 
during  centuries  of  Spanish  misrule,  had  been  festering  in  filth 
unspeakable. 

The  example  of  men  like  Brooke  and  Wood  was  a  tower  of 
strength  to  the  American  Government,  when  it  was  laboring  with 
all  its  might  to  bring  about  a  settled  condition  of  affairs  in  dis- 
tracted Cuba.  The  eastern  provinces  almost  immediately  became 
peaceful  and  prosperous,  the  vagrant  soldiers  of  the  erstwhile 
patriot  army  finally  gave  up  their  weapons  and  settled  down  to 
labor  on  the  plantations,  while  the  revenues  from  this  rich  region 
soon  exceeded  the  expenditures  for  all  purposes,  vast  as  they  were. 

Having  shown  his  capacities  as  military  governor  of  Santi- 
ago, General  Wood  was  appointed  to  succeed  General  Brooke, 
when,  in  the  process  of  pacification  and  reorganization,  it  became 
necessary  to  appoint  a  man  of  tact  and  executive  force.  Political 
complications  had  arisen  which  demanded  a  diplomat  at  the  helm 
as  well  as  an  able  military  leader  or  commander,  and  General 
Wood  exerted  all  his  energies  to  soothe  the  excited  Cubanos.  He 
steered  them  through  the  turbulent  seas  of  their  constitutional 
convention,  and  dexterously  avoided  the  rocks  upon  which,  per- 
haps, another  less  discriminative  might  have  run  the  newly  launched 
Cuban  "  ship  of  state." 

His  tact  was  admirable,  his  courage  equal  to  every  emergency, 
and  his  administrative  faculties  of  a  high  order.  In  no  position  in 
which  he  was  placed  had  he  failed  to  more  than  realize  expecta- 
tions. And  all  this  may  be  said  without  the  disparagement  of  any 
other  official,  civil  or  military,  who  was  called  to  the  front  in  those 
troublous  times.  His  peculiar  adaptability  to  the  exigences  of  the 
occasion  in  Cuba  is  but  another  instance  of  the  men  for  the  emer- 
gency always  appearing  at  the  right  time  in  different  crises  of  a 
country's  history. 


m  WEST    INDIES 

1899-1900 

Having  reviewed  the  long  series  of  outbreaks  and  revolu- 
tions that  finally  culminated  in  the  crucial  events  of  1898,  which 
resulted  in  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards,  through  the  armed  in- 
tervention of  the  United  States,  it  will  now  be  necessary  for  the 
purposes  of  this  history  only  to  take  cognizance  of  Cuba  as  she 
exists  to-day — an  independent  republic  firmly  based  upon  the  prin- 
ciples of  freedom. 

In  pursuance  of  the  declared  intention  of  the  United  States  as 
expressed  by  the  joint  resolution  of  Congress,  April  28,  1898,  and 
approved  by  President  McKinley — that  "  the  people  of  Cuba  are, 
and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent " — an  intention  that 
had  been  ever  in  view  and  consistently  adhered  to  by  the  govern- 
ment, President  Roosevelt,  on  July  25,  1900,  directed  that  a  call 
be  issued  for  the  election  in  Cuba  for  members  of  a  Constitutional 
Convention,  "  to  frame  a  constitution  as  a  basis  for  a  stable  and 
independent  government  in  the  island." 

In  accordance  therewith  the  military  governor,  General 
Wood,  issued  the  following  proclamation : 

"  Therefore,  it  is  ordered  that  a  general  election  be  held  in 
the  Island  of  Cuba  on  the  third  Saturday  of  September,  in  the  year 
1900,  to  elect  delegates  to  a  convention  to  meet  in  the  city  of 
Havana  at  twelve  o'clock  noon  on  the  first  Monday  of  November, 
in  the  year  1900,  to  frame  and  adopt  a  constitution  for  the  people 
of  Cuba,  and  as  a  part  thereof  to  provide  for  and  agree  with  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  upon  the  relations  to  exist  be- 
tween that  government  and  the  Government  of  Cuba,  and  to  pro- 
vide for  the  election  by  the  people  of  officers  under  such  constitu- 
tion and  the  transfer  of  government  to  the  officers  so  elected. 

"  The  election  will  be  held  in  the  several  voting  precincts  of 
the  island  under  and  pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  the  Electoral 
law  of  April  18,  1900,  and  the  amendments  thereof." 

In  calling  the  convention  to  order  the  military  governor  of 
Cuba  made  the  following  statement: 

"  As  military  governor  of  the  island,  representing  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  I  call  this  convention  to  order. 

"  It  will  be  your  duty,  first,  to  frame  and  adopt  a  constitution 
for  Cuba,  and  when  that  has  been  done  to  formulate  what  in  your 


M  I  L  I  T  A  11  Y     G  0  V  E  It  N  M  E  N  T  467 

1900 

opinion  ought  to  be  the  relations  between  Cuba  and  the  United 
States. 

"  The  constitution  must  be  adequate  to  secure  a  stable,  orderly, 
and  free  government. 

"  When  you  have  formulated  the  relations  which  in  your 
opinion  ought  to  exist  between  Cuba  and  the  United  States,  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  will  doubtless  take  such  action 
on  its  part  as  shall  lead  to  a  final  and  authoritative  agreement  be- 
tween the  people  of  the  two  countries  to  the  promotion  of  their 
common  interests. 

"  When  the  convention  concludes  its  labors  I  will  transmit  to 
the  Congress  the  constitution  as  framed  by  the  convention  for  its 
consideration  and  for  such  action  as  it  may  deem  advisable." 

The  convention  was  duly  held  in  Havana,  and  after  desultory 
discussions  protracted  through  many  months  the  constitution  was 
completed,  accepted,  and  signed  by  the  delegates  in  February,  190 1. 
In  its  original  form,  however,  it  was  not  consonant  with  what  the 
President  and  Congress  of  the  United  States  had  desired,  and  a 
commission  was  sent  to  Washington  in  order  to  discuss  the  ques- 
tion with  the  United  States  Government.  On  the  return  of  this 
commission  to  Cuba,  the  conditions  indicated  in  the  so-called 
"  Piatt  Amendment  "  were  incorporated  in  the  constitution  as  an 
"  appendix,"  and  the  instrument  promulgated  and  put  in  force  by 
proclamation  of  President  Roosevelt.1 

These  conditions,  which  were,  though  reluctantly,  admitted, 
are :  "  Cuba  shall  not  make  any  foreign  treaty  which  may  tend 
toward  placing  the  island  or  any  portion  thereof  in  jeopardy;  no 
loans  can  be  issued  unless  a  surplus  of  revenue  is  available  for  the 
service  of  such  obligations ;  the  United  States  can  intervene  to 
preserve  the  independence  of  Cuba,  or  to  insure  protection  for  life 
and  propertv:  the  acts  of  the  United  States  military  administration 
in  Cuba  since  1898  are  recognized  as  valid;  proper  hygienic  precau- 
tions must  be  taken  to  protect  public  health  on  the  island:  owner- 
ship of  the  Isle  of  Pines  is  left  for  future  consideration;  coaling 

1 "  El  5  de  noviembre  de  1900  se  reunio  la  Convention  Constituyente,  y 
comenzo  sus  trabajos,  quedando  aprobada  el  21  de  febrero  de  1901,  la  Consti- 
tution, que  juntamente  con  el  Apendice  acordado  por  la  misma  Convencion  el 
13  de  junio,  1901,  fue  promulgada  conio  Constitucion  de  la  Republia  de  Cuba,  y 
pueste  en  vigor  por  orden  del  Presidente  de  los  Estados  Unidos,  Mr.  Theodore 
Roosevelt." — Nociones  dc  Historia  de  Cuba. 


468  WEST     INDIES 

1900-1902 

stations  shall  be  sold  or  leased  to  the  United  States  in  localities  to 
be  hereafter  decided ;  and  these  conditions  shall  be  embodied  in  the 
Cuban  law  of  Constitution." 

By  the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States  and  Spain, 
signed  at  Paris  December  10,  1898,  the  latter  relinquished  sov- 
ereignty of  Cuba  and  the  United  States  assumed  all  obligations 
for  the  protection  of  life  and  property;  United  States  troops, 
already  in  occupation  of  parts  of  the  island,  replaced  the  Spanish 
garrisons  when  they  were  withdrawn  in  1898;  and  three  years 
later,  Cuba  having  assumed  the  obligations  imposed  upon  the 
United  States  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  preparations  were  made  by 
the  secretary  of  war  of  the  United  States  to  terminate  the  mili- 
tary occupation,  and  permit  the  installation  of  the  Government  of 
Cuba. 

All  conditions  imposed  by  the  United  States  having  been  com- 
plied with  and  fulfilled  by  Cuba — viz. :  for  "  leaving  the  govern- 
ment and  control  of  Cuba  to  its  people  so  soon  as  a  government 
shall  have  been  established  under  a  constitution  which,  either  as  a 
part  thereof,  or  in  ordinance  appended,  defines  the  future  relations 
of  the  United  States  with  Cuba  in  substantial  agreement  with  the 
'  Piatt  Amendment '  " — President  Roosevelt  recommended,  in  a 
message  to  Congress  dated  March  27,  1902,  measures  for  diplo- 
matic and  consular  representation  in  Cuba. 

Previously,  however,  a  national  election  had  been  held  in 
Cuba,  and  in  February,  1902,  Sefior  Tomas  Estrada  Palma  had 
been  declared  president  of  the  new  republic  by  the  electors  chosen 
in  January  of  that  year.  The  new  government  was  as  follows : 
President  of  the  Republic,  Tomas  Estrada  Palma ;  Vice-President, 
Luis  Estevezy  Romero.  The  cabinet:  Secretary  of  State  and 
Justice,  Carlos  de  Zaldo;  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Luis  Yero 
Buduen;  Secretary  of  Public  Instruction,  Leopoldo  Cancio;  Sec- 
retary of  Public  Works  and  Acting  Secretary  of  Agriculture, 
Luciano  Diaz;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Jose  M.  Garcia  Montes. 
Governors  of  provinces :  Havana,  General  Emilio  Nunez ;  Pinar 
del  Rio,  Colonel  Luis  Perez ;  Santiago  de  Cuba,  General  Francisco 
Echavarria;  Santa  Clara,  General  Jose  Miguel  Gomez;  Puerto 
Principe,  General  Lope  Recio;  Matanzas,  Colonel  Domingo 
Lecuona ;  Chief  of  the  Rural  Guard,  General  Alejandro  Rodriguez. 

The  Republic  of  Cuba  was  actually  inaugurated  on  May  20, 
1902,  when  the  transfer  of  sovereignty  took  place,  after  nearly  three 


MILITARY     GOVERNMENT  4G9 

1902 

years  and  a  half  of  "  intervention."  At  noon  of  that  memorable 
day  for  Cuba  the  flag-  of  the  United  States  was  hauled  down  at  the 
government  palace  in  Havana  by  General  Wood,  and  that  of  the 
new  republic  hoisted  in  its  place. 

The  official  announcement  by  the  military  governor  of  the 
transfer  of  authority,  by  which  Cuba  entered  upon  her  career  of 
independence  and  home  rule  under  President  Palma,  follows 
herewith : 

"  Headquarters  Department  of  Cuba, 

"  Havana,  May  20,  1902. 
"  To  the  President  and  Congress  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  : 

"  Sirs:  Under  the  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  I  now  transfer  to  you  as  the  duly  elected  representatives  of 
the  people  of  Cuba  the  government  and  control  of  the  island,  to  be 
held  and  exercised  by  you,  under  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  Republic  of  Cuba,  heretofore  adopted  by  the  Constitutional 
Convention,  and  this  day  promulgated ;  and  I  hereby  declare  the 
occupation  of  Cuba  by  the  United  States  and  the  military  govern- 
ment of  the  island  to  be  ended. 

"  This  transfer  of  the  government  and  control  is  upon  the 
express  condition,  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States  will 
understand  that,  by  the  acceptance  thereof,  you  do  now,  pursuant 
to  the  provisions  of  the  said  Constitution,  assume  and  undertake 
all  and  several  the  obligations  assumed  by  the  United  States  with 
respect  to  Cuba  by  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica and  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  Regent  of  Spain,  signed  at  Paris 
on  the  10th  day  of  December,  1898. 

"  All  money  obligations  of  the  military  government  down  to 
this  date  have  been  paid  as  far  as  practicable.  The  public  civil 
funds  derived  from  the  revenues  of  Cuba  transferred  to  you  this 
day,  are  transferred  subject  to  such  claims  and  obligations,  prop- 
erly payable  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  island,  as  may  remain. 
The  sum  of  $100,000  has  been  reserved  from  the  transfer  of  funds 
to  defray  anticipated  expenses  of  accounting,  reporting,  and  wind- 
ing up  the  affairs  of  the  military  government,  after  which  any 
unexpended  balance  of  said  sum  will  be  paid  into  the  treasury  of 
the  island. 

"  The  plans  already  devised  for  the  sanitation  of  the  cities  of 
the  island  and  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  epidemic  and  infectious 
diseases,  to  which  the  Government  of  the  United  States  under- 


470  WEST     INDIES 

1902 

stands  that  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  contained  in  the  fifth 
article  of  the  appendix  applies,  are  as  follows : 

"  First. — A  plan  for  the  paving  and  sewering  of  the  city  of 
Havana,  for  which  a  contract  has  been  awarded  by  the  municipality 
of  that  city  to  McGivney,  Rockeby  &  Co. 

"  Second. — A  plan  for  waterworks  to  supply  the  city  of  San- 
tiago de  Cuba,  prepared  by  Captain  S.  E.  Reckenbach,  in  charge  of 
the  district  of  Santiago,  and  approved  by  the  military  governor, 
providing  for  taking  water  from  the  wells  of  the  San  Juan  Canyon, 
and  pumping  the  same  to  reservoirs  located  on  the  heights  to  the 
east  of  the  city. 

"  Third. — A  plan  for  the  sewering  of  the  city  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba,  a  contract  for  which  was  awarded  to  Michael  J.  Dady  & 
Co.  by  the  military  governor  of  Cuba,  and  now  under  construction. 

"  Fourth. — The  rules  and  regulations  established  by  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States  on  January  17,  1899,  for  the  maintenance 
of  quarantine  against  epidemic  diseases  at  the  ports  of  Havana, 
Matanzas,  Cienfuegos,  and  Santiago  de  Cuba,  and  thereafter  at 
the  other  ports  of  the  island,  as  extended  and  amended  and  made 
applicable  to  future  conditions  by  the  order  of  the  military  gov- 
ernor dated  April,  1902. 

"  Fifth. — The  sanitary  rules  and  regulations  in  force  in  the 
city  of  Havana  (and  in  any  other  city  having  official  rules,  etc.). 

"It  is  understood  by  the  United  States  that  the  present  gov- 
ernment of  the  Isle  of  Pines  will  continue  as  a  de  facto  govern- 
ment, pending  the  settlement  of  the  title  to  said  island  by  treaty 
pursuant  to  the  Cuban  Constitution  and  the  Act  of  Congress  of  the 
United  States  approved  March  2,  1901. 

"  I  am  further  charged  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  deliver  to  you  the  letter  which  I  now  hand  you. 

"  Leonard  Wood,  Military  Governor." 

The  Secretary  of  State  issued  the  following  official  notifica- 
tion to  the  ambassadors  and  ministers  of  the  United  States 
accredited  to  foreign  governments: 

"  Department  of  State, 

"  Washington,  May  20,  1902. 
"  Sir:     I  am  directed  by  the  President  to  inform  you  that  the 
military  occupation  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  by  the  United  States  has 


MILITARY     GOVERNMENT  471 

1902 

this  day  ceased,  and  that  an  independent  government,  republican  in 
form,  has  been  inaugurated  there,  under  the  Presidency  of  His 
Excellency  Senor  Don  Tomas  Estrada  Palma. 

"You  are  instructed  to  convey  this  information  through  the 
appropriate  channel  to  the  government  to  which  von  are  accredited. 
"  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"John  Hay,  Secretary." 

"  The  present  government  of  Cuba  is  republican  in  form  and 
in  actuality.  It  is  a  government  '  of  the  people,  by  the  people, 
for  the  people.'  Its  constitution,  regularly  adopted  on  February  21, 
1901,  and  afterward  modified  satisfactorily  to  the  United  States 
by  the  adoption  of  the  so-called  '  Piatt  Amendment,'  is  similar  to 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States.  The  president  serves  four 
years  and  appoints  his  own  cabinet.  The  congress  consists  of  a 
senate  and  a  house  of  representatives,  one  representative  being 
chosen  for  every  25,000  inhabitants,  as  nearly  as  possible.  Each 
province  elects  it  own  governor  and  controls  it  own  internal  affairs. 
The  rules  governing  citizenship  correspond  in  general  to  those 
in  force  in  the  United  States.  The  financial  and  commercial  con- 
ditions have  been  greatly  improved.  Although  the  old  Spanish 
money  is  still  in  circulation,  the  Cuban  currency  system  has  been 
placed  on  a  stable  gold  basis,  adjusted  to  United  States  standards. 
This  important  transformation  was  effected  during  the  United 
States  occupation,  but  so  wisely  and  gradually  that  local  industries, 
which  had  been  previously  adjusted  to  the  old  Spanish  standards, 
were  not  damaged.  The  tariff  was  changed  in  several  particulars 
for  the  advantage  of  Cuban  agricultural  interests,  reductions  being 
made  in  favor  of  the  importation  of  foods,  agricultural  machinery, 
locomotives,  steel  rails,  and  other  commodities." 

The  independency  of  Cuba  began  under  more  favorable  aus- 
pices than  its  most  ardent  friends  had  anticipated,  for  the  people  of 
Cuba,  though  perhaps  hardly  appreciative  of  what  the  United  States 
had  clone  for  them  during  their  period  of  tutelage,  yet  were  over- 
joyed at  the  prospect  of  finally  "  coming  into  their  own  " — a  condi- 
tion which  had  been  long  promised,  long  deferred,  yet  ever  believed 
in  by  the  faithful  fighters  for  Cuba  librc. 

With  liberty  and  autonomy  in  a  greater  measure  than  had 
ever  been  expected,  the  Cubans  had  greater  cause  for  rejoicing  than 
any  other  people  on  earth.     The  island  having  been  most  thor- 


472  WEST     INDIES 

1902 

oughly  regenerated  by  the  outgoing  Americans,  its  resources  were 
developed  to  a  great  extent,  its  cities  cleansed  and  made  free  from 
that  scourge  of  centuries,  yellow  fever,  and  salutary  lessons  were 
inculcated  respecting  sanitation.  Public  schools  were  established, 
its  finances  firmly  based,  and  its  treasury  left  with  a  surplus,  unheard 
of  in  Spanish  times. 

There  were  threats  of  disturbance  from  some  of  the  politicians 
and  "  patriots,"  as  there  were  not  offices  enough  for  all  the  former, 
nor  funds  enough  (despite  the  generous  gift  of  $3,000,000  from  the 
United  States)  for  placating  the  latter.  But  the  real  fighters  and 
patriots,  like  General  Gomez  and  a  few  others,  who  had  shed  their 
blood  and  given  their  fortunes  for  the  cause,  nobly  upheld  the  gov- 
ernment and  protected  Cuba's  credit. 

It  is  doubtful  if  any  other  great  nation  ever  did  for  another 
and  weaker  one  what  the  United  States  did  for  Cuba  without  direct 
recompense  or  hope  of  reward.  The  full  measure  of  Cuba's  obliga- 
tion to  the  United  States  may  never  be  known;  but  the  concrete 
results  of  the  intervention  period  are  forcibly  presented  and  cor- 
rectly summarized  in  General  Wood's  final  Report  of  1902: 

"  The  government  was  transferred  as  a  '  going  concern  ' ;  all 
the  public  offices  were  filled  with  competent,  well-trained  employes ; 
the  island  was  free  from  debt,  other  than  such  obligations  as  were  of 
a  current  character,  and  had  a  surplus  of  over  a  million  and  a  half 
dollars  available  for  allotment;  was  possessed  of  a  thoroughly 
trained  and  efficient  personnel  in  all  departments  and  completely 
equipped  buildings  for  the  transaction  of  public  business ;  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  was  free;  habeas  corpus  had  been  put  in  force; 
old  prison  abuses  had  been  stopped;  police  courts  had  been  estab- 
lished ;  a  new  marriage  law  on  lines  proposed  by  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic bishop  of  Havana,  giving  equal  rights  to  all  denominations, 
was  in  operation ;  a  general  electoral  law  embodying  the  most  en- 
lightened principles  of  modern  electoral  laws  had  been  put  in  force, 
and  the  people  were  governed  in  all  municipalities  throughout  the 
island  by  officials  of  their  own  choice  elected  under  this  law;  trials  in 
Cuban  courts  were  as  prompt  as  in  any  State  in  the  Union,  and  life 
and  property  were  absolutely  safe;  sanitary  conditions  were  better 
than  those  existing  in  most  parts  of  the  United  States ;  yellow  fever 
had  been  eradicated  from  the  island ;  a  modern  system  of  public  edu- 
cation, including  a  reorganized  university,  high  schools,  and  nearly 


1902 


MILITARY     GOVERNM  E  N  T  473 


3700  public  schools,  and  laws  for  its  government,  was  in  successful 
operation;  well  organized  departments  of  charities  and  public  works 
operating  under  laws  framed  by  the  military  government  had  been 
established;  a  new  railroad  law  had  been  promulgated;  the  customs 
service  had  been  thoroughly  equipped;  the  great  question  of  church 
property  had  been  settled;  a  basis  of  settlement  between  mortgage 
creditors  and  debtors  had  been  agreed  upon  and  in  successful  opera- 
tion for  a  year;  municipalities  had  been  reduced  from  138  to  <Sj  in 
number;  public  order  was  excellent;  the  island  possessed  a  highly 
organized  and  efficient  rural  guard ;  an  enormous  amount  of  public 
works  had  been  undertaken  and  completed;  ports  and  harbors  had 
been  much  improved;  old  lighthouses  had  been  thoroughly  reno- 
vated and  new  ones  built;  Cubans  and  Spaniards  were  living  in 
harmony ;  in  short,  the  government  as  transformed  was  in  excellent 
running  order;  the  people  were  making  rapid  progress;  beggars 
were  practically  unknown ;  the  courts  had  the  confidence  and  respect 
of  the  people.     .     .     . 

"  The  work  called  for  and  accomplished  was  the  building  up 
of  a  republic  by  Anglo-Saxons  in  a  Latin  country  where  approxi- 
mately seventy  per  cent,  of  the  people  were  illiterate;  where  they 
had  lived  always  as  a  military  colony;  where  general  elections,  as 
we  understand  them,  were  unknown;  in  fact,  it  was  a  work  which 
called  for  practically  a  rewriting  of  the  administrative  law  of  the 
land,  including  the  law  of  charities  and  hospitals,  public  works,  san- 
itary law,  school  law,  and  railway  law ;  meeting  and  controlling  the 
worst  possible  sanitary  conditions ;  putting  the  people  to  school ; 
writing  an  electoral  law  and  training  the  people  in  the  use  of  it; 
establishing  an  entirely  new  system  of  accounting  and  auditing;  the 
election  and  assembling  of  representatives  of  the  people  to  draw  up 
and  adopt  a  constitution  for  the  proposed  new  republic;  in  short, 
the  establishment  in  a  little  over  three  years,  in  a  Latin  military 
colony  in  one  of  the  most  unhealthful  countries  in  the  world,  of  a 
republic  modeled  closely  upon  lines  of  our  great  republic,  and  the 
transfer  to  the  Cuban  people  of  the  republic  so  established,  free  from 
debt,  healthy,  orderly,  well  equipped,  and  with  a  good  balance  in  the 
treasury.  All  this  work  was  accomplished  without  serious  friction. 
The  Island  of  Cuba  was  transferred  to  its  people  as  promised,  and 
was  started  on  its  career  in  excellent  condition  and  under  favorable 
circumstances." 


Chapter   V 

THE    REPUBLIC   OF    CUBA   TO-DAY.     1902-1910 

THE  first  President  of  the  Cuban  Republic,  Senor  Tomas 
Estrada  Palma — familiarly  known  in  the  island  as  "  Don 
Tomas  " — was  born  in  the  little  town  of  Bayamo,  San- 
tiago province,  in  1835.  His  father,  a  wealthy  planter,  educated 
him  for  the  bar,  and  he  achieved  some  success  in  his  profession.  At 
the  age  of  thirty-three,  however,  he  joined  the  insurgents  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Ten  Years'  War,  rose  to  the  rank  of  general,  and 
afterward  filled  the  presidential  chair  of  the  provisional  (insurrec- 
tionist) government. 

Owing  to  the  prominent  part  he  took  in  the  insurrection,  his 
family  estates  were  confiscated,  his  mother  was  murdered  by  Span- 
ish troops,  and  in  1877  ne  was  captured  and  taken  as  a  prisoner  to 
Spain.  There  he  was  retained  for  nearly  two  years  in  prison, 
persistently  refusing  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Spain;  and 
when  finally  released  he  vowed  never  to  return  to  Cuba  until  she 
should  have  achieved  her  independence.  In  pursuance  of  this  resolve 
he  went  to  Honduras  after  his  release,  where  he  married  the  daugh- 
ter of  that  republic's  president  and  was  made  postmaster-general. 
After  a  short  residence  in  Honduras  he  came  to  the  United  States, 
settling  finally  at  Central  Valley,  New  York,  where  he  opened  a 
school  for  boys,  as  a  means  of  gaining  a  livelihood.  He  is  best 
remembered  in  the  United  States,  of  course,  as  the  head  and  front 
of  the  insurrectionist  junta  which  had  its  headquarters  in  New 
York,  and  but  for  which  Cuban  independence  might  never  have 
been  won. 

His  career  as  a  soldier  is  so  far  in  the  past  that  most  people 
now  living  have  forgotten  it,  as  he  fought  for  Cuba  libre  nearly 
thirty-five  years  prior  to  his  being  elected  president  of  the  newly 
formed  republic.  He  is  best  known  in  Cuba  and  elsewhere  as  a 
statesman  of  elevated  aims,  pure  morals,  and  integrity  of  purpose. 
Although  he  had  resided  many  years  abroad,  he  was,  next  to  Gen- 
eral Maximo  Gomez,  the  most  popular  man  in  Cuba.  It  was  owing, 
doubtless,  to  the  persuasion  and  personal  influence  of  that  redoubta- 

474 


CUBA     TO-DAY  17.-, 

1902 

hie  old  warrior,  the  idol  of  the  people,  that  Talma  was  chosen  by 
the  electoral  college,  as  General  Gomez  himself  would  have  been 
elevated  to  the  high  position  had  he  consented  to  receive  the  nom- 
ination. Instead  of  allowing  his  name  to  he  presented.  General 
Gomez  chose  rather  the  quietude  of  retirement,  and  resides  unos- 
tentiously  in  Havana,  surrounded  by  his  attractive  family. 

Events  have  shown  that  in  choosing  Senor  Palma  as  their  first 
executive  the  Cubans  acted  well  and  wisely,  since  he  has  displayed  a 
serene,  judicial  temper  superior  to  all  annoyances,  and  has  held  in 
a  firm  grasp  such  of  his  unstable  constituents  as  were  prone  to 
create  disturbances.  The  same  week  that  witnessed  the  coronation 
of  Spain's  youthful  sovereign,  when  he  had  been  declared  of  age. 
saw  the  city  of  Havana  in  the  throes  of  preparation  for  the  inaugu- 
ration of  Cuba's  first  executive.  Her  streets,  like  those  of  Madrid, 
resounded  with  enthusiastic  "vivas"',  and  they  were  also  in  the 
Spanish  tongue :  but  not  for  Spain  or  for  Spain's  young  ruler.  They 
were  all  for  a  plain  old  gentleman  then  but  recently  from  the  United 
States — where  he  had  resided  for  a  score  of  years,  and  once  claimed 
citizenship — Senor  Don  Tomas  Estrada  Palma,  Cuba's  president- 
elect. There  may  have  been  more  of  magnificence  attendant  upon 
the  coronation  ceremonies  at  Madrid,  but  not  nearly  so  much  enthu- 
siasm, so  much  real  cause  for  rejoicing,  nor  such  unaffected  sim- 
plicity and  true  patriotism. 

President  (then  President-elect)  Palma  landed  in  Cuba  at 
Gibara,  on  the  north  coast,  April  20.  just  a  month  previous  to  the 
date  set  for  his  inauguration,  and  thence  proceeded  across  country 
to  the  little  town  of  Bayamo,  his  birthplace,  by  the  old  insurgent 
route,  which  he  had  trodden  many  times  in  pain  and  peril  in  the 
Ten  Years'  War,  He  was  first  elected  President  of  the  Cuban 
Republic  (then  a  thing  hoped  for,  but  not  realized)  twenty-five 
3rears  before  he  made  this  triumphal  journey,  when  he  returned  as 
the  chosen  executive  of  the  free  and  independent  republic  then  exist- 
ing as  an  actuality.  Though  a  tour  of  triumph  in  a  certain  sense, 
his  trip  to  his  birthplace  and  to  the  grave  of  his  murdered  mother 
was  saddened  by  these  painful  memories  that  thronged  upon  him, 
as  he  recalled  the  events  that  had  taken  place  since  he  left  the  island, 
a  captive  of  the  Spaniards. 

President  Palma  brought  to  the  executive  chair  the  ripe  experi- 
ence of  an  active  life  and  a  sagacity  acquired  through  trials  and 
tribulation.      He   indulged    in    no   roseate   dreams   of   enthusiastic 


476  WEST     INDIES 

1902 

youth,  but  declared,  with  the  sane  judgment  of  old  age,  that  the 
course  for  the  Cubans  to  pursue  had  been  marked  out  for  them  by 
their  liberators,  and  that  it  was  incumbent  upon  them,  at  least,  not 
to  stray  from  that  path  of  liberty  and  progress. 

Addressing  his  countrymen  just  prior  to  his  inauguration, 
President  Palma  said :  "  None  of  us  may  hope  to  fully  express  the 
joy  we  feel  at  the  approach  of  May  20,  that  date  destined  to  be  so 
great  a  one  in  our  history,  which  marks  the  birth  of  a  new  republic 
on  the  American  continent.  This  date  will  forever  mean  to  us  of 
Cuba  that  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  powerful  nations  of  modern 
times,  not  content  with  helping  us  to  win  our  liberty,  not  satisfied 
with  having  spent  the  blood  of  her  loyal  sons  in  torrents  in  our 
behalf,  has  justly  and  wisely  stood  between  us  and  the  rest  of  the 
world,  has  shown  us  how  to  govern  the  young  republic,  has  con- 
tinued to  extend  to  us  her  guiding  hand  and  her  wise  counsels,  and 
now,  having  done  so,  she  fulfills  her  pledges  to  us  and  to  the  world, 
and  generously  turns  over  to  our  government  the  island  she  has 
helped  us  to  wrest  from  our  enemies !  " 

Actuated  by  sentiments  of  gratitude  and  loyalty  to  the  great 
government  that  had  made  possible  the  aspirations  of  Cuban  patri- 
ots, Senor  Palma  took  as  his  model  the  constitution  and  workings 
of  the  more  powerful  republic,  and  aimed,  if  anything,  at  going 
beyond  the  United  States  in  the  integrity  of  his  intentions  to  live 
simply,  rule  wisely,  and  establish  an  economical  form  of  government, 
despite  the  tremendous  pressure  that  was  brought  to  bear  upon  him 
from  every  side.  The  cabinet  positions,  those  most  craved  by 
aspiring  Cubans,  were  few,  and  the  departmental  positions  were 
already  filled  with  men  trained  by  the  departing  Americans  to  per- 
form their  tasks  conscientiously  and  well. 

He  declared  himself,  at  the  outset,  in  favor  of  free  and  better 
education ;  disposed  to  develop  to  the  utmost  Cuba's  vast  resources ; 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  closest  and  friendliest  relations  with  the 
United  States,  and  of  uniting  the  various  and  diverse  political  ele- 
ments, so  that  they  should  work  harmoniously  in  the  best  interests 
of  the  newly  established  government. 

He  then  gave  out  that  he  considered  the  most  important  offices 
within  his  gift  to  be  the  secretaryships  of  education  and  agriculture, 
and  in  this  announcement  he  struck  the  keynotes  of  progress  and 
prosperity.  He  has  adhered  to  his  plans  with  commendable  tenacity, 
has  resisted  the  pressure  brought  against  him  by  place   and  fortune- 


CUBA     TO-DAY  477 

1902-1904 

hunters,  and  in  every  important  measure  has  verified  the  confidence 
placed  in  him  by  the  Cubans,  and  the  wisdom  of  their  choice.  The 
enemies  of  Cuba  have  been  disappointed  in  her  constant  and  cumu- 
lative successes,  diplomatic  and  material,  for  peace  has  prevailed 
throughout  the  republic  from  the  very  first  moment  of  its  founda- 
tion, and  the  promise  for  the  future  is  very  bright  indeed. 

That  President  Palma's  sentiments  remained  unchanged  after 
his  accession  to  power  came  out  strongly  in  his  remarks  on  the 
occasion  of  the  departure  from  Cuba  of  the  last  American  soldiers 
then  quartered  at  Cabanas  barracks,  Havana,  on  February  4,  1904. 

"  On  this  momentous  occasion,"  he  said,  "  the  sincerity  and 
depth  of  my  feelings  overcome  me,  and  my  heart  must  supply  the 
deficiency  of  words.  We  now  see  leave  our  shores  the  last  troops 
the  United  States  left  in  Cuba  after  helping  us  to  secure  our  inde- 
pendence and  the  blessings  of  freedom. 

"  They  could  stay  longer  under  some  pretext,  or  they  could 
impose  upon  us  an  unjust  demand.  But,  on  the  contrary,  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  willingly  proves  its  disinterestedness 
and  the  sincerity  of  the  aid  it  rendered  us  by  taking  those  troops 
away,  and  shows  us  that  we  have,  as  an  independent  people,  the 
confidence  of  one  of  the  most  powerful  nations  on  earth, 

"  This  act  of  the  United  States,  in  withdrawing  its  troops  from 
Cuban  territory,  reflects  upon  them  everlasting  glory  and  makes  us 
proud  of  ourselves,  for  it  means  that  nobody  doubts  our  competence 
to  govern  ourselves,  or  our  ability  to  maintain  peace  and  order 
and  guarantee  the  rights  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  island. 

"  This  new  consideration  shown  us,  together  with  the  services 
we  have  previously  received  at  their  hands,  will  bind  the  Cuban 
people  to  the  American  people  forever  in  a  strong  tie  of  sincere 
gratitude !  " 

That  President  Palma  should  have  adhered  so  consistently  to 
the  ideals  set  forth  by  the  retiring  Americans,  that  he  should  still 
be  animated  by  feelings  of  gratitude  toward  the  great  republic  that 
made  his  aspirations  possible,  and  have  expressed  those  feelings, 
two  years  after  he  had  taken  into  his  grasp  the  reins  of  power, 
makes  for  the  stability  of  the  government  over  which  he  was  placed 
by  the  votes  of  the  people. 

New  conditions  in  Cuba  opened  most  auspiciously  for  the 
island  and  its  inhabitants,  and  to  equal  or  surpass  those  prevailing 
during  the  period  of  American  occupancy  it  was  incumbent  upon 


478  WEST     INDIES 

1902-1904 

the  Cuban  officials  that  their  efforts  should  never  be  relaxed.  The 
United  States  did  more  than  its  duty  by  Cuba;  it  is  to  the  lasting 
credit  of  the  Cubans  that  when  they  had  opportunity  they  nobly 
rose  to  the  occasion  and  showed  the  world  what  they  could  do  for 
themselves.  When  the  Stars  and  Stripes  was  withdrawn  from  the 
palace  in  Havana  and  the  forts  across  the  harbor,  and  in  its  place 
the  flag  of  free  and  independent  Cuba  run  aloft,  there  was  an  end 
to  the  old  regime  of  Spanish  misrule  and  barbarities,  and  an  inaug- 
uration of  the  new. 

The  predictions  of  Cuba's  enemies  have  not  been  fulfilled,  for, 
instead  of  "  lapsing  into  barbarism,  like  Haiti,"  the  new  republic 
has  progressed  along  the  lines  her  friends  indicated  during  the 
period  of  military  occupation  and  forged  into  the  fabric  of  their 
enlightened  policy. 

When  General  Wood  was  first  installed  as  military  governor 
of  Cuba  he  found,  he  said,  prisons  enough  to  accommodate  all  the 
Cuban  children,  but  an  entire  absence  of  schools  and  provisions  for 
even  their  primary  instruction.  That  was  in  accord  with  the  Span- 
ish policy  throughout  its  colonies.  But  after  two  years  of  American 
rule  more  than  75,000  children  found  accommodation  for  their  edu- 
cational needs,  and  in  President  Palma's  message  to  the  Cuban 
congress  in  November,  1902,  he  stated  that  more  than  3000  schools 
were  then  maintained,  with  a  regular  attendance  of  163,400  schol- 
ars of  both  sexes. 

By  the  Cuban  constitution  primary  education  is  declared  com- 
pulsory, "  and  shall  be  gratuitous,  as  also  that  of  arts  and  trades. 
The  expenses  thereof  shall  be  defrayed  by  the  state,  during  such 
time  as  the  provinces  and  municipalities  may  lack  means  therefor  " ; 
and  as  a  result  the  first  year  of  the  Cuban  budget  showed  an  expen- 
diture of  $3,700,000  for  public  instruction.  More  than  $3,000,000 
of  this  large  sum  was  expended  for  the  primary  schools,  or  twenty 
per  cent,  of  total  public  expenditures. 

Several  questions  relating  to  mutual  intercourse  between  Cuba 
and  the  United  States  were  left  for  settlement  under  what  might 
be  termed  "  unfinished  business."  These  related  to  the  ownership 
of  the  Isle  of  Pines,  coaling  and  naval  stations  for  the  United  States, 
the  Cuban  loan,  and  a  treaty  of  reciprocity. 

Under  the  treaty  negotiated  and  ratified  with  Spain  the  status 
of  the  Isle  of  Pines  was  to  be  the  same  as  that  of  Puerto  Rico,  and, 
though  only  sixty  miles  from  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba,  its  owner- 


CUBA     TO-DAY  479 

1902-1904 

ship  passed  to  the  United  States.  There  has  been  a  very  determined 
opposition  to  the  ratification  of  a  treaty  by  which  the  sovereignty 
of  Cuba  over  this  island  should  be  recognized,  but  in  1906  the  ques- 
tion was  definitely  settled  in  favor  of  Cuba  retaining  the  island. 
While  contiguity,  merely,  might  seem  to  have  weight  in  the  settle- 
ment of  this  vexed  question,  there  also  arose  the  rights  of  American 
settlers,  who  had  invested  to  the  amount  of  more  than  a  million 
dollars,  and  who  removed  thither  with  their  families,  and  resisted 
the  Cuban  administration,  insisting  that  the  island  should  continue 
to  remain  an  American  possession. 

The  island  contains  about  800,000  acres  of  land,  though  much 
of  it  is  low  and  marshy,  with  varied  scenery,  mineral  springs,  and 
a  climate  that  is  perfectly  adapted  to  the  raising  of  tropical  fruits 
and  vegetables.  In  some  respects  it  is  a  desirable  acquisition  to  the 
insular  possessions  of  the  United  States,  but,  though  occupying  an 
advantageous  position,  strategically  considered,  it  has  no  harbors 
which  could  be  made  available  for  naval  or  coaling  stations  by  the 
United  States. 

According  to  the  provisions  to  that  effect  in  the  constitution 
of  Cuba,  sites  for  naval  stations  were  granted  the  United  States 
in  July,  1903,  at  Bahia  Honda,  on  the  north  coast,  and  at  Guan- 
tanamo,  on  the  south,  not  far  distant  from  the  harbor  of  Santiago. 
The  latter  station  was  transferred  to  the  United  States  in  Novem- 
ber, 1903,  and  four  hundred  marines  were  sent  out  to  take  posses- 
sion, after  participating  in  the  formal  transfer.  Active  operations 
have  since  been  going  on  at  Guantanamo  looking  to  the  establish- 
ment there  of  a  great  naval  base  and  coaling  station  for  United 
States  war  vessels,  which  will  be  of  inestimable  value,  in  view  of 
the  expanding  interests  of  the  American  Government  at  Panama 
and  in  the  Caribbean  Sea. 

Three  magnificent  strategic  positions  are  now  commanded  and 
controlled  by  the  United  States,  sufficing  for  the  assembling  of  its 
fleets,  and  enhancing  the  prestige  of  its  naval  power  in  southern 
waters.  These  are  Bahia  Honda,  less  than  fifty  miles  to  the  west- 
ward of  Havana,  commanding  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Straits 
of  Florida;  Guantanamo,  nearest  to  the  Windward  Passage,  Ja- 
maica, Panama,  the  east  coast  of  Central  America,  and  the  Spanish 
Main ;  and  Culebra,  between  Puerto  Rico  and  Saint  Thomas,  dom- 
inating the  Lesser  Antilles  and  the  northeast  coast  of  South 
America. 


480  WEST     INDIES 

1902-1904 

Within  a  year  after  the  establishment  of  Cuban  independence 
it  was  authoritatively  said  of  Cuba :  "  Events  ha've  clearly  indicated 
a  growing  prosperity  on  the  part  of  the  new  republic.  The  public 
receipts  from  customs,  etc.,  have  proved  ample  for  meeting  the 
public  expenditures,  and  these  have  been  wisely  and  economically 
managed  in  a  manner  conducive  to  the  best  interests  of  the  common- 
wealth. The  productive  capacity  and  energy  of  the  people  have 
greatly  increased,  as  shown  by  the  statistics  of  production  and  trade. 
The  balance  of  trade,  which  for  several  years  prior  to  1902  was 
against  Cuba,  is  now  again  in  its  favor.  There  is  no  public  debt, 
except  for  current  and  temporary  obligations,  and  the  treasury  con- 
tained (on  September  1,  1903,)  more  than  $3,000,000,  after  paying 
all  obligations." 

It  had  been  provided,  by  the  "  Piatt  Amendment "  clause  of 
the  Cuban  constitution,  that  Cuba  should  "  not  assume  to  contract 
any  debt,  to  pay  the  interest  on  which  and  make  reasonable  pro- 
vision for  the  ultimate  discharge  of  which,  the  ordinary  expenses 
of  the  island,  after  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  government,  shall 
be  inadequate." 

At  the  beginning  of  1903,  however,  it  was  perfectly  apparent 
that  this  disability  had  been  removed,  owing  to  the  vast  resources 
of  the  island  having  provided  an  income  more  than  adequate  for 
complying  with  the  conditions  laid  down  in  the  amendment.  As 
a  consequence,  a  loan  of  $35,000,000  was  "  floated  "  in  February, 
1904,  bonds  having  been  issued  to  run  forty  years,  with  annual 
interest  at  five  per  cent.  These  bonds  were  taken  by  a  financial 
company  of  New  York,  at  90^,  and  payment  therefor  was  sent  to 
Cuba  in  three  installments,  during  June,  September,  and  December, 
1904. 

Cuba  had  already  become  indebted  to  the  amount  of  $2,195,350 
gold-bearing  bonds  at  six  per  cent.,  and  she  still  owed  her  veterans 
(in  whose  interests,  ostensibly,  the  large  loan  was  negotiated)  the 
sum  of  $60,000,000,  "  for  fighting  her  battles  with  Spain."  In 
order  to  discharge  this  obligation  fully,  bonds  or  scrip  have  been 
issued  to  the  veterans  themselves,  to  the  total  amount  of  the  deficit, 
though  the  "  patriots  "  who  "  fought  and  bled  for  their  country  " 
have  almost  universally  hypothecated  their  scrip  for  about  twenty- 
five  per  cent,  of  the  face  value  to  the  Spanish-Cuban  bankers,.  Thus 
Spain  benefits  by  the  necessities  of  Cuba,  and  not  only  in  the  matter 
of  the  loans  and  scrip  issues,  but  also,  more  or  less  indirectly, 


CUBA     TO-DAY  481 

1902-1910 

through  the  generosity  of  the  United  States  toward  Cuba  in  the 
larger  concession  as  to  reciprocity. 

Although  Spain  formerly  controlled  the  trade  of  the  island,  in 
a  great  measure  she  will  not  have  lost  much  in  the  end,  for  through 
her  long-established  commercial  houses,  with  their  branches  in  Cuba, 
Cuban  trade  is  mainly  controlled.  But  even  with  the  ever-present 
incubus  of  Spanish  trade  supremacy,  Cuba  will  continue  to  prosper, 
and  will  have  a  surplus  for  the  discharge  of  her  national  obligations. 

"  From  1893  to  1898  the  revenues  of  Cuba,  under  excessive 
taxation,  high  duties,  and  the  Havana  lottery,"  according  to  the 
Cuban  census  report  of  1890,  "  averaged  about  $25,000,000  per  an- 
num ...  Of  this  amount  $10,500,000  went  to  Spain  to  pay 
the  interest  on  the  Cuban  debt,  $12,000,000  were  allotted  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  Spanish-Cuban  army  and  navy  and  the  maintenance  of 
the  Cuban  Government  in  all  its  branches,  including  the  church,  and 
the  remainder,  less  than  $2,500,000,  was  allowed  for  public  works, 
education,  and  the  general  improvement  of  Cuba,  independent  of 
municipal  expenditures.  As  the  amounts  appropriated  annually  in 
the  Cuban  budget  were  not  sufficient  to  cover  the  expenditures  and 
there  was  a  failure  to  collect  the  taxes,  deficits  were  inevitable. 
These  were  charged  to  the  Cuban  debt,  until,  by  1897,  through  this 
and  other  causes,  it  aggregated  about  $400,000,000,  or  an  amount 
per  capita  of  $283.54 — more  than  three  times  as  large  as  the  per 
capita  debt  of  Spain  and  much  larger  than  the  per  capita  debt  of 
any  other  European  country!  " 

Without  discussing  the  political,  moral,  or  social  aspects  of 
the  matter,  it  is  apparent  that  these  great  and  radical  alterations  have 
resulted  and  will  continue  to  result  in  material  advantage  to  the 
Cubans  and  to  the  nations  having  commercial  dealings  with  Cuba, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  Spain,  which  had  formerly  a  monopoly 
of  the  Cuban  market  in  many  important  details.  Cuba  can  now 
invite  trade  and  immigration  on  fair  terms.  Its  public  expenditures 
are  no  longer  devoted  to  the  support  of  foreign  officials  and  a  for- 
eign army,  but  are  in  the  interest  of  the  public  welfare  and  progress. 
Taxes  are  now  low,  and  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  revenue  comes  from 
the  customs  duties.  The  old  millstone  of  the  enormous  Spanish- 
Cuban  debt  has  been  cast  off.  The  community  is  solvent,  independ- 
ent, and  progressive.  Those  who  now  sell  to  Cuba  know  they  will 
be  paid  and  what  kind  of  money  they  will  get.  Those  who  emigrate 
to  Cuba  know  they  are  safe  in  settling  there. 


Chapter    IV 

RECIPROCITY   BETWEEN    CUBA  AND   THE 
UNITED  STATES.     1902-1910 

THE  subject  of  reciprocity  between  Cuba  and  the  United 
States  appeared  prominently  as  a  subject  of  discussion 
almost  coincidentally  with  the  establishment  of  the 
Cuban  Republic,  and  was  a  fruitful  source  of  dissension  and  re- 
crimination. Having  obtained  everything  she  had  fought  for,  and 
through  the  armed  intervention  and  subsequent  military  occupation 
of  her  territory  by  the  United  States  advanced  to  a  position  among 
the  nations  which  she  never  could  have  attained  unaided,  yet  Cuba 
expected,  and  even  demanded,  continued  support  from  the  hand 
that  had  freed  her  from  the  fetters  of  centuries. 

Most  fortunately  for  her  the  sentiment  also  existed  in  the 
United  States  that,  having  shed  the  blood  of  American  soldiers  in 
accomplishing  her  freedom,  and  having  poured  out  American 
treasure  without  stint  in  establishing  the  island's  position  of  in- 
dependence, the  obligation  was  one  of  honor  to  provide  for  her 
"  material  well-being  "  for  all  future  time. 

Without  pausing  to  discuss  the  objections  to  this  proposition 
from  the  American  view-point — as  to  the  necessity  for  further 
assisting  a  nation  which,  owing  to  that  aid,  had  started  in  the  race 
free  from  debt  and  international  obligations,  which  had  absorbed 
already  millions  of  American  money  without  thought  of  recom- 
pense, which  possessed  natural  climatic  advantages  far  superior  to 
the  United  States,  and  a  trade  position  (together  with  unique 
products,  such  as  sugar  and  tobacco)  peculiarly  advantageous  and 
unsurpassed — it  is  enough  to  state  that  the  sentiment  of  "  reci- 
procity "  prevailed. 

After  a  systematic  and  exhaustive  study  of  the  subject  had 
been  made  by  committees,  and  prolonged  debate  in  the  House,  a 
bill  was  formulated  and  passed  which,  when  sent  to  the  Senate,  was 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Relations  with  Cuba,  and,  never  hav- 
ing been  reported  back,  "  died  with  the  expiration  of  the  Fifty- 
seventh  Congress." 

482 


RECIPROCITY  483 

1902-1910 

The  United  States  Congress  having  failed  to  pass  any  measure 
authorizing  tariff  concessions  on  Cuban  products  in  return  for 
"  similar  concessions  "  offered  by  Cuba  on  imports,  President  Roose- 
velt authorized  the  negotiation  of  a  commercial  treaty  with  Cuba, 
which  was  signed  in  Havana  on  December  n,  1902.  No  action 
was  taken  on  this  convention  by  the  Fifty-seventh  Congress,  but  at 
a  special  session  of  the  Senate,  called  for  March  5,  1903,  it  was 
considered,  and,  together  with  amendments,  was  ratified  March  19. 
The  Cuban  Government  ratified  the  amended  instrument  nine  days 
later ;  it  received  the  "  approval  "  of  Congress  at  a  special  session 
called  by  President  Roosevelt,  the  House,  November  19,  1903,  and 
the  Senate,  on  December  16,  passing  a  bill  affirming  this  treaty. 

President  Roosevelt  affixed  his  signature  to  the  treaty  Decem- 
ber 19,  and  issued  his  proclamation,  in  conformity  with  the  Act  of 
Congress,  proclaiming  the  convention  between  the  United  States 
and  Cuba  to  be  in  effect  on  the  tenth  day  of  its  issuance. 

President  Roosevelt's  broad  and  statesmanlike  presentation  of 
the  subject,  and  his  continued  insistence  that  full  justice  (even  more 
than  full  justice)  should  be  done  to  Cuba,  won  the  country  to  his 
way  of  thinking  and  gave  Cuba  the  measure  she  so  ardently  desired. 
Plis  views  are  set  forth  in  his  message  to  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  as  follows: 

"  I  deem  it  important  before  the  adjournment  of  the  present 
session  of  Congress  to  call  attention  to  the  following  expressions  in 
the  message  which,  in  the  discharge  of  the  duty  imposed  upon  me 
by  the  Constitution,  I  sent  to  Congress  on  the  first  Tuesday  of 
December  last : 

"  Elsewhere  I  have  discussed  the  question  of  reciprocity.  In 
the  case  of  Cuba,  however,  there  are  weighty  reasons  of  morality 
and  of  national  interest  why  the  policy  should  be  held  to  have  a 
peculiar  application,  and  I  most  earnestly  ask  your  attention  to  the 
wisdom,  indeed  to  the  vital  need,  of  providing  for  a  substantial 
reduction  in  the  tariff  duties  on  Cuban  imports  into  the  United 
States.  Cuba  has  in  her  constitution  affirmed  what  we  desired, 
that  she  should  stand,  in  international  matters,  in  closer  and  more 
friendly  relations  with  us  than  with  any  other  power;  and  we  are 
bound  by  every  consideration  of  honor  and  expediency  to  pass  com- 
mercial measures  in  the  interest  of  her  material  well-being." 

This  recommendation  was  merely  giving  practical   effect  to 


484  WEST     INDIES 

19021910 

President  McKinley's  words  when,  in  his  messages  of  December  5, 
1898,  and  December  5,  1899,  he  wrote: 

"  It  is  important  that  our  relations  with  this  people  [of  Cuba] 
shall  be  of  the  most  friendly  character  and  our  commercial  relations 
close  and  reciprocal.  .  .  .  We  have  accepted  a  trust,  the  ful- 
fillment of  which  calls  for  the  sternest  integrity  of  purpose  and  the 
exercise  of  the  highest  wisdom.  The  new  Cuba  yet  to  arise  from 
the  ashes  of  the  past  must  needs  be  bound  to  us  by  ties  of  singu- 
lar intimacy  and  strength,  if  its  enduring  welfare  is  to  be  as- 
sured. .  .  .  The  greatest  blessing  which  can  come  to  Cuba  is 
the  restoration  of  her  agricultural  and  industrial  prosperity. 

"  Yesterday,  June  1 2,  I  received  by  cable  from  the  American 
minister  in  Cuba  a  most  earnest  appeal  from  President  Palma  for 
'  legislative  relief  before  it  is  too  late  and  [his]  country  financially 
ruined.' 

"  The  granting  of  reciprocity  with  Cuba  is  a  proposition  which 
stands  entirely  alone.  The  reasons  for  it  far  outweigh  those  for 
granting  reciprocity  with  any  other  nation,  and  are  entirely  consist- 
ent with  preserving  intact  the  protective  system  under  which  this 
country  has  thriven  so  marvelously.  The  present  tariff  law  was 
designed  to  promote  the  adoption  of  such  a  reciprocity  treaty,  and 
expressly  provided  for  a  reduction  not  to  exceed  twenty  per  cent, 
upon  goods  coming  from  a  particular  country,  leaving  the  tariff 
rates  on  the  same  articles  unchanged  as  regards  all  other  countries. 
Objection  has  been  made  to  the  granting  of  the  reduction  on  the 
ground  that  the  substantial  benefit  would  not  go  to  the  agricultural 
producer  of  sugar,  but  would  inure  to  the  American  sugar  refiners. 
In  my  judgment  provision  can  and  should  be  made  which  will 
guarantee  us  against  this  possibility  without  having  recourse  to 
a  measure  of  doubtful  policy,  such  as  a  bounty  in  the  form  of  a 
rebate. 

"  The  question  as  to  which,  if  any,  of  the  different  schedules 
of  the  tariff  ought  most  properly  to  be  revised  does  not  enter  into 
this  matter  in  any  way  or  shape.  We  are  concerned  with  getting  a 
friendly  reciprocal  arrangement  with  Cuba.  This  arrangement 
applies  to  all  the  articles  that  Cuba  grows  or  produces.  It  is  not 
in  our  power  to  determine  what  these  articles  shall  be,  and  any 
discussion  of  the  tariff  as  it  affects  special  schedules  or  countries 
other  than  Cuba  is  wholly  aside  from  the  subject-matter  to  which 
I  call  your  attention. 


RECIPROCITY  485 

1902   1910 

"  Some  of  our  citizens  oppose  the  lowering  of  the  tariff  on 
Cuban  products,  just  as  three  years  ago  they  opposed  the  admission 
of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  lest  free  trade  with  them  might  ruin  cer- 
tain of  our  interests  here.  In  the  actual  event  their  fears  proved 
baseless  as  regards  Hawaii,  and  their  apprehensions  as  to  the  dam- 
age to  any  industry  of  our  own  because  of  the  proposed  measure 
of  reciprocity  with  Cuba  seems  to  me  equally  baseless.  In  my  judg- 
ment no  American  industry  will  be  hurt,  and  many  American  indus- 
tries will  be  benefited  by  the  proposed  action.  It  is  to  our  advantage, 
as  a  nation,  that  the  growing  Cuban  market  should  be  controlled 
by  American  producers. 

"  The  events  following  the  war  with  Spain  and  the  prospective 
building  of  the  isthmian  canal  render  it  certain  that  we  must  take, 
in  the  future,  a  far  greater  interest  than  hitherto  in  what  happens 
throughout  the  West  Indies,  Central  America,  and  the  adjacent 
coasts  and  waters.  We  expect  Cuba  to  treat  us  on  an  exceptional 
footing  politically,  and  we  should  put  her  in  the  same  exceptional 
position  economically.  The  proposed  action  is  in  line  with  the 
course  we  have  pursued  as  regards  all  the  islands  with  which  we 
have  been  brought  into  relations  of  varying  intimacy  by  the  Spanish 
war.  Puerto  Rico  and  Hawaii  have  been  included  within  our  tariff 
lines,  to  their  great  benefit  as  well  as  ours,  and  without  any  of  the 
feared  detriment  to  our  own  industries.  The  Philippines,  which 
stand  in  a  different  relation,  have  been  given  substantial  tariff  con- 
cessions. 

"  Cuba  is  an  independent  republic,  but  a  republic  which  has 
assumed  certain  special  obligations  as  regards  her  international  posi- 
tion in  compliance  with  our  request.  I  ask  for  her  certain  special 
economic  concessions  in  return ;  these  economic  concessions  to  bene- 
fit us  as  well  as  her.  There  are  few  brighter  pages  in  American 
history  than  the  page  which  tells  of  our  dealings  with  Cuba  during 
the  past  four  years.  On  her  behalf  we  waged  a  war  of  which  the 
mainspring  was  generous  indignation  against  oppression,  and  we 
have  kept  faith  absolutely.  It  is  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that  we  will 
complete,  in  the  same  spirit,  the  record  so  well  begun,  and  show  in 
our  dealings  with  Cuba  that  steady  continuity  of  policy  which  it  is 
essential  for  our  nation  to  establish  in  foreign  affairs  if  we  desire  to 
play  well  our  part  as  a  world-power. 

"We  are  a  wealthy  and  powerful  nation;  Cuba  is  a  young 
republic,  still  weak,  who  owes  to  us  her  birth,  whose  whole  future 


486  WEST     INDIES 

1902-1910 

whose  very  life,  must  depend  on  our  attitude  toward  her.  I  ask 
that  we  help  her  as  she  struggles  upward  along  the  painful  and 
difficult  road  of  self-governing  independence.  I  ask  this  aid  for  her 
because  she  is  weak,  because  she  needs  it,  because  we  have  already 
aided  her.  I  ask  that  open-handed  help  of  a  kind  which  a  self- 
respecting  people  can  accept  be  given  to  Cuba,  for  the  very  reason 
that  we  have  given  her  such  help  in  the  past.  Our  soldiers  fought 
to  give  her  freedom,  and  for  three  years  our  representatives,  civil 
and  military,  have  toiled  unceasingly,  facing  disease  of  a  peculiarly 
sinister  and  fatal  type  with  patient  and  uncomplaining  fortitude, 
to  teach  her  how  to  use  aright  her  new  freedom.  Never  in  history 
has  any  alien  country  been  thus  administered  with  such  high  integ- 
rity of  purpose,  such  wise  judgment,  and  such  single-minded  devo- 
tion to  the  country's  interests.  Now  I  ask  that  the  Cubans  be  given 
all  possible  chance  to  use  to  the  best  advantage  the  freedom  of  which 
Americans  have  such  right  to  be  proud  and  for  which  so  many 
American  lives  have  been  sacrificed. 

"  Theodore  Roosevelt. 
"White  House,  June  13,  1902." 

In  his  proclamation  reciting  the  details  of  the  convention  en- 
tered into  between  the  United  States  and  Cuba,  President  Roosevelt 
announced  that  the  said  convention  was  "  to  facilitate  their  com- 
mercial intercourse  by  improving  the  conditions  of  trade  between 
the  two  countries,"  and  added  that  satisfactory  evidence  had  been 
received  that  the  Republic  of  Cuba  had  "  made  provision  to  give  full 
effect  to  the  articles  of  said  convention." 

"  Wherefore,  I  have  caused  the  said  convention,  as  amended 
by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  to  be  made  public,  to  the  end 
that  the  same,  and  even'  clause  thereof,  as  amended  may  be  ob- 
served and  fulfilled  with  good  faith  by  the  United  States  and  the 
citizens  thereof." 

In  anticipation  of  the  proclamation  of  this  treaty  (which  was 
framed  especially  for  the  relief  of  Cuba's  sugar  and  tobacco  pro- 
ducers, who,  without  its  aid,  could  not  dispose  of  their  crops  to 
advantage),  the  Cuban  congress  enacted  a  new  tariff,  "placing 
higher  duties  on  all  imports,  especially  with  a  view  of  reciprocity 
arrangements  with  the  United  States." 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  incentives  on  either  side,  it  is  a 
satisfaction  to  note  that  President  Roosevelt's  noble  and  disinter- 


R  E  C  I  P  R  0  CITY  +87 

1902-1910 

ested  motives  have  brought  forth  good  fruit,  for  since  the  treaty 
went  into  effect  Cuba  has  enjoyed  a  prosperity  unparalleled  in  her 
annals.  Every  agricultural  industry  has  benefited  by  the  impetus 
to  Cuban  commerce,  which  has  increased  even  beyond  the  most 
sanguine  expectations  of  her  friends  and  the  most  ardent  advocates 
of  reciprocity. 

Sugar-grinding  began  all  over  the  island  under  the  most 
auspicious  circumstances,  "  and  the  planters,  elated  over  the  passage 
of  the  long-delayed  reciprocity  measure,  are  looking  to  the  future 
with  optimistic  eyes,"  reported  the  United  States  consul  at  Cien- 
fuegos,  in  December,  1903.  The  crop  then  on  hand,  he  stated, 
exceeds  that  of  any  former  year,  and  his  prediction  that  the  sugar 
crop  of  1904-1905  would  be  phenomenal  in  the  history  of  Cuba, 
and  that  much  land  which  had  been  untilled  for  several  seasons,  as 
well  as  many  acres  of  absolutely  virgin  soil,  would  be  brought  under 
cultivation,  was  abundantly  verified  by  the  vast  output  of  that 
season. 

President  Palma,  in  his  annual  message  to  the  Cuban  congress, 
in  November,  1904,  congratulated  the  island  that  she  was  in  the 
most  prosperous  condition  known  to  her  history.  The  imports  for 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1904,  reached  a  total  of  $74,492,000, 
which  was  an  increase  of  $11,872,000  over  those  of  the  year  pre- 
vious; while  the  exports  amounted  to  $94,399,000,  or  an  increase 
of  more  than  $16,000,000  over  the  previous  year.  And,  in  the 
exports,  sugar  came  first,  to  the  amount  of  3557,000,000! 

Incidentally,  it  may  be  noted  that,  as  pointed  out  by  President 
Palma,  Cuba's  finances  were  in  a  very  prosperous  condition.  The 
total  army  debt,  he  explained,  would  not  be  more  than  $57,000,000, 
of  which  one-half,  or  $28,500,000,  was  then  being  paid.  For  the 
payment  of  her  loans  Cuba's  internal  tax  yielded  $3,360,000  annu- 
ally, and  furnished  a  surplus  above  the  amount  actually  needed  of 
$1,270,000. 

Reciprocity  has  bestowed  vast  and  enduring  benefits  upon  the 
Cubans,  but  that  there  is  no  sentiment  in  trade,  and  that  commerce 
will  persist  in  flowing  through  channels  arbitrarily  marked  out  by 
those  in  control,  regardless  of  real  or  implied  obligations,  the  latest 
commercial  statistics  seem  to  show.  According  to  the  report  of  the 
United  States  minister  to  Cuba,  indicating  the  trade  between  that 
island  and  the  United  States  for  the  first  quarter  of  the  fiscal  year 
1904,  it  appears  that  while  the  imports  into  the  United  States  from 


488  WEST     INDIES 

1902-1910 

Cuba  were  greatly  augmented,  exports  from  that  country  to  Cuba 
increased  only  three  per  cent. 

The  United  States  took  vast  quantities  of  Cuba's  sugar  and 
tobacco,  the  bulk  of  her  output,  in  fact;  but  while  her  imports  from 
this  country  increased  only  three  per  cent.,  those  from  France 
showed  an  increase  of  eight  per  cent.,  from  Spain  sixteen,  from 
England  twenty,  and  from  Germany  twenty-one  per  cent! 

This  condition  was  predicted,  as  well  as  clearly  explained,  by 
General  Tasker  H.  Bliss,  former  chief  of  the  Cuban  customs  service 
during  the  intervention,  in  his  valuable  report  of  July,  1902.  On 
"  the  practical  working  of  the  tariff  "  he  says : 

"  It  will  be  seen  that  the  course  of  the  world's  trade  with  Cuba, 
having  once  entered  into  free  and  unobstructed  channels,  with  the 
abolition  of  the  former  restrictive  tariff,  has  shown  little  tendency 
to  variation  during  the  three  and  one-half  years  of  American 
administration. 

"  With  the  loss  of  her  favoring  differentials,  Spain  lost  such 
part  of  the  trade  as  she  could  not  keep  in  open  competition,  and 
other  nations  gained  it.  The  United  States,  of  course,  retained  its 
trade  in  flour  and  certain  other  foodstuffs,  and  in  machinery,  which 
it  had  won  in  spite  of  the  hostile  discrimination  of  the  Spanish 
tariff,  and  in  the  general  readjustment  of  commercial  relations 
which  followed  the  withdrawal  of  Spanish  sovereignty  it  gained 
some  trade  which  it  did  not  have  before. 

"  But  almost  from  the  beginning  the  natural  trade  channels 
became  well  defined,  and  it  now  appears  evident  that  the  volume 
coming  from  any  given  direction,  as  from  the  United  States,  for 
example,  cannot  be  swelled  without  some  artificial  obstruction  hin- 
dering the  flow  in  other  channels. 

"  With  a  return  of  better  agricultural  conditions  in  Cuba  and 
the  corresponding  increase  in  her  purchasing  power,  there  will,  of 
course,  be  an  absolute  increase  of  trade  in  all  directions;  but  the 
relative  proportions  from  the  different  sources  of  supply  will  prob- 
ably show  no  material  change. 

"  This  condition  is  perfectly  natural ;  is,  in  fact,  the  only  one 
that  could  result  from  unrestricted  trade.  The  position  which  the 
United  States  occupies  with  respect  to  Cuban  trade  is  precisely  that 
which  it  occupies  with  respect  to  all  Central  and  South  American 
countries.  In  fact,  its  trade  relations  with  Cuba  are  more  favorable 
than  with  the  latter  countries,  because  the  value,  per  capita,  of  mer- 


R  E  C  I  P  R  O  C  I  T  Y  489 

1902  1910 

chandise  imported  into  the  island  from  the  United  States  is  greater 
than  the  value  of  similar  importations  into  other  countries  of  Latin 
America.  This  relative  advantage  which  the  United  States  has 
secured  in  this  direction  is  due,  probably,  to  the  important  factor  of 
'  direct '  trade.  There  are  several  lines  of  vessels  trading  direct 
between  Cuba  and  ports  of  the  United  States.  If  there  is  anything 
in  the  United  States  which  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba  want  they  can 
get  it  by  the  most  direct  route  in  the  shortest  time,  with  delivery 
guaranteed  on  an  exact  date.  But  if  the  planter  or  manufacturer  in 
Cuba  had  to  obtain  his  machinery  from  the  United  States  in  the 
way  that  the  planter  or  manufacturer  in  South  America  would  have 
to  obtain  it,  if  it  had  to  be  shipped  from  New  York  to  England,  or 
France  or  Germany,  and  then  reshipped,  he  would  undoubtedly  do 
as  the  South  American  does,  viz.,  place  his  order  in  the  country  with 
which  he  has  direct  steamer  connection. 

"  So,  as  a  result  of  greater  facilities  for  direct  trade,  the  United 
States  has  a  larger  proportion  of  Cuba's  foreign  trade  than  it  has 
in  the  case  of  other  countries  similarly  situated.  But  why  should  it 
not  have  all  of  it  instead  of  only  the  45.9  per  cent,  which  it  actually 
has?  It  has  been  said  and  often  repeated  that  the  cause  is  to  be 
found  in  a  deep-rooted  prejudice  against  American  goods.  But 
there  is  no  prejudice  in  Cuba  against  American  flour,  or  American 
hams,  lard,  and  pickled  meats,  or  American  machinery,  or  Ameri- 
can furniture,  or,  in  fact,  against  anything  from  the  United  States 
which  can  be  supplied  at  a  lower  cost  for  the  same  quality  or  of 
better  quality  for  the  same  cost. 

"  To  other  causes  than  prejudice  we  must  look  for  the  real 
explanation  of  the  fact  that  the  United  States  has  failed  to  control 
the  foreign  trade  of  Cuba. 

"  The  first  of  these  is  the  indifference  shown  by  American 
manufacturers  to  the  essential  requisites  for  securing  this  foreign 
market.  They  manufacture  immense  quantities  of  various  articles 
for  the  home  trade,  consulting  in  every  possible  way  as  to  the 
material,  quality,  style,  and  price;  the  tastes  and  preferences  of  the 
local  consumers.  And  the  surplus  stock  they  expect  to  sell  in  Cuba, 
where  they  have  consulted  the  tastes  and  preferences  of  no  one. 
The  result  is  what  might  have  been  anticipated.  They  fail  to  sell, 
and  they  charge  it  to  local  prejudice.  They  make  every  effort  to 
consult  the  local  prejudices  at  home  and  to  manufacture  accordingly, 
and  as  a  result  they  hold  the  home  trade,  even  when  the  tariff  puts 


490  WEST     INDIES 

1902  1910 

up  no  bars  to  competition.  English,  French,  Spanish,  and  German 
manufacturers  consult  the  local  prejudices  of  Cuba,  and  as  a  result 
they  capture  the  trade." 

This  accurate  forecast  of  trade  conditions  in  Cuba  following 
upon  the  bestowal  of  reciprocity,  and  the  suggestions  of  one  who 
had  made  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  subject,  are  worthy  of  being 
pondered  by  those  who  would  enter  into  trade  relations  with  the  rich 
and  prospering  little  republic  that  lies  at  the  gateway  of  the  vaster 
country  of  South  and  Central  America.  All  the  Latin-American 
countries  are  alike  in  respect  to  their  trade  prejudices  and  prefer- 
ences, and  to  successfully  cater  to  and  control  the  commerce  of  one 
is  to  obtain  an  "  open-sesame  "  to  all  the  others. 

In  1905  President  Palma  was  reelected  after  an  exciting  cam- 
paign. Corruption  was  openly  charged  against  the  administration, 
and  the  opposing  party — the  Liberals,  with  General  Jose  Miguel 
Gomez  at  their  head — refused  to  acquiesce.  Disturbances  occurred 
early  in  the  new  year,  and  by  August  feeling  had  developed  to  the 
point  of  insurrection.  There  were  demands  in  the  island  for 
American  intervention  for  the  protection  of  property  and  the  settle- 
ment of  the  governmental  dispute.  A  few  United  States  marines 
were  temporarily  landed  at  Havana,  but  President  Roosevelt 
ordered  their  withdrawal  in  order  to  give  the  Cuban  factions  oppor- 
tunity to  settle  their  differences  by  themselves.  It  was  very  evident, 
however,  that  American  intervention  was  eagerly  looked  to  by  both 
parties,  as  well  as  by  the  American  business  interests  in  the  islands. 

The  resignation  of  President  Palma  and  a  new  election  under 
the  auspices  of  a  commissioner  of  the  United  States  were  proposed. 
It  was  thought  that  this  plan  would  in  all  probability  bring  about  a 
return  to  peace,  for  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  was  firm  in 
demanding  the  permanent  pacification  of  the  island.  Palma  re- 
signed, and  on  September  29,  1906,  Secretary  of  War  Taft  of  the 
United  States  issued  a  proclamation  taking  possession  of  the 
island  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  order,  protecting  life  and  prop- 
erty, and  establishing  permanent  peace.  A  disarmament  com- 
mission under  General  Funston  was  formed  to  oversee  the  dispersal 
of  the  insurgent  bands.  This  assumption  of  authority  was  purely 
provisional  and  in  accordance  with  the  original  pledge  of  the  United 
States  to  intervene  whenever  necessary  "  for  the  preservation  of 
Cuban  independence,  and  the  maintenance  of  a  government  ade- 
quate for  the  protection  of  life,  property,  and  individual  liberty." 


R  tiC  I  PKOC  I  .  T  Y  100a 

1902  1910 

On  October  9,  Governor  Taft  declared  a  general  amnesty  to  the 
rebels,  and  having  placed  affairs  in  excellent  shape,  he  left  Cuba, 
with  Charles  E.  Magoon  in  charge  as  Provisional  Governor.  The 
latter  issued  a  decree  giving  amnesty  to  members  of  the  armed  forces 
in  Cuba,  April  20,  1907.  For  some  months  commissioners  worked 
upon  a  treaty  that  would  settle  for  all  time  the  Cuban  disturbances, 
and  finally  it  was  signed  at  Washington,  December  20.  In  the  fol- 
lowing August,  General  Mcnocal  received  the  Conservative  National 
nomination  for  president,  while  on  September  .'>,  Jose  Miguel  Gomez 
was  nominated  by  the  Cuban  Liberals.  September  14  was  set  aside 
for  the  presidential  elections,  which  resulted  in  the  success  of  Gomez. 
The  latter  was  proclaimed  president-elect  on  January  20,  1909. 
After  his  inauguration,  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  president, 
was  the  signing  of  a  general  amnesty  bill.  Since  then,  Cuban  af- 
fairs have  been  under  his  wise  control,  and  the  country  is  in  the 
highest  state  of  prosperity,  outside  capital  finding  ready  and 
profitable  investment  here. 

The  population  in  1908.  was  estimated  to  be  2,048,980.  The 
exports   were  $116,592,648,   while  the   imports   were  $105,218,206. 


Chapter   VII 

HAYTI  AND  SAN  DOMINGO.    1802-1910 
Edited  by  Philip  Patterson  Wells,  Ph.  D. 

FEW  colonies  have  been  the  scene  of  changes  so  surprising  as 
the  Island  of  Hayti,  or  San  Domingo.  It  was  here  that 
Columbus  planted  the  first  American  colony ;  and  its  flour- 
ishing capital,  long  after  the  mineral  wealth  of  the  island  had 
become  of  little  account,  remained  one  of  the  principal  glories  of  the 
Spanish  Indies.  Westward  of  this  Spanish  settlement  the  buc- 
caneers established  the  French  colony,  which,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  grew  into  importance  as  the  Spanish  settlement  declined.  We 
have  traced  in  another  volume  the  strange  history  of  the  rise  and 
progress  of  the  Western  settlement ;  of  its  share  in  the  revolutionary 
struggles  of  France ;  of  the  union  of  the  blacks  and  mulattoes,  and 
their  terrible  struggle  with  the  whites.  There  is  nothing  so  interest- 
ing to  be  said  about  the  Eastern  settlement.  At  the  treaty  of  Basle 
it  was  ceded  by  the  Spanish  minister  Godoy  to  France.  The  Hay- 
tians,  under  Toussaint,  entered  upon  it  as  the  representatives  of 
the  French ;  but  they  were  expelled  by  the  French  generals  who 
were  sent  by  Bonaparte  in  1802  to  reduce  the  whole  island,  and  it 
remained  in  possession  of  the  French  until  1809,  when  they  were 
driven  out  by  the  help  of  the  English  as  the  allies  of  Spain;  and 
the  capital  town  of  San  Domingo  remained  in  possession  of  the 
English  until  the  peace  of  1814,  when  it  was  resigned  to  Spain.  In 
a  few  years,  however,  there  was  a  revolution;  the  colony  then,  as 
we  shall  presently  see,  put  itself  into  the  hands  of  Boyer,  the 
President  of  Hayti,  and  the  whole  island  was  thus  during  his 
presidency  reduced  under  a  single  government.  After  his  fall  the 
Spaniards  again  made  themselves  independent,  and  the  island  was 
divided,  as  it  still  remains,  into  the  Haytian  and  Dominican  re- 
publics. The  fortunes  of  the  western  part  of  the  island,  which 
on  its  independence  assumed  the  old  name  of  Hayti,  form  one  of 

491 


±92  WEST     INDIES 

1802-1910 

the  most  curious  chapters  in  modern  history.  It  almost  seems  to 
us  like  a  philosophical  romance  written  by  Swift  or  Voltaire;  and 
it  is  certain  that  if  any  satirist  had  written  such  a  story  it  would 
have  been  censured  as  too  improbable.  That  the  negroes  of  a  West 
India  island  should  succeed  in  defeating  not  only  their  white  mas- 
ters, but  the  wealthy  and  intelligent  race  of  mulattoes  who  shared 
the  island  with  them,  might  have  seemed  unlikely  enough ;  but  that 
they  should  be  able  to  defy  and  destroy  the  best  of  the  French 
armies,  the  heroes  of  Marengo  and  the  Pyramids,  and  to  make 
themselves  independent  of  Bonaparte  when  all  Europe  was  crouch- 
ing at  his  feet,  must  have  seemed  impossible.  At  every  subsequent 
stage  the  history  of  Hayti  reveals  fresh  surprises.  Negro  adven- 
turers making  themselves  emperors  and  kings;  creating  their 
swarthy  princes,  dukes,  and  counts ;  practicing  all  the  stale  devices 
of  despotism;  their  subtlety,  avarice,  and  cruelty;  the  ruin  and 
degeneration  of  the  poor  negro  people,  and  their  sudden  awaking 
into  fierce  activity;  the  strange  aspect  of  negro  society,  with  its 
debased  French  dialect,  its  Christianity  mingled  with  fetichism,  and 
its  general  travesty  of  European  life;  in  the  midst  of  all  this  the 
revival  of  republican  ideas,  derived  from  France,  and  their  occa- 
sional triumph,  followed  by  an  inevitable  relapse ;  all  this  done  by  an 
African  race  only  half  Europeanized  through  serfdom  on  a  foreign 
soil,  and  launched  into  political  existence  by  the  convulsions  of 
the  French  Revolution,  certainly  make  up  a  picture  without  a 
parallel. 

When  the  destruction  of  the  French  forces  in  San  Domingo 
fell  like  a  thunderbolt  upon  the  European  world,  it  came  to  be  seen 
that  of  all  facts  in  history  the  establishment  of  the  Haytian  nation 
was  not  only  one  of  the  most  curious,  but  also  one  of  the  most 
portentous.  It  was  the  composite  result  of  many  separate  move- 
ments; of  the  extermination  of  the  natives,  of  many  years  of 
French  enterprise  in  the  plantations,  of  the  African  slave-trade, 
of  intercourse  with  Europe,  and  of  the  spirit  of  political  inde- 
pendence culminating  in  the  shock  of  the  French  Revolution.  Sel- 
dom in  history  had  so  swift,  so  complete,  and  so  terrible  a  vengeance 
overtaken  oppression  and  cruelty;  and  the  warning  note,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  not  heard  in  vain  by  the  statesmen  of  England. 
The  independence  of  Hayti  rapidly  precipitated  the  abolition  of  the 
slave-trade,  and  ultimately  of  slavery  in  the  English  colonies.  It 
did  far  more  than  anything  else  to  establish  for  the  negro  and  col- 


HAYTI     AND     SAN     DOMINGO  493 

18021910 

ored  races  a  place  in  the  civilized  world;  and  the  feeling  of  wonder 
and  abhorrence  which  it  at  first  excited  was  gradually  exchanged  for 
one  of  interest,  and  even  sympathy.  But  it  was  long  enough  be- 
fore this  change  took  place.  One  of  the  richest  regions  of  the  world 
was  now  in  possession  of  the  despised  race  who  had  been  im- 
ported as  slaves  to  cultivate  it;  and  we  can  hardly  credit  the  awful 
retribution  which  they  exacted  from  the  race  of  oppressors.  In  the 
beginning  of  1804  the  independence  of  the  negroes  under  Des- 
salines  was  sufficiently  assured ;  but  they  were  not  satisfied  until  they 
had  completed  a  general  massacre  of  nearly  the  whole  of  the  whites, 
including  aged  men,  women,  and  children,  who  remained  in  the 
island,  numbering,  according  to  the  lowest  estimate,  2500  souls. 
Thus  did  Dessalines,  in  his  own  savage  words,  render  war  for  war, 
crime  for  crime,  and  outrage  for  outrage,  to  the  European  cannibals 
who  had  so  long  preyed  upon  his  unhappy  race. 

The  negroes  declared  Dessalines  emperor;  and  in  October, 
1804,  he  was  crowned  at  Port-au-Prince  by  the  title  of  James  I. 
Dessalines  was  at  once  a  brave  man  and  a  cruel  and  avaricious 
tryant.  He  acquired  great  influence  over  the  negroes,  who  long 
remembered  him  with  affectionate  regret;  but  he  was  not  warmly 
supported  by  the  mulattoes,  who  were  by  far  the  most  intelligent 
of  the  Haytians.  He  abolished  the  militia,  and  set  up  a  standing 
army  of  40,000  men,  whom  he  found  himself  unable  to  pay,  from 
the  universal  ruin  which  had  overtaken  the  island.  The  planta- 
tion laborers  refused  to  work,  as  they  always  do  in  the  absence  of 
an  over-ruling  necessity;  Dessalines  authorized  the  landowners  to 
flog  them.  Dessalines  was  himself  a  large  planter;  he  had  thirty- 
two  large  plantations  of  his  own  to  work,  and  he  forced  his 
laborers  to  work  on  them  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Both  he  and 
his  successor  Christophe,  like  Mohammed  Ali  in  Egypt,  grew  rich 
by  being  the  chief  merchants  in  their  own  dominions.  With  the 
view  of  encouraging  planting,  he  burned  down  whole  plantations 
of  valuable  dyeing  woods,  thereby  destroying  the  best  export  trade 
of  the  island.  He  failed  in  an  expedition  against  San  Domingo, 
the  Spanish  part  of  the  island,  whence  the  French  General  Ferrand 
still  threatened  him;  and  at  length  some  sanguinary  acts  of 
tyranny  roused  against  him  an  insurrection  headed  by  his  old  com- 
rade Christophe.  The  insurgents  marched  on  Port-au-Prince,  and 
the  first  black  emperor  was  shot  by  an  ambuscade  at  the  Pont 
Rouge,  outside  the  town.     The  death  of  Dessalines  delivered  up 


494.  WEST     INDIES 

1802-1910 

Hayti  once  more  to  the  horrors  of  civil  war.  The  negroes  and 
mulattoes,  who  had  joined  cordially  enough  to  exterminate  their 
common  enemies,  would  no  longer  hold  together;  and  ever  since 
the  death  of  Dessalines  their  jealousies  and  differences  have  been 
a  source  of  weakness  in  the  black  republic. 

In  the  old  times,  Hayti,  as  the  French  part  of  the  island  of 
Espafiola  was  henceforth  called,  had  been  divided  into  three 
provinces :  South,  East,  and  North.  After  the  death  of  Dessalines 
each  of  these  provinces  became  for  a  time  a  separate  state.  Chris- 
tophe  wished  to  maintain  the  unlimited  imperialism  which  Dessa- 
lines had  set  up ;  but  the  constituent  assembly,  which  he  summoned 
at  Port-au-Prince  in  1806,  had  other  views,  They  resolved  upon  a 
republican  constitution,  consisting  of  a  senate  of  twenty-four 
members,  who  were  to  have  the  real  government  in  their  hands, 
Christophe  retaining  the  title  of  president.  Christophe,  who  was 
like  Dessalines,  a  mere  military  leader,  and  knew  nothing  of  the 
mysteries  of  statesmanship,  collected  an  army  with  the  view  of  dis- 
persing the  constituent  assembly;  but  they  collected  one  of  their 
own,  under  Petion,  and  forced  him  to  retire  from  the  capital. 
Christophe  maintained  himself  in  Cap  Frangois,  or  as  it  is  now 
called,  Cap  Haytien:  and  here  he  ruled  for  fourteen  years.  In 
181 1,  despising  the  imperial  title  which  Dessalines  had  desecrated, 
he  took  the  royal  style  by  the  name  of  Henry  I.  Christophe,  as  a 
man,  was  nearly  as  great  a  monster  as  Dessalines.  He  was  the 
slave  of  furious  passions.  His  chief  amusements  were  to  cane  his 
generals  and  degrade  them  to  the  ranks ;  to  pump  cold  water  on  the 
heads  of  his  judges,  and  to  send  his  ministers  of  state  to  hard  labor 
on  the  terrible  fortifications  of  La  Ferriere,  where  each  stone  is 
reckoned  to  have  cost  the  life  of  a  human  being.  He  drank  himself 
into  a  semi-paralysis;  and  from  this  time  a  revolution  became  in- 
evitable. Yet  Christophe  at  his  best  was  a  man  capable  of  great 
aims,  and  a  sagacious  and  energetic  ruler.  He  raised  education, 
industry,  and  commerce  to  a  position  from  which  they  steadily 
lapsed  under  the  republic.  He  greatly  improved  the  condition  and 
discipline  of  his  troops;  there  was,  indeed,  no  department  of  state 
in  which  he  did  not  display  judgment  and  ability.  Believing  that 
it  was  for  the  benefit  of  Hayti  to  discard  everything  French  as  soon 
as  possible,  Christophe  tried  to  introduce  the  English  language,  but 
without  success.  Resolving  to  surround  himself  with  all  the  proper 
belongings  of  his  position,  he  procured  costly  robes  and  jewels 


IIAYTI     AND     SAN     DOM  IN  (JO  495 

1802-1910 

from  England  for  the  solemn  coronation  of  himself  and  his  black 
queen.  Tie  inquired  diligently  how  George  III.,  to  whom,  though 
a  negro  of  almost  pure  descent,  he  bore  a  near  resemblance,  usually 
dressed  and  comported  himself;  and  his  common  dress  was  made 
in  imitation  of  King  George's  well-known  Windsor  uniform.  lie 
built  his  palace  of  Sans  Souci,  a  few  miles  from  Cap  Francois,  in 
imitation  of  the  country  seats  of  the  great  European  monarchs. 
He  established  a  new  order  of  chivalry,  that  of  St.  Henry:  he  had 
his  grand  almoner,  and  grand  cupbearer,  and  all  the  usual  append- 
ages of  feudal  royalty.  He  made  bishops  and  archbishops,  and 
created  an  aristocracy  of  black  barons,  counts,  and  dukes,  so  that 
his  court  was  full  of  Royal  Highnesses,  Serene  Highnesses,  Graces, 
and  Excellencies.  One  of  the  best  things  that  Christophe  did  was 
to  reverse  the  absurd  exclusive  policy  of  Dessalines,  and  to  throw 
open  his  ports  to  the  ships  of  foreign  nations.  In  imitation  of 
Napoleon  he  also  compiled  a  new  statute-book,  which  he  called  the 
Code-Henri.  In  1820,  after  a  cruel  massacre  of  some  women  of 
their  race,  the  mulattoes  arose  in  arms  to  dethrone  him ;  and  Henry 
I.,  finding  himself  deserted  by  his  own  negro  generals,  shot  him- 
self in  his  own  palace.  With  Christophe  the  monarchy  of  the 
North  ceased.  His  intended  successor  was  an  ancient  negro  whom 
he  had  made  Grand  Marshal  of  Hayti  and  Prince  of  Limbe,  called 
Paul  Romain.  Romain  pretended  to  side  with  the  revolution ;  but 
being  detected  in  a  conspiracy  with  the  Duke  of  Marmalade,  both 
were  shot  by  the  soldiers.  In  a  month  or  two  after  Christophers 
suicide  the  whole  island  was  united  under  the  rule  of  President 
Boyer. 

While  Christophe  was  making  himself  independent  in  the 
North,  Alexander  Petion,  a  man  of  far  greater  worth  and  capacity, 
was  elected  president,  with  the  right  of  nominating  his  successor, 
in  the  Western  Province,  where  the  mulattoes  predominated. 
Petion  was  a  mulatto  of  the  best  type;  he  had  been  educated  at 
the  military  academy  of  Paris,  and  was  full  of  European  ideas ;  in 
1802  he  had  been  the  leader  of  both  Dessalines  and  Christophe, 
and  during  the  eleven  years  of  his  rule  the  Western  Province 
recovered  some  share  of  its  old  prosperity.  He  organized  the 
revenue,  threw  open  commerce,  made  provision  for  the  education 
of  the  people  and  for  enabling  them  to  become  owners  of  land,  but 
his  liberal  policy  did  not  win  him  the  confidence  of  the  negroes. 
Petion  discontinued  the  system  of  forced  labor  which  had  been 


496  WEST     INDIES 

1802-1910 

rigorously  maintained  by  Dessalines  and  Christophe;  and  hence, 
though  the  produce  supplied  from  Port-au-Prince  was  perhaps 
greater  than  that  from  Cap  Francois,  the  prosperity  of  the  rural 
districts  in  his  part  of  the  island  quickly  diminished.  He  was  de- 
ceived in  supposing  that  the  negroes  in  their  uncivilized  condition 
would  become  active  and  industrious  as  soon  as  they  became 
owners  of  land.  He  secured  Hayti  against  the  intrigues  of  the 
French  politicians  after  the  Restoration;  and  his  constitution, 
which  took  its  final  shape  in  1816,  was  afterward  adopted  by 
Boyer,  thus  exercising  an  important  influence  on  the  future  of  the 
republic.  It  had  many  defects,  one  of  which  was  that  the  presi- 
dent was  to  be  chosen  for  life,  with  the  power  of  nominating  his 
successor,  thus  becoming  a  sovereign  in  everything  but  the  name. 
The  house  of  representatives  was  to  be  chosen  for  five  years,  and 
the  senate,  which  was  elected  by  the  president  and  the  lower  house, 
for  nine.  Petion  employed  Rigaud,  the  old  rival  of  Toussaint, 
who,  unlike  Toussaint,  had  succeeded  in  escaping  from  his  French 
prison,  to  subdue  the  turbulent  South  Province ;  but  this  man 
made  himself  independent,  and  got  the  provincial  assembly  to  de- 
clare him  governor  with  absolute  power.  Thus,  besides  the  Span- 
ish part  of  the  island,  Hayti  was  now  divided  into  three  hostile 
provinces  under  the  rule  respectively  of  Christophe,  Petion,  and 
Rigaud.  Christophe  made  war  upon  Rigaud,  and  the  latter,  un- 
able to  defend  himself,  and  deserted  by  his  own  people,  starved 
himself  to  death  in  181 1.  Petion,  disgusted  by  the  ill  success 
of  his  efforts  to  make  Hayti  a  homogeneous  nation,  and  dread- 
ing the  advancing  power  of  Christophe,  committed  suicide  in 
the  same  way  in  18 18,  having  nominated  as  his  successor  in  the 
presidency  his  lieutenant,  Jean  Pierre  Boyer,  another  of  the  mu- 
latto race  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  war  of  liberty. 

Boyer  began  his  presidency  by  a  successful  campaign  against 
Christophe,  and  in  a  short  time  he  had  besides  this  reunited  the 
South  to  the  West  Province.  Still  greater  successes  awaited  him. 
On  the  suicide  of  Christophe,  the  army  of  the  Northern  Province, 
weary  of  the  tyranny  of  one  of  their  own  race,  declared  for  Boyer. 
The  French  part  of  the  island  was  now  once  more  under  a  single 
government;  and  Boyer  turned  his  attention  to  the  much  larger 
Spanish  territory,  with  the  old  capital  of  San  Domingo,  where  a 
Spaniard  named  Munez  de  Caceres,  with  the  aid  of  the  negroes, 
had  now  followed  the  example  in  the  West,  and  proclaimed  an  in- 


18021910 


HAYTI     AND     SAN     DOMINGO  497 


dependent  government.  The  Dominicans,  however,  were  still 
afraid  of  Spain,  and  were  glad  to  put  themselves  under  the  wing 
of  Hayti;  Boyer  was  not  unwilling  to  take  possession  of  the  Span- 
ish colony,  and  thus  it  happened  that  in  1822  he  united  the  whole 
island  under  his  presidency.  In  the  same  year  he  was  elected 
president  for  life  under  the  constitution  of  Petion,  whose  general 
policy  he  maintained;  but  his  government,  especially  in  his  later 
years,  was  almost  as  despotic  as  that  of  Christophe.  Boyer  was 
the  first  Haytian  who  united  the  blacks  and  mulattoes  under  his 
rule.  It  was  mainly  through  confidence  in  him  that  the  govern- 
ment of  Hayti  won  the  recognition  of  the  European  powers. 
Hitherto  even  the  new  free  state  of  Colombia,  to  the  establishment 
of  which  Hayti  had  lent  material  aid,  had  hesitated  to  recognize 
it;  but  in  1825  its  independence  was  formally  recognized  by  France, 
on  a  compensation  of  150,000,000  of  francs  being  guaranteed  to 
the  exiled  planters  and  to  the  home  government.  This  vast  sum 
was  afterward  reduced,  but  it  still  weighed  heavily  on  the  im- 
poverished state,  and  the  discontents  which  the  necessary  taxation 
produced  led  to  Boyer's  downfall.  He  attempted  in  vain  to  revive 
agriculture  by  renewing  the  policy  of  Toussaint  and  Christophe. 
His  Code  Rural,  which  was  voted  in  1826,  was  very  much  like 
some  famous  old  laws  in  the  English  Statute  book,  which  enable 
the  magistrates  to  apprehend  vagrant  and  idle  people  and  set  them 
to  work,  whether  they  will  or  no.  The  Code  Rural  was  perhaps 
a  good  measure,  but  legislation  will  not  always  undo  the  mis- 
fortunes which  have  come  of  bad  government.  Boyer  also  intro- 
duced a  paper  currency,  which  in  after  times  proved  most  ruinous 
to  the  island  by  disturbing  its  credit.  It  also  facilitated  revolu- 
tions ;  for  money  is  necessary  to  a  new  government,  and  by  the 
help  of  the  printing  press  a  successful  insurgent  can  always  coin 
what  money  he  pleases.  Boyer's  paper  money  soon  fell  in  value, 
and  by  1842  it  passed  for  little  more  than  a  third  of  its  nominal 
worth.  The  credit  and  prosperity  of  the  island  could  not  be  rees- 
tablished, and  his  government  grew  weaker  and  weaker.  The 
large  and  unmanageable  army  which  had  become  necessary  had  at 
last  to  be  reduced,  because  Boyer  could  no  longer  pay  for  its  main- 
tenance; and  this  led  at  once  to  the  break-up  of  the  government. 
The  Spanish  part  of  the  island  revolted;  and  in  1842  an  ambitious 
man  of  letters  named  Dumesles,  and  a  major  of  artillery  named 
Riviere-Herard,  set  on  foot  a  conspiracy  to  seize  the  government. 


498  WEST     INDIES 

1802-1910 

Boyer,  though  he  could  scarcely  have  thought  himself  secure  in 
his  position,  was  slack  in  repressing  it.  In  1843  ne  was  beaten 
successively  at  Pestal  and  Leogone,  and  fled  to  Jamaica  in  an  Eng- 
lish vessel.  The  revolution  of  1848  attracted  him  to  Paris,  where 
he  died  in  1850.  Decayed  as  was  the  prosperity  of  Hayti  toward 
the  end  of  Boyer's  presidency,  it  still  had  a  foreign  trade  in  pro- 
portion to  its  population  not  much  below  those  of  Great  Britain 
and  erf  the  United  States.  We  thus  see  that,  in  spite  of  everything, 
Hayti  had  much  to  lose  by  misgovernment,  and  cannot  wonder  at 
the  fall  of  the  government  of  Boyer. 

The  word  gerontocracy,  signifying  government  by  old  men, 
has  been  framed  to  express  the  system  by  which  the  Haytian 
Government  was  during  several  years  carried  on.  The  Haytian 
nation,  as  we  have  seen,  consisted  of  two  irreconcilable  races; 
and  was  besides  divided  into  three  provinces  which  maintained  a 
perpetual  rivalry.  The  independence  of  Hayti  had  been  won 
originally  by  the  valor  of  the  negroes;  but  the  constitution,  with 
all  its  belongings,  was  the  work  of  the  mulattoes,  and  since  the 
time  of  Petion  the  government  practically  had  been  in  the  hands 
of  a  few  of  this  race.  But  under  Boyer  the  constitution  had 
been  undermined,  and  the  government  had  become  almost  as 
arbitrary  as  in  the  time  of  Dessalines.  Boyer  was  succeeded  by 
the  insurgent  general  Herard,  whose  policy,  as  he  pretended,  was 
to  restore  the  constitution.  He  proclaimed  the  responsibility  of 
ministers  to  the  assembly,  abolition  of  the  military  commissions 
by  which  the  government  had  been  carried  on  by  his  predecessor, 
and  a  term  of  years  instead  of  the  presidency  for  life.  But 
the  negroes,  profiting  by  the  divisions  among  the  mulattoes,  now 
rose  in  arms.  The  mulattoes  were  chiefly  inhabitants  of  the 
towns;  the  negroes  mostly  a  poor,  idle,  and  fast-multiplying  peas- 
antry. They  were  by  far  the  most  numerous  race;  they  had  lost 
all  confidence  in  mulatto  government,  and  indeed  in  government  of 
any  sort,  for  such  ideas  as  they  had  on  the  subject  mostly  tended 
to  socialism;  and  large  numbers  of  them,  under  the  names  of 
piquets  and  zinglins,  now  formed  themselves  into  armed  bands, 
and  sought  to  obtain  a  general  division  of  property  under  some 
communistic  monarch  of  their  own  race.  The  mulatto  officials 
now  cajoled  the  poor  negroes  by  bribing  some  old  negro,  whose 
name  was  well  known  to  the  mass  of  his  people  as  one  of  the  heroes 
of  the  war  of  liberty,  to  allow  himself  to  be  set  up  as  president. 


HAYTI     AND     SAN     DOMINGO  499 

1802-1910 

The  Boyerists,  as  the  mulatto  oligarchy  were  called,  thus  succeeded 
in  reestablishing  their  power  at  the  very  moment  when  the  negroes 
believed  it  to  be  completely  crushed.  Herard,  who  was  ill-qualified 
for  his  office,  soon  had  to  abdicate  the  presidency,  and  the  Boyer- 
ists elected  in  his  place  a  veteran  negro  general  named  Guerrier. 
They  now  completed  their  ascendency  by  abolishing  the  consti- 
tution and  forming  themselves  into  a  council  of  state.  Guerrier, 
who  was  an  incapable  old  drunkard,  died  in  the  next  year,  and  the 
council  replaced  him  by  another  old  negro  soldier  called  Pierrot. 
Pierrot,  however,  showed  himself  unwilling  to  remain  a  mere  tool 
of  the  mulattoes.  He  thought  of  the  glory  of  negro  royalty  under 
Dessalines  and  Christophe,  and  he  knew  that  by  the  aid  of  the 
negroes  he  might  easily  renew  it.  But  the  mulattoes  were  too 
quick  for  his  intended  coup  d'etat:  and  in  1846  he  was  replaced 
by  General  Riche,  an  old  negro  lieutenant  of  Christophe's.  The 
negroes  had,  of  course,  found  out  by  this  time  the  system  by  which 
they  had  been  thus  cajoled.  They  rose  in  several  places  against  the 
government,  and  an  army  of  piquets,  under  a  ferocious  negro  called 
Aca-au,  gave  General  Riche  much  trouble.  Riche  died  under  mys- 
terious circumstances  in  less  than  a  year,  and  the  ruling  oligarchy 
were  now  divided  between  twro  other  imbecile  old  negroes,  named 
Souffran  and  Paul.  After  eight  scrutinies  they  could  not  decide 
which  was  duly  elected,  and  the  president  of  the  senate  suddenly 
brought  forward  as  a  candidate  one  whom  they  thought  only  a 
third  military  puppet.  This  was  General  Solouque,  and  he  was 
elected  president  in  1847.  No  one  was  more  astonished  at  his  ele- 
vation than  Solouque  himself;  but  he  showed  himself,  as  we  shall 
see,  quite  equal  to  his  position.  Solouque  was  an  illiterate  negro 
whose  recommendations  to  power  were  that  he  was  old  enough 
to  have  taken  part  in  the  War  of  Independence,  having  been  a 
lieutenant  under  Petion,  and  that  he  was  popular  with  the  negroes, 
being  devotedly  attached  to  the  strange  mixture  of  freemasonry 
and  fetish  worship  by  which  the  Playtian  blacks  maintain  their  po- 
litical organization.  The  history  of  Pierrot  and  Riche  was  not 
lost  upon  Solouque.  He  at  once  got  rid  of  the  mulattoes  to  whom 
he  owed  his  elevation,  and  surrounded  himself  with  a  new  body 
of  adherents.  The  devices  of  the  Boyerists  were  by  this  time 
worn  out,  and  everyone  knew  that  a  fresh  despotism  was  im- 
pending. 

Solouque  was  apprehensive  of  being  deprived  of  his  position 


500  WEST     INDIES 

1802-1910 

by  the  same  hands  that  had  elevated  him,  and  he  sought  by  every 
possible  means  to  secure  the  support  of  all  belonging  to  his  own 
race.  He  imprisoned  a  general  who  had  shown  himself  too  eager 
to  repress  the  piquets;  and  on  some  demonstrations  being  made  in 
this  officer's  favor,  he  prepared  a  coup  d'etat.  He  caused  a  general 
massacre  to  be  made  of  the  mulattoes  at  Port-au-Prince,  after 
which  he  marched  into  the  south,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
piquets,  and  established  military  commissions  in  all  the  towns.  A 
negro  reign  of  terror  was  now  established  all  over  the  country; 
the  mulatto  party  was  crushed,  and  Solouque  caused  himself  to  be 
proclaimed  emperor,  by  the  title  of  Faustinus  I.  (1840).  The  bold 
action  taken  by  Solouque  was  well  adapted  to  win  the  admiration 
of  the  negroes,  and  he  was  crowned  in  1852,  with  all  the  imperial 
pomp  and  circumstance  which  negro  imagination  could  suggest. 
He  reigned  nine  years;  and  the  story  of  his  reign  is  one  of  mas- 
sacre and  confiscation,  varied  only  by  disastrous  expeditions  against 
the  Spanish  republic  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  island.  Nothing 
could  be  weaker  than  Solouque's  state  policy.  He  declared  sugar 
and  coffee,  the  staple  products  of  the  island,  as  well  as  most  of  the 
other  products  of  the  soil,  to  be  imperial  monopolies.  Believing 
that  his  empire  chiefly  needed  for  its  consolidation  a  well-ordered 
system  of  social  grades,  he  created  a  black  nobility  out  of  his  ad- 
herents, including  four  princes  of  the  empire  and  fifty-two  dukes. 
Solouque's  rule,  however,  was  not  really  strengthened  by  such 
dignitaries  as  the  Duke  de  Lemonade,  the  Duke  de  Trou-Bonbon, 
and  the  Prince  Tape-a-1'ceil ;  and  his  real  resource  was  a  standing 
army  of  piquets,  whom  he  obliged  to  cultivate  his  own  sugar  plan- 
tations. His  military  discipline  was  as  cruel  as  his  greed  was 
insatiable,  and  at  length,  as  in  the  case  of  Christophe,  his  own 
soldiers  turned  against  him.  When  his  misgovernment  could  be 
borne  no  longer,  and  a  leader  was  sought  to  dethrone  him,  all  eyes 
were  fixed  on  Geffrard,  a  mulatto  general  who  had  served  under 
Riviere-Herard,  and  who  had  long  represented  the  party  of  fusion. 
In  December,  1858,  Solouque  attempted  to  arrest  Geffrard;  but 
he  escaped  from  the  capital,  and  the  tyrant  contented  himself  with 
imprisoning  his  wife  and  daughters.  The  prisons  were  soon 
crowded  with  mulattoes:  and  Geffrard  having  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  remains  of  the  republican  party,  reentered  Port-au- 
Prince  and  dethroned  Solouque,  just  in  time  to  prevent  an  atro- 
cious  massacre.     Solouque  was  allowed  to   retreat  to  Jamaica, 


HAYTI     AND     SAN     DOM  IN  (JO  501 

1802-191O 

carrying  with  him  his  black  empress,  the  imperial  jewels,  and  a 
considerable  amount  of  treasure. 

In  1859  General  Geffrard  was  elected  president  of  the  Hay- 
tian  Republic.  The  constitution  of  1816  was  reestablished;  a  truce 
of  five  years  was  made  with  the  Dominicans,  and  Geffrard  applied 
himself  with  some  success  to  the  restoration  of  the  national  pros- 
perity. The  negroes,  as  usual,  were  the  chief  obstacles.  They  can 
never  remain  contented  with  a  mulatto  government;  while  experi- 
ence shows  that  tranquillity  may  be  to  some  extent  preserved  by 
placing  a  negro  at  the  head  of  the  government,  and  keeping  him 
as  far  as  possible  subject  to  constitutional  checks.  Geffrard  held 
the  presidency  for  eight  years ;  at  the  end  of  which,  unable  to  carry 
on  the  government  any  longer,  he  resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by 
the  insurgent  negro  General  Salnave.  Salnave's  policy  was,  of 
course,  to  restore  the  empire,  and  he  attempted  to  make  himself 
dictator  on  pretense  of  introducing  reforms  in  the  constitution. 
The  senate,  however,  was  beforehand  with  an  impeachment ;  the 
whole  people  were  by  this  time  weary  of  imperialism ;  independent 
generals  soon  established  themselves  both  in  the  north  and  the 
south,  and  Salnave  was  shot  as  a  traitor  to  the  nation  in  1869. 
His  piquet  partisans  were  still  strong  in  the  south ;  and  the  succeed- 
ing mulatto  president,  Nissage-Saget,  was  unable  to  hold  his 
ground.  All  the  negroes,  even  the  most  intelligent,  are  impatient 
of  mulatto  rule,  and  suspicious  of  the  means  used  to  secure  it ;  and 
as  they  are  the  great  majority  of  the  people,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  if  they  had  fair  play  in  the  elections  the  island  would  generally 
be  under  a  negro  president.  To  obviate  another  military  revolu- 
tion, there  was  a  new  election :  and  the  negro  general,  Domingue, 
who  had  been  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  against  Nissage- 
Saget  in  1869,  was  elected  president  in  1874.  But  in  1876  Do- 
mingue was  displaced  by  a  mulatto  revolution,  which  gave  the  presi- 
dency to  General  Boisrond-Canal,  who  was  now  elected  for  a  term 
of  four  years.  He  was,  however,  forced  to  resign  and  flee  the 
country  in  1879,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  negro  leader  Saloman. 
Saloman  was  in  turn  deposed  in  1888,  and  was  followed,  after 
an  interval  of  civil  war,  by  General  Hippolyte,  who  ruled  until  his 
death  in  1896.  His  successor,  General  Simon  Sam,  was  driven 
from  power  in  1902,  and  another  period  of  civil  war  resulted  in 
the  proclamation  by  the  army  of  General  Nord  as  president.  Thus 
the  first  century  of  Haytian  independence  has  been  marked  by  fre- 


502  WEST     INDIES 

1802-1910 

quent  and  bloody  civil  wars,  resulting  in  the  setting  up  of  one  in- 
efficient and  corrupt  government  after  another.  Competent  ob- 
servers have  declared  that  the  people  are  relapsing  into  savagery, 
and  that  paganism  and  cannibalism  are  common  among  them.  The 
constant  disorder  and  the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  government  have 
more  than  once  involved  the  country  in  difficulties  with  foreign 
nations.  A  notable  case  occurred  in  1897,  when  one  Lueders,  a 
Haytian-born  German,  who  had  secured  German  citizenship,  was 
illegally  arrested.  Germany  demanded  his  release,  with  indem- 
nity of  $1000  for  each  day  of  his  imprisonment.  Upon  the 
refusal  of  these  terms  the  German  consul  hauled  down  his  flag. 
Thereupon  the  good  offices  of  the  American  minister  secured  the 
release  of  Lueders.  Two  German  warships  appeared  at  Port-au- 
Prince  on  December  6  and  threatened  to  bombard  the  town  within 
twenty-four  hours  unless  the  indemnity  was  paid.  The  Haytian 
government  yielded  and  paid  the  money.  Action  of  this  character 
in  the  western  hemisphere  by  a  European  nation  always  excites 
the  jealous  suspicion  of  the  American  people,  and  might  lead  to  a 
serious  disturbance  of  the  world's  peace.  The  United  States  is 
therefore  interested  in  behalf  of  stable  government  in  Hayti. 
Therefore,  when,  on  January  16,  1908,  a  revolution  was  begun 
under  Jean  Juneau,  the  United  States  was  concerned.  This  rebel 
was  soon  captured,  however,  and  executed  on  January  25.  More 
trouble  was  experienced  that  same  year,  and  on  November  20,  troops 
were  sent  to  the  southern  part  to  suppress  the  revolt  which  had 
broken  out.  Affairs  became  so  turbulent  that  General  Antoine  F. 
C.  Simon  assumed  temporary  charge,  December  8.  His  recogni~ 
tion  on  December  17,  by  the  United  States,  decided  him  to  take 
full  charge,  and  on  December  20,  he  took  the  oath  of  office.  At 
present  he  is  the  incumbent  of  the  presidency,  and  under  his  rule, 
with  a  population  of  1,500,000,  Hayti  exported  during  1908,  prod- 
ucts to  the  amount  of  $3,478,848,  with  an  import  trade  during 
that  same  year  of  $4,701,160. 

The  history  of  the  Spanish  part  of  San  Domingo,  since  its  in- 
dependence, has  but  little  to  do  with  that  of  the  Haytian  Republic. 
The  instinct  of  independence  here  proceeded  from  quite  other 
causes.  The  first  outbreak,  as  we  have  seen,  was  simultaneous 
with  the  revolt  against  Spanish  rule  on  the  American  continent; 
and  the  acquisition  of  the  colony  by  Hayti  under  Boyer  no  doubt 
preserved  it  from  being  retaken  by  a  Spanish  fleet.     We  have  seen 


TTAYTI     AND    SAX     DOMINdO  503 

1802-1910 

that  its  revolt  from  the  Haytian  domination  had  commenced  before 
the  fall  of  Boyer  in  1843.  The  Haytian  Republicans  had  treated 
it  as  a  conquered  country,  and  endeavored  to  efface  every  trace  of 
Spanish  nationality;  and  the  white  inhabitants,  who  were  a  large 
majority,  naturally  revolted  against  the  government  of  the  western 
mulattoes.  The  revolt  was  led  by  the  landowners,  but  all  classes 
joined  heartily  in  the  movement,  which  was  soon  successfully  ac- 
complished. Since  its  independence  the  history  of  San  Domingo 
belongs  rather  to  that  of  Spanish  America  than  to  that  of  Hayti. 
A  conservative  constitution,  in  imitation  of  that  of  Venezuela,  was 
proclaimed  in  1844,  the  first  president  of  the  new  state  being  Pedro 
Santana.  For  fourteen  years  the  Dominican  Republic  maintained 
a  precarious  existence  against  the  attacks  of  its  Haytian  neigh- 
bors, which  were  invited  by  the  continual  struggles  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  to  modernize  the  community.  As  the  liberal  party 
gained  ground,  the  patriotism  of  the  conservatives  decayed.  Some 
of  them  were  for  reunion  with  Hayti,  others  for  submission  to 
Spain ;  and  at  length,  in  1858,  Santana,  who  had  been  obliged  to 
quit  the  island,  suddenly  invaded  it  and  established  a  despotic  pro- 
visional government,  which  in  1861  ceded  the  island  to  Spain. 
This  event  is  connected  with  the  revival  of  European  intervention 
in  America  in  the  time  of  Napoleon  III.  of  France,  who  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  Civil  War  in  the  United  States  to  forward  his 
schemes.  Spanish  troops  once  more  took  possession  of  the  colony ; 
but  the  democratic  party,  which  was  now  greatly  increased  in 
numbers,  rose  against  the  occupation,  and  in  three  years'  time  San 
Domingo  was  again  left  to  the  devices  of  its  native  politicians. 
The  liberal  President  Baez  was  now  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
government,  but  being  unable  to  make  head  against  an  insurrec- 
tion, he  decided  on  trying  to  secure  progress  for  San  Domingo  by 
incorporating  it  with  the  United  States. 

After  the  close  of  the  American  Civil  War  this  project  formed 
a  part  of  the  expansion  policy  of  Seward,  Secretary  of  State 
under  Presidents  Lincoln  and  Johnson.  His  efforts  in  this  direc- 
tion were  continued  by  the  following  administration.  In  July, 
1869,  President  Grant  sent  General  O.  E.  Babcock  to  inquire  into 
conditions  in  the  island.  This  mission  resulted  in  the  negotiation 
of  a  treaty  of  annexation  and  a  convention  for  the  acquisition  of 
the  town  and  bay  of  Samana  for  a  naval  station.  The  treaty  was 
acceptable  to  the  Dominicans,  but  aroused  strong  opposition   in 


504  W  E  S  T     1  xNDIE  S 

1802-1916 

the  United  States,  and  failed  of  ratification  in  the  Senate.  Annexa- 
tion was  approved  by  a  congressional  commission  in  1871,  and 
brought  forward  again  by  the  Dominican  Government  in  1874, 
but  the  opposition  in  the  United  States  was  too  strong  to  be  over- 
come. The  political  history  of  the  Dominican  Republic  during  the 
sixty  years  of  its  independence  is  a  monotonous  record  of  civil 
strife  and  revolution.  One  successful  revolutionist  after  another 
has  seized  the  presidency  by  force,  only  to  be  driven  from  power 
by  a  new  rebellion.  A  fortunate  few  retained  the  office  for  the 
full  term.  Some  degree  of  stability  was  attained  under  the  abso- 
lute despotism  of  President  D.  Ulysses  Hereux,  whose  rule  of  fif- 
teen years  was  ended  by  his  assassination  July  26,  1899,  since 
which  time  the  island  has  suffered  from  chronic  revolution,  mili- 
tary chieftains  seizing  power  in  rapid  succession  and  driving  op- 
ponents into  exile.  These  struggles  have  been  accompanied  by 
injuries  to  foreigners  residing  or  trading  in  the  republic,  by  the 
granting  of  valuable  concessions  for  little  or  no  consideration,  and 
by  the  accumulation  of  large  claims  against  the  republic  in  the 
hands  of  foreigners.  In  these  circumstances  President  Morales 
sought  the  aid  of  the  United  States,  and  on  January  22,  1905,  it 
was  announced  that  a  protocol  had  been  signed  providing  for  the 
administration  of  the  customs  revenue  by  the  United  States,  forty- 
five  per  cent,  to  be  used  for  the  expenses  of  the  Dominican  Govern- 
ment, and  the  balance,  less  the  cost  of  administration,  for  the 
payment  or  adjustment  of  foreign  creditors.  Subject  to  these 
conditions  the  United  States  is  to  guarantee  the  political  and  terri- 
torial integrity  of  San  Domingo.  A  treaty  formally  embodying 
the  agreement  was  submitted  to  the  United  States  Senate  but  failed 
to  be  ratified.  The  population  shows  a  healthy  increase,  it  being 
estimated  at  610,000  in  1908.  During  that  same  year  the  exports 
were  $7,638,536,  while  the  imports  were  $5,156,121. 

The  Dominican  states  have  done  little  to  demonstrate  their 
capacity  for  self-government.  Their  independence  has  been  pro- 
tected first  by  geographical  isolation  and  climatic  conditions,  and 
second  by  the  policy  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  European 
interference  in  the  western  hemisphere.  But  swift  steamships 
have  put  an  end  to  isolation,  and  the  scientific  treatment  of  disease 
has  made  possible  successful  campaigning  in  the  tropics  by  an 
army  of  white  men.  The  United  States  has  acquired  the  neigh- 
boring island  of  Porto  Rico,  and  is  beginning  to  see  that  if  Euro- 


PI  A  Y  T  I    AND    SAN    DOMINflO  504a 

18021910 

pean  intervention  is  to  be  prohibited  American  intervention  may 
become  necessary,  unless  the  island  governments  attain  sufficient 
stability  to  give  reasonable  protection  to  life  and  property,  and  to 
fulfill  international  obligations. 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 

THE    RULERS    OF    MEXICO 

NATIVE    KINGS 

THE  HUE  HUE  TLA   PALLAN  DYNASTY 

CHICHIMEC     KINGS 

(More  or  less  mythical) 

I.  Nequameth. — 2.  Namocuix. — 3.    Miscohuatl. — 4.  Huitzilopochtli. — 5.  Huetmuc. 
6.  Nauyotl. — 7.   Quauhtepetla. — 8.   Nonohualca. — 9.   Huetzin. — 10.   Quauhtonal. — 
II.  Masatzin. — 12.  Quetzal. — 13.  Icoatzin. 

REIGN    OF    THE   TOLLAN    DYNASTY 


Chalchiuhtlanctzin,  son  of  Icoatzin  (Chichimec) 

Ixtlilcuechahuac 

Huetzin 


Totepehu 

Nacaxoc 

Mitlen 

The  Queen  Xiutlaltzin 

8.  Tepencaltzin     (Discoverer    of    Pulque) 

9.  Topiltzin         ...... 

10.  Death    of   Tepencaltzin    and    Queen    Xochitl,    and    destruction    of   the 

nation 


720 
771 
823 
875 
927 

979 
1038 
1042 
1094 

1 103 


KINGS    OF    THE    TENAYUCAN,    OR    TEZC0CAN    DYNASTY 

1.  Xolotl   the   Great "20 

2.  Nopaltzin 1232 

3.  Huetzin  Pochotl 1263 

4.  Quinantzin 1298 

5.  Techotlalatzin J357 

6.  Ixtlilxochitl 1409 

7.  Tetzotzomoc,  \  TTqnrnprs  / X4J9 

8.  Maxtla  /  UsurPers  \ 1427 

9.  Netzahualcoyotl J43° 

10.  Netzahualpili J47° 

11.  Cacamatzin.     (Spanish  invasion  during  his  reign)        ....  1516 

12.  Cuicuitzcatzin         ........•••  J520 

13.  Coanocotzin  ......•••••  1521 

14-  Ixtlilxochitl J52i 

507 


508 


APPENDIX 


REIGN    OF    THE    AZTEC    KINGS 


1.  Huitzihuitl   (Guide  to  the  Valley  of  Mexico) 

2.  Xiuhtemoc     (Chief) 
Acamapichil 


Huitzilihuitl 
Chimalpopoca 
Izcoatl 

Montezuma    I 
8.  Axayacatl 
g.  Tizoc     . 
10.  Ahuizotl 
ii.  Montezuma  II  (Spanish  invasion 

12.  Citlahuatzin  ... 

13.  Quauhtemoc  or  Guatimotzin 


in  his  reign) 


A.  D. 

1318 
1352 
1403 
1414 
1427 
1436 
1464 
1477 
i486 
1502 
1520 
1520 


THE    CULHUACANS 

(Tribes  contemporary  with  the  Aztecs) 

1.  Xiutemoc 1109 

2.  Nauhyotl 1124 

3.  Achitometl 1141 

4.  Xohualalorac 1241 

5.  Calquiyautzin 1241 

6.  Cocox  1241 

7.  Acamapictli  I 1301 

8.  Xiutemoc 1303 

g.  Acamapictli  II 1355 

10.  Chimalpopoca         .  . 1402 

After  death  of  this  monarch,  tributary  to  Tezcoco 

KINGDOM     OF    AZCAP0TZALC0 

(Tribes  contemporary  with  the  Aztecs) 

1.  Acolhua  I 1168 

2.  Acolhua  II 1239 

3.  Tetzotzomoc 1343 

4.  Maxtla 1427 

THE    TECPANECAS    OF  TLACOPAN 

(Tribes  contemporary  with  the  Aztecs) 

1.  Totoquiyauhtzin   I  ...........  1430 

2.  Chimalpopoca         ...........  1469 

3.  Totoquiyauhtzin  II         ....  1487 

4.  Tetlepanquetzal      . .  1503 

This  monarchy  terminated  with  the  last  king,  who  was  hanged  by 
Cortez. 


CONQUERORS     AND     AUDIENCIAS 

t.  Hernando   Cortez 1521 

2.  Luis  Ponce 1526 


A  p  P  E  N  1)  I  X 


3.  D.    Marcos   Aguilar       .... 

4.  Alonzo   Estrada  and  Gonzalo  Sandoval 

5.  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval 

fNufio  de  Guzman 
Juan  Ortiz  Maticnzo    }    First   Audiencia 
Diego  Delgadillo 
f  Sebastian  Ramirez  de  Fuenleal 
I  Juan  Salmeron 
7.    <  Alonzo  Maldonado  J-  Second  Audiencia 

I  Francisco  Ceynos  I 

(.Vasco  de  Quiroga  J 


|. 


509 

A.  II. 
15-7 

1529 


VICEROYS 

1.  Antonio  de  Mendoza     . 

2.  Luis  de  Velasco 

3.  Gaston  de   Peralta 

4.  Martin  Enriquez  de  Almanza 

5.  Lorenzo  de  Mendoza     . 

6.  Pedro  Moya  de  Conteras 

7.  Alvaro  Manrique  de  Zum'ga 

8.  Luis  de  Velasco  (the  second) 

9.  Caspar   de   Zuhiga 

10.  Juan   de   Mendoza 

11.  Luis  de  Velasco  (second  time) 

12.  Fr.  Garcia  Guerra 

13.  Diego  Fernandez  de  Cordova 

14.  Diego  Carrillo  Mendoza,  Marques  de  Gelves 

15.  Rodrigo  Pacheco  Osorio,  Marques  de  Cerralvo 

16.  Lope  Diaz  de  Armendariz,  Marques  de  Cadereita 

17.  Diego  Lopez  Pacheco,  Duke  of  Escalona 

18.  Juan  de   Palafox  y   Mendoza 

19.  Garcia  Sarmiento,  Conde  de  Salvatierra 

20.  Marcos  Torres  y  Rueda 

21.  Luis  Henriquez  de  Guzman  . 

22.  Francisco  Fernandez  de  la  Cueva,  Duke  of  Albuquerque 

23.  Juan  de  la  Cerda 

24.  Diego   Osorio   Escobar 

25.  Antonio  Sebastian  de  Toledo 

26.  Pedro  Nuho  de  Colon  . 

27.  Fr.  Payo  de  Rivera 

28.  Tomas  Antonio  de   la  Cerda 

29.  Melchor    Portocarrero 

30.  Gaspar  de  la  Sandoval 

31.  Juan   Ortega   Montanez 

32.  Jose  Sarmiento  y  Valladares,  Conde  de  Montezuma 

33.  Juan  Ortega  Montanez   (second  time) 

34.  Francisco    Fernandez   de   la   Cueva 

35.  Fernando  de  Alencastre,  Duke  of  Linares 

36.  Baltasar  de  Zuniga,  Duke  of  Arion^     . 

37.  Juan  de  Acuha,  Marques  de  Casa-Fuerte 

38.  Antonio    Vizarron  .... 

39.  Pedro  de  Castro  y  Figueroa 

40.  Pedro  Cebrian  y  Agustin,  Count  de  Fuen-Clara 

41.  Francisco  Giiemes  y  Horcasitas,  Conde  de  Revilla-Gigedo 

42.  Agustin  Ahumada,  Marques  de  las  Amarillas 

43.  Francisco  Cajigal  de  la  Vega 


1535 
1550 
1566 
1568 
1580 
1584 
1585 
1590 
1595 
1603 
1607 
1611 
1612 
162 1 
1624 

1635 
1640 
1642 

1648 
1650 
1653 
1660 
1664 

1673 

1680 
1686 
1688 
1696 

1701 

1711 
1716 
1722 

1734 
1740 
1742 
1746 
1755 
1760 


510  APPENDIX 

A.  D. 

44.  Joaquin  de  Monserrat '                        .         .  — 

45.  Carlos  Francisco  de  Croix 1766 

46.  Antonio  Maria  de  Bucareli 1771 

47.  Martin   de    Mayorga 1779 

48.  Matias  de  Galvez 1783 

49.  Bernardo   de   Galvez      ..........  1785 

50.  Alonso  Nunez  de  Haro         .........  1787 

51.  Manuel  Antonio  Flores         .         .         .         ...         .         .         .  1787 

52.  Juan  Vicente  Guemes  Pacheco,  Conde  de  Revilla-Gigedo       .         .         .  1789 

53.  Miguel  de  la  Grua  Talamanca     ........  1794 

54.  Miguel  Jose  de  Azanza         .........  1798 

55.  Felix  Berengucr  de  Marquina 1800 

56.  Jose  de  Iturrigaray       ..........  1803 

57.  Pedro  Garibay 1808 

58.  Francisco  Xavier  Lizana       .........  1809 

59.  Pedro  Catani,  President  of  the  Audiencia.     (Revolution)      .         .         .  1810 

60.  Francisco   Xavier  Venegas    .........  — 

61.  Felix   Calleja 1813 

62.  Juan  Ruiz  de  Apodaca 1816 

63.  Francisco  Novella 1821 

64.  Juan   O'Donoju.      (Independence) — 


SOVEREIGN     PROVISIONAL    JUNTA 

of  Puebla     .         .         "| 
65     \     Juan  Jose  Espinosa  de  los  Monteros,      f         .         *         ,        .  1821 


f    Antonio,  Bishop  of  Puebla 

•j     Juan  Jose  Espinosa  de  los 

I  Jose  Rafael  Suarez  Pereda,  Secretary 


, 


REGENCIES 

f  Agustin   Iturbide         .         .  1 
I  O'Donoju    .         .         .         .  j 

66.  {  Manuel  de  la  Barcena        .  )■  .         .         .         .         r        .        .        .     1822 

I  Isidro  Yanez       .         .         .  j 
[Manuel  Velazquez  de  Leon  J 

67.  Agustin  I.  (Iturbide),  Emperor     ........     1822 


EXECUTIVE    POWER 


General  Bravo 
Victor 
Negre 
Guerrero,  J 


/y>      S        "        Victoria, 

Negrete,      f  "*        *        *        w  l823 


PRESIDENTS    AND    DICTATORS 


1.  General  Guadalupe  Victoria 1824 

2.  "           Vicente   Guerrero     .........  1829 

3.  Jose  Maria  Bocanegra 1820 

f  Pedro  Velez        .         .      ) 

4.  j  General  Luis  Quintanar,    f-         .......         .  1829 

I  Lucas  Alaman     .         .      J 

5.  General   Anastasio   Bustamante    (first  time) 1830 

6.  "           Melchor  Muzquiz 1832 


APPENDIX 

7.  Manuel  Gomez  Pedraza        ..... 

8.  Valentin  Gomez  Farias  (first  time) 
g.  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa-Anna  (first  time) 

10.      "  Miguel    Barragan 

ii.  Jose  Justo  Corro  .... 

12.  General  Anastasio  Bustamante   (second  time) 

13.  Xavier     Ecneverria        ..... 

14.  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa-Anna  (second  time) 

15.  General  Nicolas  Bravo     .      )    ,    „  ,0..  . 

16.  "         Valentin  Canalizo,    \  from  l84T  to 

17.  "  Jose  Joaquin  Herrera  (first  time) 

18.  Mariano  Paredes  y  Arrillaga         .... 
ig.  General  Nicolas  Bravo,  ad  interim   (second  time) 

20.  "  Mariano    Salas  ..... 

21.  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa-Anna   (third  time) 

22.  Valentin   Gomez    Farias    (second   time).      (American   War) 

23.  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa-Anna  (fourth  time) 

24.  "  Pedro  Maria  Anaya   (first  time) 

25.  "  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa-Anna   (fifth  time) 

26.  Manuel  de  la  Pena  y  Pena  (first  time) 

27.  General  Pedro  Maria  Anaya   (second  time) 

28.  Manuel  de  la  Pena  y  Pena  (second  time) 
2g.  General  Jose  Joaquin  Herrera  (second  time) 

30.  "  Mariano  Arista 

31.  "  Juan  B.   Ceballos 

32.  Juan  Mugica  y  Osorio  . 

33.  General  Manuel  Maria  Lombardini       .     _    . 

34.  "  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa-Anna  (sixth  time) 

35.  "  Romulo  Diaz  de  la  Vega,  General-in-chief  (first  time) 

36.  "  Martin  Carrera 

7,7.      "  Romulo  Diaz  de  la  Vega   (second  time) 

38.      "  Juan  Alvarez    .         .         .         .         . 

3g.  "  Proprietor "  Ignacio  Comonfort,  as  substitute  for  Alvarez 

40.  Comonfort,  as  Constitutional  President        .... 


511 

A.  I). 
I«33 
1835 

1837 

184  I 

1843 
1844 

1K4O 
1846 

TS47 


1848 

18m 

1853 


1855 


1857 


REVOLUTIONARY     CHIEFS 


41.  General  Felix  Zuloaga  (first  time) 

42.  "        Manuel  Robles  Pezuela    . 

43.  Jose    Ignacio    Pavon      .... 

44.  General  Miguel  Miramon    (first  time) 

45.  "         Felix   Zuloaga    (second   time) 

46.  "         Miguel  Miramon   (second  time) 


1858 


1850 


REGENCY    IMPOSED    BY    THE     INTERVENTION 


{Bishop  Juan  B.  Ormaechea     .     "] 
General   Juan    N.    Almonte      .1 
"  Mariano    Salas 

Archbishop  Pelagio  A.  LabastidaJ 
48.  Archduke  of  Austria,  Maximilian,  with  title  of  Emperor 


1864 
1864 


512  APPENDIX 

CONSTITUTIONAL    PRESIDENTS    AND     MILITARY    CHIEFS 

A.  D. 

49.  Benito  Juarez,  at  San  Luis  and  Vera  Cruz 1858 

50.  General  Jesus  Gonzalez  Ortega     ........  i860 

51.  Benito  Juarez,  at  Mexico  City     ........  1861 

52.  The  same,  in  the  interior,  and  at  Paso  del  Norte,  1863  to  1867 

53.  General  Porfirio  Diaz  (in  chief)    ........  — 

54.  Benito  Juarez,  at  Mexico  City — 

55.  As  Constitutional  President,  from  1868  to 1871 

56.  As  Constitutional   President       ........  1871 

57.  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  as  President  of  the  Court  of  Justice,  by  the 

death  of  Juarez,  from  July   19  to  December         ....  1872 

58.  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Constitutional  President  from  January  I, 

1873,  to 1876 

59.  General   Don  Juan   N.   Mendez    (provisional),  December  6,   1876,  to 

May    4 1877 

60.  General  Porfirio  Diaz,  May  5,  1877,  to  November  30     .         .         .         .  1880 

61.  General   Manuel   Gonzalez,   December   1 1880 

62.  "         Porfirio  Diaz,  December  1       ......  1884 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


This  Bibliography  does  not  represent  all  the  authorities  referred  to  in  thi^ 
volume  or  consulted  in  its  preparation.  It  does  aim  to  supply  a  list  of  the  impor- 
tant readable  or  reference  books  which  may  be  appealed  to  by  the  general  reader 
interested  in  pursuing  further  the  study  of  the  Isthmian  countries  and  the 
islands  of  the  West  Indies.  The  list  is  purposely  made  to  include  many  works 
on  the  romantic  phase  of  the  history  of  these  Spanish- American  countries,  as 
well  as  recent  volumes  of  travel  and  description. 


MEXICO    AND    CENTRAL    AMERICA 

Bancroft,  Hubert  H. — "  The  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States  of  North  Amer- 
ica." 5  vols.  New  York,  1875- 1876. 
Bancroft  was  familiar  with  a  vast  number  of  early  Spanish  works  or.  the 
early  inhabitants  of  Mexico  and  the  Pacific  country.  In  arrangement  the 
volumes  successively  take  up  :  "  The  Wild  Tribes  "  ;  "  Civilized  Nation^  *' ; 
"Myths  and  Languages";  "Antiquities";  and,  finally,  "Primitive  History." 

"  Resources  and  Development  of  Mexico."     San  Francisco,  1894. 

A  standard  work. 

"  A  Popular  History  of  the  Mexican  People." 

Bandelier,  A.  F. — "  On  the  Social  Organization  and  Mode  of  Government  of  the 
Ancient  Mexicans."     Cambridge,   1880. 
In    the    Twelfth    Annual    Report    of    the    Peabody    Museum    of    American 
Archaeology  and  Ethnology. 

Baxter,  S. — "  Spanish-Colonial  Architecture  in  Mexico."     Boston.   1903. 

A  most  sumptuous  work,  not  ordinarily  accessible  in  libraries,  but  very  valu- 
able for  reference  on  the  interesting  subject  of  architecture  in  Mexico. 

Beebe,  C.  W. — "  Two  Bird-Lovers  in  Mexico."     Boston,  1905. 
Will  be  especially  appreciated  by  the  nature  enthusiast. 

Bell,  C.  N. — "  Tangweera."     London,  1899. 

Deals  with  the  Indians  of  the  Mosquito  Coast. 

Belt,  T. — "  The  Naturalist  in  Nicaragua."    London,  1874. 

Bonaparte,  Prince  Roland— "  Lc  Mcxique  au  Debut  XXC  Steele."    Paris,  1904. 

Bowditch,  C.  P.   (ed.)  — "  Mexican  and  Central  American  Antiquities,  Calendar 
Systems,  and  History."     Smithsonian  Institute,  1904. 

Brigham,  T.— "  Guatemala,  the  Land  of  the  Quetzal."     London,  1887. 

Brocklehurst,  T.  U.— "  Mexico  To-day."    London,  1883. 
With  an  account  of  the  prehistoric  remains. 

Burke,  U.  R— "  Life  of  Benito  Juarez."    London,  1894. 

The  life  of  Juarez  constitutes  a  part  of  the  history  of  Mexico  in  its  most 
critical  period. 

Butler,  Wm.-"  Mexico  in  Transition."     New  York,  1892. 

Campbell,  Rean.— "  Complete  Guide  and  Descriptive  Book  of  Mexico."    Chicago, 
1904. 

515 


516  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Charnay,  Desire. — "  Ancient  Cities  of  the  New  World."    London,  1887. 

An  account  of  the  author's  travels  in  Mexico  and  Central  America  during 

the  years  1857- 1882. 
Chevalier,  Michel. — "  Le  Mexique  ancien  et  moderne."    Paris,  1886. 

A  translation  by  Alpass  appeared  in  London,  1864. 
Colquhoun,  A.  R. — "The  Key  of  the  Pacific — the  Nicaragua  Canal."     London, 
1896. 

Like  all  of  this  author's  works,  this  volume  is  an  interesting  presentation. 
Conkling,  A.  R. — "  Appleton's  Guide  to  Mexico."    New  York. 
Conkling,  Howard. — "  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans."    New  York,  1883. 
"  Coronado's  Letter  to  Mendoza,  1540."     Published  by  the  Directors  of  the  Old 

South  Work.     Boston,  1903. 
''Cortes's  Account  of  the  City  of  Mexico."     Published  by  the  Directors  of  the 
Old  South  Work.     Boston,  1003. 

Two  extremely  interesting  little  pamphlets;  source  material  in  miniature. 
Croffut,  W.  A. — "  Folks  Next  Door."    3d  ed.    Washington,  D.  C,  1004. 

The  "  log-book  of  a  rambler,"  and  excellently  descriptive  of  travels  in  Mexico. 
Cubas. — "  Mexico :  Its  Trade,  Industries,  and  Resources."     Mexico,  1893. 

An  English  translation  by  Thompson  and  Cleveland. 
El  economista  Mejicana,  published  weekly.     Mexico. 
Enriquez,   R.   de   Zayas. — "  Las  Estados   Unidos  Mejicanos,   1877-1897."     New 

York,  1899. 
Flint,  H.  M. — "  Mexico  under  Maximilian."     Philadelphia,  1867. 
Gibbs,  J.  R. — "British  Honduras."     London,  1883. 
Gooch,  F.  C. — "  Face  to  Face  with  the  Mexicans."    London,  1890. 
Gonzales,  D. — "  Geografia  de  Centro  America."     San  Salvador,  1877. 
Hale,  Susan. — "  The  Story  of  Mexico."    New  York,  1891. 
Helps,  A. — "  Spanish  Conquest  in  Mexico."     4  vols.     New  York,  1003. 
Howell. — "  Mexico :   Its   Progress   and   Commercial    Possibilities."     New   York, 
1892. 

Mexico  to-day  furnishes  one  of  the  most  important  industrial  studies,  and 

it  is  regrettable  that  so  few  books  deal  with  the  country  from  the  important 

material  standpoint. 
Icazbalceta. — "  Documentos  para  la  historia  de  Mejico."    20  vols.    Mexico,  1853- 

1857.    , 
"  Coleccion  nueva  de  documentos  para  la  historia  de  Mejico."    5  vols.    Mex- 
ico, 1892. 

Important  to  the  historical  student. 
Keane,  A.  H. — "  Central  and  South  America  and  West  Indies."    ("  Stanford's 
Compendium  of  Geography"  series.)     London,  1901. 

The  standard  English  work  of  geographical  reference. 
Kozhevar,  E. — "  Report  on  the  Republic  of  Mexico."    London,  1886. 
La  Bedolliere,  Emile  G.   de. — "  Histoire  de  la  guerre  du  Mexique."    Paris,  1866. 
Lumholtz,  C. — "  Unknown  Mexico."    New  York,  1903. 

Descriptive  volumes  of  absorbing  interest  and  real  value,  vividly  portraying 

the  country  and  its  people. 
Lummis,  C.  F. — "The  Awakening  of  a  Nation."    New  York,  1898. 
McGary,  E. — "  American  Girl  in  Mexico."     New  York,  1904. 
Mallen,  B. — "  Mexico  Yesterday  and  To-day,  1876-1904."     Mexico,  1904. 
Noel,  J.  V. — "  History  of  the  Second  Pan-American  Congress."    Baltimore,  Md., 

1903. 
Noll,  A.  H.— "From  Empire  to  Republic."    Chicago,  1903. 
"  Short  History  of  Mexico."    Chicago,  1903. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  517 

Ober,  Frederick  A. — rt  Hernando  Cortes,  Conqueror  of  Mexico."  New  York 
1905. 

"  Travels  in  Mexico."     Boston,  1884. 

— — "  Mexican  Resources."    New  York,  1884. 

Palacio,  Vincente  Riva  ( ed. ) .— "  Mexico  al  travcs  dc  los  sighs."  5  vols  Mex- 
ico, 1887- 1889. 

The  standard  work  on  Mexican  history,  published  under  the  editorial  super- 
vision of  Vincente  Riva  Palacio:  Vol.  I,  Chavero,  "  Historia  antigua  y  dc  la 
conquista;"  Vol.  II.  Palacio,  "Historia  dc  la  dominaciun  cspanula  en  Mex- 
ico desde  1521  a  1808;"  Vol.  Ill,  Zarate,  "La  guerre  dc  independencia;  " 
Vol.  IV,  Olavarria  y  Ferrari,  "Mexico  indcpcndicntc,  1821-1855;"  Vol.  V, 
Vigil,  "La  reforma." 

Pimentel,  F. — "  Obras  Completas."    5  vols.     Mexico,  1903-1904. 
On  the  peoples,  languages,  literatures,  etc.,  of  Mexico. 

Prescott,  W.  H. — "History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico."    London. 

Ratzel,  Fried. — "  Aus  Mexico,  Rciscskizzen  aus  den  Jahren  1874-187$."    Breslau 
1878. 
Still  ranks  as  a  standard  work. 

Romero,  M. — "  Mexico  and  the  United  States."     New  York,  1898. 
A  study  of  their  relations. 

"  Geographical  and  Statistical  Notes  on  Mexico."     New  York,  1898. 

Valuable  for  reference. 

Routier,  G. — "  Le  Mexique  de  nos  Jour."    Paris,  1895. 

Sapper,  C. — "Das  Nordliche  Mittel-Amerika."     Brunswick,   1897. 

"  Mittelamerikanische  Reisen  und  Studien  aus  den  Jahren   1888  bis  1900." 

Brunswick,  1902. 

Schiess,  W. — "  Quer  durch  Mexico."    Berlin,  1902. 

Schroeder,   O. — "  Republic   of   Mexico."     Denver,   Col.,    1903. 

Seler,  E. — "  Auf  altcn  Wegen  in  Mexiko  und  Guatemala."    Berlin,  1900. 

Short,  John  T. — "  The  North  Americans  of  Antiquity.     Their  Original  Migra- 
tions and  Type  of  Civilization  Considered."     New  York,  1880. 
A  careful  study  of  material  gathered  from  the  Smithsonian  reports  and  the 
work  of  specialists  in  this  field,  with  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  sources  espe- 
cially considered. 

Smith,  A.  D. — "  Historia  dc  la  Rcvolucion  de  Mexico  contra  la  dictadura  del 
General  Santa  Anna."    Alice,  Texas.  1904. 

Southworth,  J.  R. — "  The  Mines  of  Mexico."    Mexico,  1905. 

Starr,  Frederick.—"  Readings  from  Modern  Mexican  Authors."     Chicago,  1904. 

"  Physical  Characters  of  the  Indians  of  Southern  Mexico."    Chicago,  1903. 

Stevenson,  S.  Y. — "  Maximilian  in  Mexico."     New  York,  1899. 

Surra,  J. — "  Mexico :  Its  Social  Evolution."     3  vols.     Mexico,  1905. 

Tweedie,  Mrs.  A. — "  Mexico  as  I  Saw  It."    London,  1901. 

"  Porfirio  Diaz."    London,  1906. 

Wells,  D.  A.— "A  Study  of  Mexico."     New  York,  1886. 

Winton,  G.  B.— "  New  Era  in  Old  Mexico."     Nashville,  Tenn.,  1905. 

Wright,  Marie  R.— "  Picturesque  Mexico."    Philadelphia,  1898. 


WEST   INDIES 

Canini,  I.  E.— "  Four  Centuries  of  Spanish  Rule  in  Cuba."    Chicago,  1898. 
Clark,  Wm.  J.—"  Commercial  Cuba."     New  York,  1898. 

The  commercial  and  industrial  conditions  in  Cuba  are  a  living  and  growing 


518  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

topic  of  interest  to  Americans  to-day,  who  recognize  the  possibilities  of  de- 
velopment for  all  the  islands  of  the  Greater  Antilles. 
Davey,  R. — "  Cuba,  Past  and  Present."     London,  1898. 
Davis,  R.  H. — "  The  Cuban  and  Porto  Rican  Campaigns."     New  York,  1898. 

Written  in  this  author's  well-known  readable,  narrative  style. 
Dinwiddie,  Wm. — "  Porto  Rico,  Its  Conditions  and  Possibilities."     New  York, 
1899. 
Another  study,  from  the  material  standpoint,  of  one  of  the  greater  islands 
of  the  archipelago. 
Fiske,  A.  K. — "  History  of  the  Islands  of  the  West  Indian  Archipelago."     New 

York,  1899. 
Flack,  H.  E. — "  Spanish-American  Diplomatic  Relations   Preceding  the  War  of 
1898."    Baltimore,  1906. 
One  of  the  Johns  Hopkins'  publications  and  an  important  contribution  to 
political  history. 
Froude,  J.  A. — "  The  English  in  the  West  Indies."     London,  1888. 
Hamm,  M.  A. — "  Porto  Rico  and  the  West  Indies."     New  York,  1899. 
Hill,  R.  T. — "  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  with  the  other  Islands  of  the  West  Indies." 

New  York,  1898. 
Hooper, — "  The  Forests   of  the  West  Indies."     1888. 
Matthews,  F. — "The  New-Born  Cuba."    New  York,  1899. 
Musson,  G.  P.,  and  Roxburgh,  T.  L. — "  The  Handbook  of  Jamaica."     London, 

1896. 
Porter,  R.  P. — "Industrial  Cuba."    New  York,  1899. 

Pritchard,  Hesketh. — "  Where  Black  Rules  White :  A  Journey  Across  and  About 
Hayti."     New  York,  1900. 
A  good  description  of  the  present  political  and  social  conditions.    The  author 
believes  the  Haytians  to  be  incapable  of  self-government. 
Quisenberry,   A.    C. — "Lopez's  Expeditions  to  Cuba,    1850,    1851."     New   York, 
1906. 
An  interesting  account  of  the  Spanish-American  general  and  filibuster. 
Rainsford,  Marcus. — "  Historical  Account  of  the  Black  Empire  of  Hayti,  Com- 
prising a  View  of  the   Principal  Transactions   in  the   Revolution   of   St. 
Domingo  with  its  Antient  and  Modern  State."    London,  1805. 
This  is  a  valuable  source  for  the  beginnings  of  the  Haytian  republic.     The 
appendix    includes    important    documents    of    the    revolution.      The    author 
visited  the  island  in  1700. 
"  Report  of  the  West  India  Royal  Commission,  1897."    4  vols.    London,  1897. 
St.  John,  Sir  Spenser. — "  Hayti :  or  the  Black  Republic."     London,  1884.     New 
revised  edition,  New  York,  1890. 
A  depressing  picture  of  political  and  social  degeneracy  in  Hayti,  exposing 
the   corruption   and   inefficiency  of  the   government   and   the  prevalence   of 
voodooism,  cannibalism  and  other  barbaric  vices.     The  author  resided  for 
many  years  in  the  country  as  the  representative  of  the  British  government. 
Tippenhauer,  L.  G. — "Die  Insel  Haiti."    Leipzig,  1893. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Abascal,     Marques     de     la     Concordia: 

honored,  228 
Acapulco:  captured  by  the  Dutch,   162; 
importance  of,  192;  siege  of  (1813), 
244 
Aculco:  battle  of  (1810),  238 
Agramont,      Nicholas :     captures     Vera 

Cruz,   178 
Aguayo,   Marques   San   Miguel   de :   ap- 
pointed   governor    of    Florida    and 
Texas,  189 
Aguero  y  Velasco,  Francisco:  death  of, 

45i 
Aguilar,  Marcos  de:  joins  Cortez,  13 
Agustin    I,    Emperor    of    Mexico:    see 

Iturbide 
Ake:  battle  of  (1527),  424 

Alarcon,  :  founds  Bejar,  189 

Alarcon,  Francisco:  explorations  of,  112 
Alatorre:  at  the  battle  of  Tecoac,  406 
Albuquerque,    Francisco    Fernandez    de 
la  Cueva,  Duke  of:  made  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,   170;  his  administration 
as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  186 
Alegre,  Manuel  M. :  sketch  of,  420 
Alexander,   Barton   S. :   in  the  Mexican 

War,  349 
Allende      (San     Miguel     el     Grande)  : 

founded,  117 
Allende,    Ignacio:    in    the    rebellion    of 

Hidalgo,  238 
Almanza,   Martin  Enriquez  de:  his  ad- 
ministration    as    viceroy     of     New 
Spain,    128;   made  viceroy  of   Peru, 

131 

Almonte,  Juan  Nepomuceno:  member 
of  provisional  government,  387 

Alvarado,  Pedro  de :  returns  to  Cuba 
with  report  of  Mexican  discoveries, 
5;  joins  Cortez,  10;  commands  in 
the  City  of  Mexico,  31 ;  at  the  siege 

321 


of     Mexico,     52;     his     expeditions 
against    the    Zapotccs    and    against 
Guatemala,   66,   429;    conquers    Sal- 
vador, 439 
Alvarez,  Juan:  elected  president,  382 
Alvear,    Caspar:    crushes    Indian    insur- 
rection,  152 
Amozoque:  battle  of   (1847),  327 
Ampudia,     Pedro     de:     his     campaign 

against  the  United  States,  284 
Anaya,     Pedro     Maria :     elected    provi- 
sional   president    of    Mexico,    320; 
elected  president  of  Mexico,  374 
Angostura:  battle  of  (1847),  306 
Anne,    Queen    of    England :    concludes 

treaty  with  Spain,   187 
Anson,    George :    attempts    to    intercept 

Spanish  treasure  ship,  195 
Apodaca,  Juan  Ruiz  de,  Conde  del  Vena- 
dito:   his  administration  as  viceroy, 

251 

Aponte,  Jose  Antonio:  leads  revolt,  451 

Aranjo,  Buenaventura:  at  the  battle  of 
Cerro  Gordo,  325 

Areche,  Jose :  investigates  the  execu- 
tive conduct  of  the  Marques  de  Cru- 
illas.  203 

Arion,  Baltasar  de  Ziiniga,  Duke  of:  his 
administration  as  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  188 

Arizona :  bought  by  the  United  States, 
381 

Armendariz,  Miguel  Diaz  de:  commis- 
sioned to  enforce  the  aborigine  laws 
in  the  West  Indies,  no 

Arrangoiz,  General :  concludes  an  armis- 
tice with  General  Scott,  352 

Arroyo  Hondo :  massacre  of  ( 1847) ,  305 

Arteaga:  in  the  Reform  War,  383 

Atristain,  Miguel :  signs  Treaty  of  Gua- 
dalupe Hidalgo,  377 

Austin,  Moses :  contracts  for  coloniza- 
tion of  Texas,  279 


522 


INDEX 


Austin,  Stephen  F. :  contracts  for  colo- 
nization of  Texas,  279 

Avila,  Alonzo  de:  joins  Cortez,  10;  sent 
as  ambassador  to  Spain,  63 

Avila,  Alonzo  de:  alleged  conspiracy  of, 
120 

Avila,  Gil  Gonzalez  de:  alleged  conspir- 
acy of,  120 

Avila,  Pedro  Arias  de:  his  explorations 
in  Central  America,  436 

Axayacatl :  siege  of,  34 

Azanza,  Miguel  Jose  de:  his  administra- 
tion as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  225 

Aztec  Calendar  Stone :  description  of,  95 

Aztecs :  conditions  at  the  time  of  the  ar- 
rival of  Cortez,  15;  history  of,  75 


B 


Babcock,  Orville  E. :  his  mission  to  San 

Domingo,  503 
Badillo:   at  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 

Baez,  Buenaventura:  his  administration 
as  president  of  San  Domingo,  503 

Bagley:  death  of,  459 

Bahia  Honda:  battle  of  (1851),  450; 
granted  to  the  United  States,  479 

Batabano :  founded,  447 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de:  discoveries  of, 
436 

Bankhead,  Henry  C. :  in  the  Mexican 
War,  321 

Baracoa :  settled,  447 

Barba,  Pedro:  ordered  to  arrest  Cor- 
tez, 11 

Barradas,  Isidro :  commands  expedition 
against  Mexico,  270 

Barragan,  Miguel :  receives  surrender  of 
Spanish,  270;  made  vice-president, 
272 

Barraza,  Juan:  his  campaigns  in  the  In- 
dian rebellions,  168,  169 

Barraza,  Nicholas :  crushes  the  Indian 
rebellions,  174 

Barrios,  Justo  Rufino:  career  of,  438 

Baudin  des  Ardennes,  Charles :  his  ex- 
pedition to  Mexico,  274 

Beauregard,  Pierre  Gustave  Toutant:  in 
the  Mexican  War,  326 

Bejar:  founded,  189 

Belton :  in  the  Mexican  War,  348 


Benavides,  Manuel:  nominated  as  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain,  106 

Bendin,  Father :  his  work  among  the  In- 
dians, 168 

Beneski,  Charles  de :  visits  Mexico,  258 

Bent,  Charles :  death  of,  305 

Black  Eagle,  Insurrection  of,  451 

Blanca,  Florida:  urges  war  with  Eng- 
land, 211 

Blanco  y  Arenas,  Ramon :  sent  to  Cuba, 
.458 

Boisrond-Canal :  elected  ruler  of  Hayti, 
501 

Bonaparte,  Joseph :  made  King  of  Spain, 
230 

Borbon,  Francisco  Xavier  de:  sketch  of, 
223 

Bourbon,  House  of:  accession  of,  in 
Spain,  185 

Boyer,  Jean  Pierre :  becomes  ruler  of 
Hayti,  496 

Bracito:  battle  of  (1846),  304 

Branciforte,  Marques  de :  his  adminis- 
tration as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  223 

Bravo,  Leonardo:  death  of,  244  note 

Bravo,  Miguel :  in  the  Hidalgo  rebellion, 

243 

Bravo,  Nicolas :  takes  Palmar,  244  note; 
made  member  of  triumvirate,  258; 
member  of  provisional  government, 
264;  declared  vice-president  of  Mex- 
ico, 264;  leads  rebellion  (1827),  266 

Brooke,  John  Rutter:  military  governor 
of  Cuba,  463;  his  administration  as 
governor  of  Cuba,  464 

Bucareli  y  Ursua,  Antonio  Maria  de: 
his  administration  as  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  208;  death  of,  210 

Buchanan,  James,  President  of  the 
United  States:  attempts  to  negotiate 
with  Mexico,  316 

Buduen,  Luis  Yero :  chosen  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  468 

Buena  Vista:    battle  of  (1847),  309 

Bustamante,  Anastasio :  declared  vice- 
president  of  Mexico,  268;  leads  re- 
volt, 269;  crushes  rebellion  in  Guan- 
ajuato, 380 

Bustamante,  Carlos  Maria :  work  of,  219 

Butler,  M.  C. :  member  of  Spanish-Amer- 
ican Commission,  463 

Butler,  William  Orlando:  in  the  Mexi- 
can War,  292 


INDEX 


52,'J 


crushes  rebellion 
made   viceroy   of 

:  in  the  Mexican 


Cabanas:  battle  of  (1898),  459 

Cabrillo,    Juan    Rodriguez :    explorations 

of,  109 
Cadereita :  founded,  163 
Cagigal,    Francisco    de :    his   administra- 
tion as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  200 
Cainos,  Francisco :  made  member  of  the 

audiencia,  107 
Calderon,   Bridge  of:   battle   of    (1811), 

239 
California :   visited  by  the   followers  of 

Cortez,  62;  exploration  of  its  coast, 

73 ;    exploration   of,    137 ;    settlement 

of,    183 ;    revolutionary    government 

established,  300 
Calleja,  Felix  Maria: 

of    Hidalgo,    238; 

New  Spain,  245 
Callender,  Franklin  D 

War,  345 
Calpulalpano :  battle  of  (i860),  383 
Campeche:  founded,  425 
Campos,     Arsenio     Martinez :     recalled 

from  Cuba,  455 
Canada:  battle  of  (1847).  305 
Canales :  leads  revolt,  275 
Cancio,   Leopoldo :   chosen    Secretary  of 

Public  Instruction,  468 
Carillo,  :  appointed  jueces  pesquisi- 

dores,  125 
Carillo,    Martin:     sent   to   New    Spain, 

161 
Carrera,    Rafael :    founds 

Guatemala,  438 
Carson,  Kit   (Christopher) 

for  Kearny,  299 
Cartagena :     captured    by 

(1739),  194 

Casa-Fuerte,  Juan  de  Acuiia,  Marques 
de :  made  viceroy  of  New  Spain, 
189;  death  of,  192 

Casa-Mata,  Act  of  (1823),  258 

Casafiete,  Pedro  Portal  de:  commis- 
sioned to  colonize  California,  166 

Catorce  Mines:  discovered,  209 

Cavendish,  Thomas:  captures  a  Spanish 
ship,  135 

Cavo,  Father:  work  of,  219 

Central  America,  History  of:  the  five 
republics,  429 

Cerro  Gordo:  battle  of  (1847),  325 


Republic  of 
:  seeks  relief 
the     English 


Cervera  y  Topeto,  Pascual :  defeat  of,  at 

Santiago,  4(10 
Ccstinos,  Luis:  explores  California,   16.1 
Chalco:    taken    by   Cortez,   45;    siege   of 

(1521),  46 
Champoton:  battle  of  (1537),  425 
Chapultepec:  siege  of  (1847),  366 
Charles  V,   Holy  Roman   Emperor:   ab- 
dication of,  1 18 
Charles  II,  King  of  Spain:  accession  of, 

173 
Charles  III.  King  of  Spain:  accession  of, 

199;  expels  Jesuits  from  New  Spain, 

204 
Charles   IV,   King  of  Spain:   abdication 

of,  230 
Charnay:  his  work  in  Mexico,  82 
Chichen-Itza:  battle  of   (1528),  424 
Chichimecas :  attack  the  Spaniards,  137 
Quids,   Thomas :   in  the  Mexican   War, 

333 
Cholula:  battle  of   (15 19),  20 
Christophe,    Henri:      leads    insurrection 

against  Dessalines,  493 
Churubusco:  battle  of  (1847),  349 
Cibola:  search  for,  112 
Clarke,  Henry  F. :  in  the  Mexican  War, 

348 
Clifford,      Nathan :     plenipotentiary     to 

Mexico,  378 
Code  Henri,  495 
Code  Rural,  497 
Colotlan :  founded,  138 
Columbus,  Christopher:  visits  Honduras, 

437 
Columbus,  Diego:  explorations  of,  3 
Comonfort,  Ignacio:  elected  president  of 

Mexico,  382 
Conejares,  Francisco  Ruiz  de:  buys  the 

sub-delegation  of  Villa-Alta,  223 
Conner,  David :  in  the  Mexican  War,  289 
Constitution  of  1857,  The  Mexican,  382 
Conto,  Bernardo:  signs  Treaty  of  Gua- 
dalupe Hidalgo,  377 
Contreras:  battle  of  (1847),  345 
Contreras,  Pedro  Moya  de:  sent  as  in- 
quisitor to   Mexico,    129;    appointed 
visitador,  132;  made  viceroy  of  Mex- 
ico, 133;  death  of,  134 
Cos,  Dr.:  in  Hidalgo's  rebellion,  241 
Costa  Rica:  named,  437;  history  of,  441 
Corban,    Torribio    Gomez:    explorations 
of,  143 


524 


INDEX 


Cordova:  founded,  152 

Cordova,  Diego  Fernandez  de,  Marques 
de  Guadalcazar:  made  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  152 

Cordova,  Hernandez  de:  discovers  Mex- 
ico, 4 

Cordova,  Luis  de:  commands  treasure 
fleet,  208 

Coronado,  Vasquez  de:  explorations  of, 
112 

Cortez,  Hernando :  career  of,  5 ;  among 
the  Aztecs,  12;  marches  on  Tenoch- 
titlan,  19;  successes  of,  39;  his  con- 
quest of  the  valley,  44;  his  expedi- 
tion to  Honduras,  431 ;  last  years  of, 
66;  death  of,  74 

Cortez,  Martini:  sketch  of,  69;  alleged 
conspiracy  of,  122;  tortured,  126;  his 
property  confiscated,  127 

Council  of  the  Indies:  organized,  98 

Crittenden,  Colonel :  his  expedition  to 
Cuba,  452 

Croix,  Carlos  Francisco  de,  Marques  de 
Croix :  his  administration  as  viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  203 

Cuautla  de  Amilpas:  siege  of  (1812),  243 

Cuba :  discovery  of,  3 ;  reduced  to  Span- 
ish authority,  7;  discovery  and  set- 
tlement of,  446;  under  Spanish  rule, 
448;  conspiracies  and  revolutions  in, 
451;  American  intervention  in,  456; 
military  government  in,  464;  present 
conditions,  474;  reciprocity  between 
the  United  States  and,  482 

Cuernavaca  (Guauhnahuac)  :  battle  of 
(1521),  47 

Cuevas,  Luis  G. :  signs  treaty  with 
United  States,  2,77 

Cuitlahua,  Emperor  of  Mexico:  acces- 
sion of,  41 ;  death  of,  44 


Davalos,  Ildefonzo:  his  work  among  the 

Indians,  172 
Degollado,  General :  in  the  Reform  War, 

383 

Dessalines,  Jean  Jacques  (James  I)  :  be- 
comes emperor  of  Hayti,  493 

Dewey,  George :  gains  battle  of  Manila 
Bay,  458 


Diaz,  Juan:  labors  for  the  conversion  of 

the  Aztecs,  12 
Diaz,  Luciano :  member  of  cabinet,  468 
Diaz,  Porfirio :  his  campaign  against  the 
French,  385 ;   at  the  capitulation  of 
Mexico  (1863),  387;  sketch  of,  398; 
candidate  for  the  presidency  (1870), 
401 ;  his  administration  as  president 
of  Mexico,  404;  second  administra- 
tion of,  409 
Diaz  del  Castillo,  Bernal:  quoted  on  the 

capture  of  Mexico,  61 
Dimick,  Justin :  in  the  Mexican  War,  346 
Doblado,  General:  in  the  Reform  War, 

383 

Dodge,  Andres :  death  of,  452 

Domingue,  Michel :  elected  ruler  of 
Hayti,  501 

Dominican  Republic :  history  of,  503 

Dominguez,  Miguel :  member  of  provi- 
sional government,  264 

Dorst,  Joseph  H. :  in  the  Spanish-Amer- 
ican War,  459 

Drake,  Sir  Francis:  captures  St.  Augus- 
tine, 135 ;  his  expeditions  to  the  West 
Indies,  449 

Drum,  Simon  H. :  at  the  siege  of  Mex- 
ico, 363 

Duncan,  James:  in  the  Mexican  War, 
348 

Durango:  founded,  118 


Echavarria,  Francisco:  chosen  governor 
of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  468 

Echavari,  :  revolt  of,  264 

Echaverri,  Francisco:  acting  viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  200 

El  Asiento,  Treaty  of  (1712),  187 

El  Caney:  battle  of  (1808),  459 

El  Embudo:  battle  of  (1847),  305 

Elorriega,  Francisco:  candidate  for  pres- 
ident of  Mexico,  315 

Escalona,  Diego  Lopez  Pacheco,  Duke 
of:  made  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  163 

Escandon,  Jose:  governor  of  new  colo- 
nies, 197 

Escobar  y  Llamas,  Diego  Osorio,  Bishop 
of  Puebla:  made  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  172 

Escobedo,       Mariano:      his      campaign 


INDEX 


525 


against  the  French,  385;  sketch  of, 
395 
Escocesses,  The:  sketch  of,  265 


Fajardo:  his  campaigns  in  the  Indian  re- 
bellion, 168,   169 

Farias,  Gomez :  elected  vice-president  of 
Mexico,  271 ;  deposed,  272 

Farias,  Valentin  Gomez :  elected  vice- 
president  of  Mexico,  315;  character 
of,  317 

Faustinas  I,  Emperor  of  Hayti:  see  So- 
louque 

Ferdinand  VI,  King  of  Spain:  death  of, 
199 

Ferdinand  VII,  King  of  Spain:  acces- 
sion of,  230 

Flores,  Antonio:  explorations  of,  143 

Flores,  Manuel:  his  administration  as 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  215 

Franciscan  Order:  work  of,  in  Texas, 
187 

Fremont,  John  Charles:  his  explorations 
in  California,  295 

Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Burgos :  plots  against 
Cortez,  63 

Forey,  Elie  Frederic:  his  campaign  in 
Mexico,  387 

Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Burgos :  estimate  of, 
65 

Fuen-Clara,  Pedro  Cebrian  y  Agustin, 
Count  de :  his  administration  as  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain,  195 

Fuenleal,  Sebastian  Ramirez  de,  Bishop 
of  San  Domingo :  made  president  of 
the  audiencia,  107 

Funston,  Fred :  his  expedition  to  Cuba 
(1906),  490 


Gadsden  Purchase  (1853),  381 

Gait :  in  the  Mexican  War,  348 

Galvez,  Bernardo  de:  his  campaigns  in 

America,  212 
Galvez,   Bernardo  de,  Count  de  Galvez, 
grandson  of  preceding:  his  adminis- 
tration as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  213 
Galvez,  Jose:  appointed  visitador,  202 


Galvez,  Matias  de:  his  administration  as 

viceroy  of  New  Spain,  212 
Gantc,  Padre:  preaches  in  Mexico,  67 
Garibay,    Pedro:    his    administration    as 

viceroy  of  New  Spain,  231 
Garland,    William    A.:    in    tlic    Mexican 

War,  348 
Garza,  Felix  la:  leads  revolt,  258 
Geffrard,  Fabre:  leads  insurrection,  500; 

elected  president  of  Hayti,  501 
Gelves,    Diego   Carrillo    Mendoza,   Mar- 
ques   de:     made    viceroy    of    New 
Spain,  153 
Gillespie,  George  L. :  his  mission  to  Fre- 
mont, 295 
Gomez,  Jose  Miguel :  chosen  governor  of 
Santa  Clara,  468;  refuses  to  acqui- 
esce   in    the    reelection    of    Palma, 
490 
Gomez,  Maximo:  leads  Cuban  patriots, 

453 
Gonzalez,  Manuel:  at  the  battle  of  Te- 
coac,  406;  his  administration  as  pres- 
ident, 408;  death  of,  410 
Grey:  relieves  Kearny,  299 
Grijalva:  battle  of  the  (1519),  13 
Grijalva,  Juan  de:  explorations  of,  4 
Guadalupe    Hidalgo,   Treaty  of    (1848), 

377 
Guantanamo :    granted    to    the    United 

States,  479 
Guantanamo  Bay:  battle  of  (1898),  459 
Guatemala :  conquered  by  Spanish,  429 
Guatemala,  Republic  of:  founded,  438 
Guatemozin    (Guauhtemotzin),  Emperor 
of  Mexico:  accession  of,  44;  at  the 
siege   of   Mexico,  56;   tortured,  62; 
death  of,  69,  433 
Guauhnahuac :  see  Cuernavaca 
Guerra,  Garcia,  Archbishop  of  Mexico: 

made  viceroy  of  Mexico,  151 
Guerrero,   Vicente:    in   the   rebellion   of 
182 1,    247;    member    of    provisional 
government,  264;  attempts  to  crush 
rebellion  (1827),  266;  declared  pres- 
ident of  Mexico,  268;  death  of,  270 
Guerrier :  made  ruler  of  Hayti,  499 
Guzman,  Luis  Enriquez,  Count  de  Alva- 
deliste :  made  viceroy  of  New  Spain, 
167 
Guzman,  Nuho  de:  appointed  president 
of  the  audiencia,  67;  presides  over 
trial  of  Cortez,  71 


526 


INDEX 


H 


Hardcastle,    Edmund:    in    the    Mexican 

War,  348 
Harney,  William  Selby:  in  the  Mexican 

War,  326 
Haro,  Nunez  de,  Archbishop  of  Mexico : 

his     administration     as     viceroy    of 

New  Spain,  214 
Havana:  founded,  447;  captured  by  the 

English,  201 
Hayti :  main  treatment,  491 
Hein,   Pedro :   captures  a  Spanish  fleet, 

163 

Heling,    Raphael :    examines    mines    at 

Talchapa,  209 
Henry  I,  King  of  Hayti:  see  Christophe 
Herard :  president  of  Hayti,  498 
Hereux,  D.  Ulysses :  his  administration 

as  president  of  San  Domingo,  503 
Hernandez,   Francisco :   explorations   of, 

436 
Herrerd,  Jose  Joaquin  de:  his  adminis- 
tration as  president  of  Mexico,  279, 
283 
Hidalgo  y  Costilla,  Miguel :  death  of,  240 
Hippolyte  (Hyppolite),  Louis  Mondestin 
Florvil :  elected  president  of  Hayti, 
50i 
Hispaniola,  Island  of:  attacked  by  Span- 
iards, 180 
Hobson,    Richard    Pearson :    sinks    the 

Merrimac,  459 
Honduras :  Spanish  conquest  of,  430 ;  be- 
comes independent,  439 
Horcasitas :  founded,  198 
Houston,  Sam :  defeats  Santa  Anna,  273 
Huger,  Benjamin :  at  the  siege  of  Mex- 
ico, 363 
Huehuetoca,  Canal  of:  building  of,  145 
Hughes :  in  the  Mexican  War,  37s 
Humboldt,   Friedrich   Heinrich   Alexan- 
der von:  visits  Mexico,  229 


Ibarra,  Francisco:  explorations  of,  117 
Iglesias,  Jose :  claims  presidency  of  Mex- 
ico, 407 
Ignacio  Elizondo:  treachery  of,  240 
Iguala,  Plan  of  (1821),  252 


Inquisition,  The :  established  in  Mexico, 
129 

Iturbide,  Agustin  de:  rebellion  of,  247, 
251;  proclaimed  emperor,  257;  abdi- 
cation of,  258;  death  of,  259 

Iturrigaray,  Jose:  his  administration  as 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  228 

Itzocan:  taken  by  Cortez,  42 

Ixcuintepecs :  defeated  by  the  Spaniards, 
429 

Iztapalapan:  destroyed,  45 


J,  K 

Jalapa:  taken  by  the  Americans,  327 
James  I,  Emperor  of  Hayti:  see  Dessa- 

lines 
Jaraba:   appointed  jueces  pesquisidores, 

125 

Jarauta:  in  the  war  with  the  United 
States,  330 

Jarero :  at  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  325 

Jesuits :  plan  conquest  of  the  Californias, 
183;  sketch  of,  203;  expelled  from 
New  Spain,  204 

Juarez,  Benito  Pablo:  career  of,  383; 
reelected  president  (1861),  386;  ad- 
ministration of,  399;  reelected  presi- 
dent (1868),  401;  death  of,  402 

Juarez,  Law  of  (1857).  382 

Kearny,  Philip :  in  the  Mexican  War,  289 

Kenly,  John  R. :   in  the  Mexican  War, 

373 
Kino,   Father :    accompanies   an   expedi- 
tion to  California,  178 


Labastida  y  Davalos,  Pelagio  Antonio 
de:  member  of  provisional  govern- 
ment, 387 

La  Cerda,  Tomas  Antonio  Manrique  de, 
Marques  de  la  Laguna:  made  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain,  175 

La  Serna,  Alonzo  de,  Archbishop  of 
Mexico:  opposes  Mexia,  154 

Lane,  Joseph:  in  the  Mexican  War,  372 

Las  Guasimas:  see  Siboney 

Las  Casas,  Francisco  de:  his  expedition 
to  Honduras,  430 


INI)  E  X 


527 


Las  Cruces:  battle  of   (1810),  237 

Las  Amarillas,  Agustin  Ahumada,  Mar- 
ques de :  his  administration  as  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain,  109 

Le  Plongeon :  his  work  in  Mexico,  82 

Lecuona.  Domingo:  chosen  governor  of 
Matanzas,  468 

Lee,  Fitzhugh :  recalled  from  Havana, 
458 

Lee,  Robert  Edward :  in  the  Mexican 
War,  326,  345 

Leinder,  Lewis :  sets  up  the  first  labora- 
tory in  Mexico,  217 

Leogone:  battle  of  (1843),  408 

Leon,  Juan  Velasquez  de:  joins  Cortez, 
10 

Leon,  Luis  Ponce  de :  commissioned  to 
investigate  complaints  against  Cor- 
tez, 70 

Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Sebastian:  sketch  of, 
401 ;  becomes  provisional  president, 
402 

Leyva  y  de  la  Cerda,  Juan  de:  made 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  171 

Linan,  Pascual :  besieges  Sombrero,  250 

Linares,  Fernando  de  Alencastre,  Duke 
of:  his  administration  as  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  186 

Lombardini:  made  general-in-chief  of 
Mexican  army,  369 

Lopez,  Martin:  builds  ships  for  Cortez, 

45 
Lopez,  Narciso :  his  expeditions  to  Cuba, 

452 

Lorenzano,  Archbishop  of  Mexico:  pub- 
lishes his  edition  of  Cortez's  letters, 
209 

Los  Angeles:  taken  by  the  Americans, 
297 

Louisiana  Territory:  sketch  of,  286 

Lueders  incident,  The,  502 


M 


Maceo,   Antonio:   leads   Cuban  patriots, 
453;    defeats   the    Spanish  battalion, 

456 
Mackintosh:  in  the  Mexican  War,  364 
Magino,  Fernando:  made  superintendent 

of  finances,  215 
Magruder,  John  Bankhead :  in  the  Mexi- 
can War,  345 


Maine,  The :  blown  up,  458 

Maldonado,  Alonso:  made  member  of 
the  audiencia,  107 

Manila:  founded,  i_'o 

Manila  Hay:  battle  of  (1898).  458 

Marfil:  battle  of  (1810),  238 

Maria  Barbara,  Queen  of  Spain:  death 
of,   HX) 

Mariana  (Marina)  :  sketch  of,  14:  warns 
Cortez  of  the  plot  of  Montezuma.  20: 
present  at  the  surrender  of  Mexico. 
61;  later  years  of,  69;  marriage  of. 
432 

Mariano:  excites  rebellion,  227 

Marquina,  Felix  Berenguer  de:  his  ad- 
ministration as  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  227 

Marquez,  Leonardo:  in  the  Reform  War, 
383   _ 

Mason :  in  the  Mexican  War,  348 

Maximilian  (Ferdinand  Maximilian  Jo- 
seph). Emperor  of  Mexico:  reign  of, 
388;  death  of,  397 

Mayorga,  Martin  de :  his  administration 
as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  211 

McKinley,  William.  President  of  the 
United  States :  declares  war  on 
Spain,  458 

Mejia,  Thomas:  death  of,  397 

Mendoza,  Antonio  de.  Count  de  Ten- 
dilla:  rule  of,  106:  appointed  gov- 
ernor of  Peru,  115 

Mendoza  y  Luna,  Juan  de,  Marques  de 
Montesclaros:  made  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  143 

Mesa :  battle  of,  300 

Mexia,  :  rebellion  of,  274 

Mexia,  Pedro  de :  career  of,  154 

Mexico,  City  of  (Tenochititlan)  :  de- 
scription of,  at  the  time  of  Cortez's 
entry,  25;  siege  of  (1521),  52;  insur- 
rection in  (1692),  181;  beautified, 
192;  the  advance  to  (1847),  321 ;  cap- 
tured by  the  Americans,  369;  taken 
by  the  French,  387;  taken  by  Diaz 
(1867),  398;  insurrection  in  (1871), 
402 

Mexico,  History  of:  discovery  and  ex- 
ploration, 3 ;  the  arrival  of  Cortez 
among  the  Aztecs,  12;  the  march  on 
Tenochititlan,  18;  the  submission  of 
Montezuma,  25 ;  the  revolt  against 
the  Spaniards,  23'^  the  successes  of 


528 


INDEX 


Cortez,  39;  the  conquest  of  the  val- 
ley, 44;  Spanish  defeats  and  disaf- 
fections  of  allies,  50;  the  capture  of 
the  capital,  58;  the  triumph  of  Cor- 
tez, and  his  last  years,  66;  Mexican 
monuments  and  civilization,  75 ;  con- 
dition under  the  colonial  system,  98; 
Antonio  de  Mendoza,  first  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  106;  Velasco  and  Per- 
alta,  116;  the  growth  of  commerce, 
128;  the  explorations  of  the  Calif or- 
nias,  137;  the  Canal  of  Huehuetoca, 
145 ;  the  rising  against  Gelves,  153 ; 
the  Indian  rebellions,  161 ;  settle- 
ments in  Texas,  183 ;  development 
of  internal  resources,  194;  the  effect 
of  European  wars  on  colonial  de- 
velopment, 223;  spread  of  the  revolt 
against  foreign  domination,  233;  the 
success  of  the  popular  cause,  247; 
struggles  of  the  political  parties, 
261 ;  outbreak  of  the  war  with 
United  States,  278;  occupancy  of 
New  Mexico  and  California,  294; 
General  Scott  takes  command  in 
Mexico,  301 ;  affairs  in  the  capital, 
310 ;  the  advance  to  the  capital,  321 ; 
the  armistice  before  the  capital,  351 ; 
the  fall  of  the  capital,  359;  foreign 
intervention  and  the  Empire  under 
Maximilian,  381 ;  the  restoration  of 
the  Republic  and  reconstruction, 
398;  commerce  and  industry — inter- 
nal development,  413 ;  Yucatan,  423 

Mexico,  University  of:  consecrated  and 
opened,   117 

Mexican  War,  The,  278 

Miles,  Nelson  Appleton:  his  campaign 
in  Puerto  Rico,  462 

Mina,  Xavier:  rebellion  of,  248 

Miramon,  Miguel :  in  the  Reform  War, 
383;  death  of,  397 

Miramar,  Treaty  of  (1864),  389 

Molino  del  Rey:  battle  of  (1847),  363 

Monclova,  Conde  de :  made  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  179 

Monserrat,  Joaquim  de,  Marques  de 
Cruillas:  his  administration  as  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain,  200 

Montanez,  Juan  de  Ortega,  Bishop  of 
Michoacan :  made  viceroy  of  Mex- 
ico, 183 ;  made  viceroy  a  second  time, 
185 


Montayno,  Jose :  leads  revolt,  266 

Montejo,  Francisco:  his  conquest  of  Yu- 
catan, 424 

Monterey :  founded,  142 ;  siege  of  ( 1846) , 
291 

Montes,  Jose  Miguel  Garcia:  chosen 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  468 

Montezuma,  Emperor  of  Mexico:  com- 
municates with  Cortez,  16;  meets 
Cortez,  22;  submission  of,  23;  death 
of,  38 

Montezuma,  Jose  Sarmiento  y  Valla- 
dares,  Conde  de :  made  viceroy  of 
Mexico,  184 

Mora:  massacre  of  (1847),  305 

Mora  y  Villamil :  concludes  an  armistice 
with  General  Scott,  352 

Morales :  seeks  aid  from  the  United 
States,  504 

Morelos  y  Pavon,  Maria:  in  Hidalgo's 
rebellion,  241 ;  sketch  of,  242 ;  death 
of,  246 

Muhoz:  appointed  jueces  pesquisidores, 

125 
Mythology:  of  Mexico,  90 


N 


Napoleon  III,  Emperor  of  the  French : 
concludes  Treaty  of  Miramar,  389; 
deserts  Maximilian,  392 

Narvaez,  Pamphilo  de :  sent  to  arrest 
Cortez,  30 

Maza,  Marcos  de:  discoveries  of,  73,  112 

Negrete,  General :  made  member  of  tri- 
umvirate, 258;  his  campaign  against 
the  French,  385 

New  Mexico:  bought  by  the  United 
States,  381 

New  Spain  (Nueva  Espaha)  :  first  ap- 
plication of  the  name,  4 

Nicaragua:  history  of,  439 

Nina :  death  of,  250 

Nissage-Saget :  his  administration  as 
ruler  of  Hayti,  501 

Noche  Triste:  description  of,  37 

Nord :  proclaimed  president  of  Hayti, 
501 

Noria,  Plan  of  (1871),  402 

Notables,  Assembly  of:  appointed,  387; 
meets,  388 


INDEX 


529 


Novella,  Francisco  de :  made  temporary 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  255 

Nuestra,  Senora  de  Regla :  discovered, 
212 

Nunez,  Emilio:  chosen  governor  of  Ha- 
vana, 468 


O 


Ocampo,  Sebastian  de:  discovers  Havana 
harbor,  447 

O'Donoju,  Juan:  his  administration  as 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  256 

Oglethorpe,  Sir  James :  bombards  St. 
Agustin,   194 

Olid,  Cristoval  de :  sent  in  search  of 
Grijalva,  5;  joins  Cortez,  10;  at  the 
siege  of  Mexico,  52;  his  expedition 
against  Honduras,  430 

Olmedo,  Bartolome  de:  labors  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Aztecs,  12 

Ohate,  Juan  de:  explorations  of,  141 

Orozoco,  Geronimo  de :  member  of  gov- 
erning audiencia,  120 

Ortega,    General :    in   the   Reform   War, 

383 
Osollo,   General:    in   the   Reform   War, 

383 
Osorio,   Roderigo   Pacheco,  Marques  de 

Cerralvo :     made    viceroy    of    New 

Spain,  162 
Otero,    Mariano:   leader  of   Moderatos, 

3l8 
Otondo,  Isidor:  commands  expedition  to 

California,  178 

Otumba:  battle  of,  39 


Pablos,  Juan:  publishes  first  Mexican 
book,  108 

Palacios :  commands  expedition  against 
Drake,  135;  at  the  battle  of  Cerro 
Gordo,  325 

Palafox  y  Mendoza,  Juan  de,  Archbishop 
of  Mexico:  as  visitador  in  Mexico, 
163 ;  as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  165 

Palma,  Tomas  Estrada:  elected  presi- 
dent of  Cuba,  468 ;  sketch  of,  474 ',  re- 
elected  (1905),  490;  resigns,  490 

Palmar:  taken  by  insurgents,  244  note 

Palo  Alto:  battle  of  (1846),  289 


Paredes  y  Arrillaga,  Mariano:  leads  re- 
volt, 278;  becomes  president  (1845), 
2<Sj;  returns  to  power,  356;  leads  re- 
bellion, 380 

Paris,  Treaty  of  (1R98),  468 

Patterson,  Robert:  in  the  Mexican  War, 
373 

Pedraza,  Manuel  Gomez:  elected  presi- 
dent of  Mexico,  266;  returns  to 
Mexico,  271 

Peha-y-Pefia,  Manuel  de  la:  becomes 
president  of  Mexico,  371 ;  govern- 
ment of,  273',  second  administration 
of,  375 

Pensacola :  foundations  laid,  182;  cap- 
tured by  the  French  (1719),  188 

Peralta,  Gaston  de,  Marques  de  Falces : 
administration  of,  124 

Perez,  General :  made  second  in  com- 
mand of  army,  369 

Perez,  Luis :  chosen  governor  of  Pinar 
del  Rio,  468 

Perote :  taken  by  the  Americans,  327 

Perry,  Matthew  C. :  in  the  Mexican  War, 

309 
Pestal:  battle  of  (1843),  408 
Petion,    Alexander:    becomes    ruler    of 

Hayti,  495 
Philip  II,  King  of  Spain:  accession  of, 

118;    establishes    the    inquisition    in 

Mexico,  129;  death  of,  142 
Philip  III,  King  of  Spain:  accession  of, 

142 
Philip  IV,  King  of  Spain :  accession  of, 

144.  153 
Philip  V,  King  of  Spain :  aids  Jesuits  in 
California,     186;     concludes     treaty 
with  England,  187;  plans  abdication, 
191 
Philippine  Islands:  Manila  founded,  120 
Pico,  Andres :  defeats  Kearny,  299 
Pico,  Jesus:  captured  by  the  Americans, 

297;  breaks  his  parole,  298 
Pierrot:  made  ruler  of  Hayti,  409 
Pillow,  Gideon  Johnson :  in  the  Mexican 

War,  326 
Pimienta,  Santiago:  death  of,  452 
Pifiaredo,  Bernal :  his  career  in  Califor- 
nia, 172 
Pinzon:   at  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 

325 
Pizarro,  Francisco :  his  conquest  of  Peru, 
114 


530 


INDEX 


Placido :  death  of,  452 
Piatt  Amendment,  The  (1900),  467 
Polkos,  Revolution  of  the  (1847),  319 
Porto    Bello :    captured   by  the   English 

(1739),  194 
Portugal,  Nuho  Colon  de,  Duke  of  Ver- 

aguas :  made  viceroy  of  Mexico,  174 
Posada,    Antonio:    examines    mines    at 

Talchapa,  209 
Price,   Sterling:    in   the   Mexican   War, 

303 
Puebla:  siege  of  (1847),  372;  battles  of 

(1862),   384;    (1863),   387;    (1867), 

308 
Puerto    Carrero,    Hernandez    de :    joins 

Cortez,  10 
Puerto  Rico:  campaign  in  (1898),  462 
Puga,  Vasco  de:  appointed  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  Mexico,  126 


Q,  R 

Queretaro :  description  of,  396 
Quetzaltenango :  battle  of   (1524),  429 
Quinohes :  sent  as  ambassador  to  Spain, 

63 

Quiroga,  Vasco  de:  made  member  of  the 
audiencia,  107 

Quitman,  John  Anthony:  in  the  Mexican 
War,  334 

Quivara:  search  for,  112 

Ramon,  Domingo :  captain  of  the  Span- 
iards in  Texas,  188 

Rayan:  leads  revolutionists,  240 

Recio,  Lope :  chosen  governor  of  Puerto 
Principe,  468 

Remedios :  siege  of  (1817),  250 

Resaca  de  la  Palma:  battle  of  (1846), 
290 

Revilla-Gigedo,  Francisco  Giiemes  y 
Horcasitao,  Conde  de :  his  adminis- 
tration as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  196 

Revilla-Gigedo,  Juan  Vicente  Giiemes 
Pacheco,  Count  de :  his  administra- 
tion as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  217 

Riche,  Jean  Baptiste :  made  ruler  of 
Hayti,  499 

Richie :  death  of,  305 

Riley,  Edward  B.  D. :  in  the  Mexican 
War,  326 

Rio  Colorado:  massacre  of  (1847),  305 


Rio   Grande,   Republic   of  the :    formed, 

275 
Rio  de  Tabasco:  battle  of  the  (1519),  13 
Rivera :  quarrels  with  Almanza,  130 
Rivera,  Payo  Enrique  de,  Archbishop  of 

Mexico :     made     viceroy     of     New 

Spain,   174 
Robles,    Manuel :    his    report    on    Cerro 

Gordo,  324;  in  the  Reform  War,  383 
Rock  of  Famine :  description  of,  83 
Rodriguez,   Alejandra:    appointed   Chief 

of  the  Rural  Guard,  468 
Romaine,  Paul:  becomes  ruler  of  Hayti, 

495 
Romero,  Matias:  his  mission  to  Wash- 
ington, 393 ;  aids  President  Diaz,  407 


Sacramento:  battle  of  (1846),  304 

St.   Agustin :    captured   by    Drake,    135 ; 

bombarded  by  Oglethorpe,  194 
Salamanca,    Juan    de:    slays    the    Aztec 

leader,  40 
Salas,  Mariano :  made  president  of  Mex- 
ico, 310;  member  of  provisional  gov- 
ernment, 387 
Salazar,    Pedro   Castro   Figueroa,   Duke 
de  la  Conquista:  his  administration 
as  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  194 
Saldivar,  Vicente :  explorations  of,  141 
Salmeron,  Juan  de :  made  member  of  the 

audiencia,  107 
Salnave :  elected  president  of  Hayti,  501 
Saloman,  Louis  fitienne  Felicite :  elected 

president  of  Hayti,  501 
Salvador :  history  of,  439 
Salvatierra,  Father :  his  work  among  the 
Indians,  180;  plans  conquest  of  the 
Californias,  183 
Salvatierra,  Garcia  Sarmiento,  Conde  de : 

made  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  166 
Sam,  Simon:  elected  president  of  Hayti, 

Soi 
Sampson,  William  Thomas:  ordered  to 
Cuba,     458;     member    of     Spanish- 
American  Commission,  463 
San  Andres :  founded,  13S 
San  Antonio,  Texas :  founded,  189 
San  Antonio  Abad :  battle  of  (1847),  348 
San  Cosme,  Aqueduct  of:  built,  152 
San  Domingo:  main  treatment,  491 


I  N  D  K  X 


581 


San  Felipe  de  Linares :  founded,  187 
San  Felipe  Yzlahuaca:  founded,   117 
San  Fernando:  founded,  191 
San  Francisco:  taken  by  the  Americans, 

297 
San  Francisco  de  Borja:  burned,  167 
San  Gabrielle:  battle  of  the  (1847),  300 
San  Jacinto:  battle  of  (1836),  281 
San  Juan  Hill:  battle  of  (1898),  459 
San  Luis  Potosi :  founded,  138 
San    Miguel    Arcangle    de    Linares    de 
Adayes,  Presidio  de :  founded,  189 
San  Miguel  el  Grande :  see  Allende 
San  Miguel  Mesqitic :   founded,   138 
San  Raphael:  battle  of  (1846),  296 
Sanchez,     Andres     Manuel :     death    of, 

451 
Sanchez,  Pedro:  founds  Jesuit  college  in 

Mexico,  129 
Sandoval,  Francisco  Tello  de :   commis- 
sioned to  enforce  the  aboriginal  laws 
in  Mexico,  no 
Sandoval,  Gonzalo  de:  joins  Cortez,  10; 
at  the  siege  of  Mexico,  52 ;  his  con- 
quests in  Mexico,  66;  death  of,  70 
Santa    Anna,   Antonio   Lopez   de :    leads 
revolt    (1823),   258;    leads    rebellion 
(1828),    268;    defeats    the    Spanish, 
270;     leads    revolt     against    Busta- 
mante,    271 ;     elected    president    of 
Mexico,    271 ;    defeated    by    Texans, 
275 ;  made  dictator,  277 ;  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Angostura,  307;  his  return  to 
power,    310;     elected    president    of 
Mexico  (1846),  315;  leaves  Mexico, 
377;  returns  to  Mexico  (1853),  381; 
career  of,  400 
Santa  Cruz  de  Rosales:  battle  of  (1848), 

378 
Santa  Fe:  siege  of  (1680),  176 
Santiago  de  Cuba :  founded,  447 ;  battles 

of  (1537),  449;  (1808),  460  _ 
Scott,  Winfield :  takes  command  in  Mex- 
ico, 301 
Sese,    Martin:    establishes    a    botanical 

garden,  217 
Sevier,  Ambrose  H. :  plenipotentiary  to 

Mexico,  378 
Seymour,  Sir  George:  in  California,  297 
Shafter,   William   Rufus:    in   the    Span- 
ish-American War,  459 
Shepherd,    Oliver    L. :    in    the    Mexican 
War,  349 


Siboncy     (Las     Guasimas) :     battle     of 

1  1898).  459 
Slavery:  effect  of  Haytian  independence, 

492 
Slidell,  John:  his  mission  to  Mexico,  283 
Sloat,  John  Drake:  in  the  Mexican  War, 

289 
Smith,  Edmund  Kirby:  in  the  Mexican 

War,  364 
Smith,  J.  M. :  in  the  Mexican  War,  349 
Smith,  Persifor  F. :  in  the  Mexican  War, 

345 
Snowstorms  in  Mexico,  187  note 
Solouque  (Faustinus  I):  made  ruler  of 

Hayti,  499 
Sombrero:  siege  of  (1817),  250 
Sonoma :  taken  by  the  Americans,  296 
Soto,    Hernando   de:    his   expedition   to 

Florida,  447 
Soto  la  Marina:  siege  of  (1817),  249 
Solano,     General :     his     campaigns     in 

America,  212 
Spanish-American  War,  458 
Stockton,  Robert  Field:  in  the  Mexican 

War,  289 
Sumner,   Edwin  Vose:   at  the   siege  of 

Mexico,  363 


T,  U 

Tabasco :    captured    by    the    Americans 

(1847),  309 

Tacubava,  Plans  of:  (1836),  277; 
(1858),  382 

Taft,  William  Howard  :  proclaims  United 
States  protection  in  Cuba,  490 

Tampico :  captured  by  the  Americans 
(1847),  309;  revolt  of  (1871),  402 

Taos:  massacre  of  (1847),  305 

Tapia,  Christoval  de:  commissioned  to 
arrest  Cortez,  63 

Tarahumares:  rebel  against  the  Span- 
iards, 167 

Tasco :  captured  by  the  insurgents 
(1812),  242 

Taylor,  Zachary,  President  of  the  United 
States:  his  campaigns  in  the  Mexi- 
can War,  288 

Tecoac :  battle  of  ( 1876) ,  406 

Tenochititlan :  see  Mexico,  City  of 

Ten  Years'  Wars,  453 

Teocalli:  description  of,  28 


INDEX 


Teuhtls :  receives  Cortez,  14 

Texas :  settled,  180,  183 ;  revolt  of,  272 ; 
annexed  to  the  United  States,  282 

Three  Years'  War  of  Reform,  The,  383 

Tihoo:  battle  of  (1542),  425 

Tirol:  arrests  De  la  Serna,  156 

Tlascalans :  become  hostile  to  the  Span- 
iards, 19 

Tobacco  Industry:  made  a  government 
monopoly  in  New  Spain,  202 

Toledo,  Sebastian  de,  Marques  de  Man- 
cera:  made  viceroy  of  New  Spain, 
172 

Tolomi:  battle  of  (1832),  271 

Toral:  surrenders  Santiago,  460 

Torres  y  Rueda,  Marcos.  Bishop  of  Yu- 
catan: made  viceroy  of  New  Spain, 
167 

Totonacs :  form  an  alliance  with  Cortez, 
18 

Trinidad :  founded,  447 

Trist,  Nicholas  P. :  his  mission  to  Mex- 
ico, 330;  signs  treaty  with  Mexico, 

377 

Tuxtepec,  Plan  of  (1876),  406 

Twiggs.  David  Emanuel :  in  the  Mexi- 
can War,  326 

Ulloa,  Francisco  de:  explores  the  coast 
of  California,  73 

Ulloa,  Lope  de:  in  the  New  Mexico  ex- 
pedition, 141 

Uraga :  at  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  325 


V,  W 

Valderrama:    made    visitador    of    New 

Spain,  119 
Valdez,  Manuel :  publishes  the  Gazette, 

213 
Valencia,  :  at  the  siege  of  Mexico, 

344 
Valencia,  Padre :  preaches  in  Mexico,  67 
Valenzuela,    Pedro    Jacinto :    sketch    of, 

223 
Valero,  Texas :  founded,  189 
Valle,   Marques  del :   alleged   conspiracy 

of,  120 
Vazquez:  at  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 

325 


Vega,  la:  at  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 
325 

Velasco,  Jose  Antonio  Manso  de :  ad- 
ministration of,  118 

Velasco,  Luis  de,  Count  de  Santiago: 
made  viceroy  of  Mexico,  116;  career 
of,  137;  second  administration  of,  in 
New  Spain,  145 

Velasquez,  Diego :  explorations  of,  3 ; 
plots  against  Cortez,  63;  colonizes 
Cuba,  447;  death  of,  66 

Velasquez  de  Leon,  Juan :  see  Leon,  Juan 
Velasquez  de 

Venegas,  Don  Francisco:  his  adminis- 
tration as  viceroy  of  Mexico,  235 

Vera  Cruz:  siege  of  (1683),  178;  block- 
aded by  the  French,  274;  the  cam- 
paign against  (1846),  302;  siege  of 
(1847),  322;  taken  by  patriots 
(1867),  398 

Vernon,  Edward:  captures  Porto  Bello 
and  Cartagena,  194 

Victoria,  Guadalupe:  heroism  of,  244;  in 
hiding,  248;  joins  revolt  of  Santa 
Anna,  258;  made  member  of  trium- 
virate, 258;  declared  president  of 
Mexico,  264 

Villafana,  Antonio:  conspires  against 
Cortez,  50 

Villalobos,  Pedro  de :  member  of  govern- 
ing audiencia,  120 

Villalobos,  Ruy  Lopez  de :  explorations 
of,  109 

Villanueva:  appointed  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Mexico,  126 

Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz :  founded,  18 

Viscaino,  Sebastian :  explorations  of,  140 

Vizarron  y  Eguiarreta,  Juan  Antonio  de: 
his  administration  as  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  194 

Wade,  James  F. :  member  of  Spanish- 
American  Commission,  463 

Walker,  William:  his  filibustering  at- 
tempts in  Nicaragua,  439 

West  Indies,  History  of:  exploration 
and  settlement,  445 ;  conspiracies 
and  revolutions  in  Cuba,  451;  the 
American  intervention  in  Cuba,  456; 
military  government  in  Cuba,  464; 
the  republic  of  Cuba  to-day,  474; 
reciprocity  between  Cuba  and  the 
United  States,  482;  Hayti  and  San 
Domingo,  491 


INDEX 


533 


Weyler,  Valeriano:  sent  to  Cuba,  455 
Wood,    Leonard:    his    administration    as 

governor  of  Cuba,  464 
Woodford,      Stewart      Lyndon :      leaves 

Madrid,  458 
Wool,  John  Ellis :  in  the  Mexican  War, 

289,  294 
Worth,  William  Jenkins :  at  the  siege  of 

Mexico,  363 


X,  Y,  Z 

Xaltocan :  taken  by  Cortez,  46 
Xamarillo,  Juan :   marries   Mariana,  432 
Xicotencatl :  at  the  siege  of  Mexico,  52 
Xochimilco:  battle  of  (1521),  48 
Xuares,    Catalina:    her    relations    with 

Cortez,  8 
Xuares,  Lorenzo,  Conde  de  la  Corufia: 

made  viceroy  of  Mexico,  131 


Yermo,  Gabriel :  leads  France  partisans 

in  Mexico,  231 
Yorkinos,  The :  sketch  of,  265 
Yucatan:  discovered,  4;  revolt  in  (1848), 

378;  history  of,  423 
Zaragoza,  General:  in  the  Reform  War, 

383;  at  the  battle  of  Puebla,  384 
Zavala,  Lorenzo  de :  leads  rebellion,  268 
Zaldo,   Carlos   de :    chosen    Secretary   of 

State,  468 
Zeinos,    Francisco   de :    member   of   gov- 
erning audiencia,  119 
Zuloaga,    General:    reforms   of,   382;    in 

the  Reform  War,  383 
Zumarraga,  Juan  de :  sketch  of,  75 
Zuniga,  Alvaro  Enrique  de,  Marques  de 

Villa    Manrique :    appointed    viceroy 

of  Mexico,  134 
Zuniga,  Juana :  marries  Cortez,  71 
Zufiiga   Acebedo,    Gaspar   de,   Count   of 

Monterey :  made  viceroy  of  Mexico, 

140;  made  viceroy  of  Peru,  143 


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